M 


PIR1BJBILJF 


LIVES 


OF 


DISTINGUISHED    AMERICAN 


NAVAL  OFFICERS. 


BY 

J.  FENIMORE  COOPEE, 

AUTHOR  OF  "THE  SPY,"    "THE    PILOT,"  &c.  &c. 


VOL.  I. 

BAINBRID-GE,  SHAW, 

SOMEBS,  SHUBRICK, 

PREBLE. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CAREY    AND    HART. 

1846. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1845,  by 

CAREY  &  HART, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


STEREOTYPED    BY   I..    JOHN'SOJT   &    CO. 
PHILADELPHIA. 


PEEFACE. 


THESE  brief  biographies  have  been  entitled 
"  Sketches  of  Naval  Men"  in  preference  to  adopting 
a  more  ambitious  term,  for  the  two  following  reasons : 
In  the  first  place,  the  narratives  are  confined  princi 
pally  to  public  events ;  while,  in  the  second,  it  may 
be  questioned  if  any  naval  man  of  this  country  has, 
as  yet,  become  so  far  identified  with  history  as  to 
render  his  personal  qualities  and  private  life  of  suffi 
cient  national  interest  to  be  properly  laid  before  the 
world.  There  may,  possibly,  be  one  or  two  ex 
ceptions  to  this  rule,  but,  as  a  whole,  the  country 
has  little  to  do  with  the  careers  of  this  class  of  its 
servants  beyond  their  public  services.  Whenever 
it  has  been  in  our  power,  we  have  included  in 
these  sketches,  notwithstanding,  such  leading  per 
sonal  facts  and  traits  as  may  answer  the  purpose  of 

3 
M737S36 


4  PREFACE. 

giving  to   our  labours  the   general   characters   of 
biographies. 

These  sketches  originally  appeared  in  Graham's 
Magazine,  a  periodical  for  which  they  were  ex 
pressly  written.  The  present  opportunity  for  en 
larging,  correcting,  and,  it  is  hoped,  for  improving 
them,  has  not  been  neglected.  Many  errors  of  the 
press,  and  some  mistakes  in  facts,  have  been  at 
tended  to,  while  new  matter  is  occasionally  intro 
duced,  as  authentic  materials  have  been  obtained, 
through  the  attention  that  has  been  drawn  to  the 
subject  by  means  of  the  former  publication.  In 
the  cases  of  Paul  Jones  and  Oliver  Hazard  Perry, 
in  particular,  the  first  appearance  of  the  respective 
sketches  brought  into  our  hands  a  considerable 
amount  of  additional  documents  that  have  thrown 
new  light  on  the  several  careers  of  those  two  offi 
cers.  In  the  case  of  Paul  Jones,  it  is  true  that  our 
testimony  is  derived  from  relatives,  and  to  a  certain 
point  is  to  be  received  with  caution ;  all  experience 
proving  that  the  opinions  of  near  friends  are  not  to 
be  accepted,  in  such  cases,  as  guides  for  the  world. 
Proof  is  proof,  nevertheless,  when  all  its  condition, 
are  fulfilled,  let  it  come  from  what  quarter  it  may. 

The  appearance  of  the  original  sketch  on  Perry 
was  the  cause  of  very  ample  documents  and  proofs 


PREFACE.  5 

having  been  sent  to  us  by  a  perfectly  impartial 
witness.  These  prpofs  go  to  show  that  we  had 
fallen  into  some  errors.  The  errors  alluded  to  are 
of  no  great  moment,  however,  as  they  relate  to 
public  events ;  our  account  of  the  battle  of  Lake 
Erie,  being,  in  all  essentials,  fully  sustained  by  the 
evidence  of  this  new  witness. 

These  sketches  will  be  continued,  certainly  so 
far  as  to  include  all  that  may  have  been  previously 
published  in  Graham,  and  possibly  still  farther. 

Every  writer  has  his  own  scale  of  greatness  and 
his  own  degrees  of  eulogium.  It  has  been  our  aim 
to  do  justice%)  the  different  subjects  as  they  have 
been  presented  to  us,  while  we  have  endeavoured 
to  avoid  the  exaggeration  that,  in  some  measure, 
may  be  said  to  have  corrupted  the  public  taste, 
rendering  it  insatiate  of  the  impossible  rather  than 
of  the  true.  The  degree  of  knowledge  that  has 
been  brought  to  the  execution  of  this  task  must  be 
judged  of  by  the  sketches  themselves.  But  on  one 
point  wre  feel  ourselves  strong;  and  that  is,  the 
certainty  we  have  written  equally  without  undue 
prejudices  or  partialities.  Mistakes  we  have  doubt 
less  made ;  they  are  inseparable  from  history  in 
every  shape ;  but  the  errors  into  which  we  may 
have  fallen  are  such  as  belong  to  the  difficulty  of 


6  PREFACE. 

, 

obtaining  unadulterated  truth  rather  than  to  design 
or  negligence.  We  feel  great  confidence  in  saying, 
that  no  publicly  controverted  point  has  been  neg 
lected  by  us,  and  that  we  feel  the  honest  conviction 
of  having  treated  every  one  of  them  fairly,  if  not 
intelligently. 


CONTENTS. 


Page 
BAINBRIDGE 9 


S  O  M  E  R  S 73 

SHAW 123 

SHUBRICK 147 

PREBLE  .  171 


NAVAL  BIOGRAPHY. 


BAINBRIDGE. 

DR.  HARRIS,  in  his  "Life  and  Services"  of  this  dis 
tinguished  officer,  says  that  "The  ancestor  of  Commo 
dore  Bainbridge,  who,  in  the  year  1600,  settled  in  the 
province  of  New  Jersey,  was  the  son  of  Sir  Arthur 
Bainbridge,  of  Durham  county,  England."  As  no 
portion  of  the  old  United  States  was  settled  as  early  as 
1600,  and  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  in  particular, 
was  organized  only  about  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  the  date,  in  this  instance,  is  an  oversight,  or  a 
misprint ;  though  the  account  of  the  ancestor  is  probably 
accurate.  The  family  of  the  late  Commodore  Bain 
bridge  was  of  respectable  standing,  beyond  a  question, 
both  in  the  colony  and  state  of  New  Jersey,  and  its  con 
nections  were  principally  among  persons  o£  the  higher 
classes  of  society.  His  father  was  a  physician  of  local 
eminence,  in  the  early  part  of  his  life,  who  removed  to 
New  York  about  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution, 
where  he  left  a  fair  professional  and  personal  reputation. 

The  fourth  son  of  Dr.  Bainbridge  was  William,  the 
subject  of  our  memoir.  He  was  born  at  Princeton, 
New  Jersey,  then  the  residence  of  his  father,  May  7th, 

9 


1(  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

1774.  His  birth  must  have  occurred  but  a  short  time 
before  the  removal  of  the  family  to  New  York.  The 
maiden  name  of  Mrs.  Bainbridge,  the  mother  of  Wil 
liam,  was  Taylor ;  a  lady  of  Monmouth  county,  in  the 
same  colony ;  and  her  father,  a  man  of  considerable 
estate,  undertook  to  superintend  the  education  of  the 
child. 

Young  Bainbridge  was  of  an  athletic,  manly  frame, 
and  eafly  showed  a  bold  spirit,  and  a  love  of  enterprise. 
This  temperament  was  likely  to  interfere  with  studies 
directed  toward  a  liberal  education,  and,  at  the  early 
age  of  fifteen,  his  importunities  prevailed  on  his  friends 
to  allow  him  to  go  to  sea.  This  must  have  been  about 
the  time  when  the  present  form  of  government  went 
first  into  operation,  and  the  trade  and  navigation  of  the 
country  began  to  revive.  In  that  day  the  republic  had 
no  marine  ;  the  old  Alliance  frigate,  the  favourite  ship 
of  the  Revolution,  then  sailing  out  of  the  port  at  which 
young  Bainbridge  first  embarked,  as  an  Indiaman. 

Philadelphia,  for  many  years  after  the  peace  of  1783, 
produced  the  best  seamen  of  America.  Other  ports, 
doubtless,  had  as  hardy  and  as  adventurous  mariners, 
but  the  nicety  of  the  art  was  better  taught  and  prac 
tised  in  the  Delaware-river  vessels  than  in  any  other 
portion  of  the  country.  This  advantage  was  thought  to 
be  owing  to  the  length  of  the  river  and  bay,  which  re 
quired  more  elaborate  evolutions  to  take  a  ship  success 
fully  through,  than  ports  that  lay  contiguous  to  the  sea. 
The  same  superiority  has  long  been  claimed  for  London, 
and  for  the  same  reason,  each  place  having  a  long  and 
intricate  navigation,  among  shoals,  and  in  a  tide's  way, 
before  its  wharves  can  be  reached.  The  comparative 


BAINBRIDGE. 


11 


decline  of  the  navigation  of  these  two  towns  is  to  be  at 
tributed  to  the  very  difficulties  which  made  expert  sea 
men,  though  the  vast  amount  of  supplies  required  by  the 
English  capital,  for  its  own  consumption,  causes  great 
bodies  of  shipping  still  to  frequent  the  Thames.  It  is 
also  probable  that  the  superiority  formerly  claimed  for 
the  seamen  of  these  two  towns,  was  in  part  owing  to  the 
circumstances  that,  being  the  capitals  of  their  respective 
countries,  they  were  then  in  advance  of  other  ports,  both 
as  to  the  arts,  generally,  and  as  to  the  wealth  necessary 
to  exhibit  them. 

Young  Bainbridge,  consequently,  enjoyed  the  advan 
tage  of  being  trained,  as  a  seaman,  in  what  was  then 
the  highest  American  school.  Singularly  handsome 
and  prepossessing  in  his  appearance,  of  a  vigorous,  and 
commanding  frame,  with  the  foundation  of  a  good  edu 
cation,  all  aided  by  respectable  connections,  he  was 
made  an  officer  in  the  third  year  of  his  service.  When 
eighteen,  he  sailed  as  chief  mate  of  a  ship  in  the  Dutch 
trade,  and  on  his  first  voyage,  in  this  capacity,  he  reco 
vered  the  vessel  from  the  hands  of  mutineers,  by  his 
personal  intrepidity  and  physical  activity.  In  the  fol 
lowing  year,  when  barely  nineteen,  the  owners  gave 
him  command  of  the  same  ship.  From  this  time  down 
to  the  period  of  his  joining  the  navy,  Bainbridge  con 
tinued  in  command  of  different  merchant  vessels,  all  of 
which  were  employed  in  the  European  trade,  which  was 
then  carried  on,  by  this  country,  in  the  height  and  ex 
citement  of  the  war  that  succeeded  the  French  revolu 
tion. 

Occasions  were  not  wanting,  by  which  Bainbridge 
could  prove  his  dauntless  resolution,  even  in  command 


12  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  a  peaceful  and  slightly  armed  merchantman.  In 
1796,  whilst  in  command  of  the  Hope,  of  Philadelphia, 
he  was  lying  in  the  Garonne,  and  was  hailed  by  another 
American  to  come  and  aid  in  quelling  a  mutiny.  This 
he  did  in  person ;  though  his  life  had  nearly  been  the 
sacrifice,  owing  to  an  explosion  of  gunpowder.  The 
same  season,  while  shaping  his  course  for  one  of  the 
West  India  islands,  the  Hope  was  attacked  by  a  small 
British  privateer,  of  eight  guns  and  thirty  men,  being 
herself  armed  with  four  nines,  and  having  a  crew  of  only 
eleven  souls  before  the  mast — an  equipment  then  per 
mitted,  by  the  laws,  for  the  purposes  of  defence  only. 
The  privateer  commenced  the  engagement  without 
showing  any  colors;  but  receiving  a  broadside  from 
the  Hope,  she  hoisted  English,  in  the  expectation  of 
intimidating  her  antagonist.  In  this,  however,  the 
assailant  was  mistaken ;  Bainbridge,  who  had  his  colors 
flying  from  the  first,  continued  his  fire  until  he  actually 
compelled  the  privateer  to  lower  her  flag.  The  latter 
was  much  cut  up,  and  lost  several  men.  The  Hope 
escaped  with  but  little  injury.  Although  he  had  com 
pelled  his  assailant  to  submit,  it  would  not  have  been 
legal  for  Bainbridge  to  take  possession  of  the  prize. 
He  even  declined  boarding  her,  most  probably  keeping 
in  view  the  feebleness  of  his  own  complement ;  but, 
hailing  the  privateer,  he  told  her  commander  to  go  to 
his  employers  and  let  them  know  they  must  send  some 
one  else  to  capture  the  Hope  if  they  had  occasion  for 
that  ship.  It  was  probably  owing  to  this  little  affair, 
as  well  as  to  his  general  standing  as  a  ship-master,  that 
Bainbridge  subsequently  entered  the  navy  with  the  rank 
he  obtained. 


BAINBRIDGE.  13 

Not  long  after  the  action  with  the  privateer,  while 
homeward  bound  again,  a  man  was  impressed  from, 
Bainbridge's  ship,  by  an  English  cruiser.  The  board 
ing  officer  commenced  by  taking  the  first  mate,  on 
account  of  his  name,  Allen  M'Kinsey,  insisting  that 
the  man  must  be  a  Scotchman  !  This  singular  species 
of  logic  was  often  applied  on  such  occasions,  even  his 
torians  of  a  later  day  claiming  such  men  as  M'Donough 
and  Conner,  on  the  supposition  that  they  must  be  Irish, 
from  their  family  appellations.  Mr.  M'Kinsey,  who 
was  a  native  Philadelphian,  on  a  hint  from  Bainbridge, 
armed  himself,  and  refused  to  quit  his  own  ship  ;  where 
upon  the  English  lieutenant  seized  a  foremast  hand  and 
bore  him  off,  in  spite  of  his  protestations  of  being  an 
American,  and  the  evidence  of  his  commander.  Bain- 
bridge  was  indignant  at  this  outrage — then,  however, 
of  almost  daily  occurrence  on  the  high  seas — and, 
finding  his  own  remonstrances  disregarded,  he  solemnly 
assured  the  boarding  officer  that,  if  he  fell  in  with  an 
English  vessel,  of  a  force  that  would  allow  of  such  a 
retaliation,  he  would  take  a  man  out  of  her  to  supply 
the  place  of  the  seaman  who  was  then  carried  away. 
This  threat  was  treated  with  contempt,  but  it  was  put 
in  execution  within  a  week  ;  Bainbridge  actually  seizing 
a  man  on  board  an  English  merchant-man,  and  that, 
too,  of  a  force  quite  equal  to  his  own,  and  carrying  him 
into  an  American  port.  The  ship  which  impressed 
the  man  belonging  to  the  Hope,  was  the  Indefatigable, 
Sir  Edward  Pellew. 

All  these  little  affairs  contributed  to  give  Bainbridge 
a  merited  reputation  for  spirit ;  for,  however  illegal 
may  have  been  his  course  in  impressing  the  English- 
VOL  i. 


14  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

man,  the  sailor  himself  was  quite  content  to  receive 
higher  wages,  and  there  was  a  natural  justice  in  the 
measure  that  looked  down  the  policy  of  nations  and 
the  provisions  of  law.  Shortly  after  this  incident,  the 
aggressions  of  France  induced  the  establishment  of 
the  present  navy;  and  the  government,  after  employing 
all  the  old  officers  of  the  Revolution  who  remained, 
and  who  were  fit  for  service,  was  compelled  to  go  into 
the  mercantile  marine  to  find  men  to  fill  the  subordinate 
grades.  The  merchant  service  of  America  has  ever 
been  relatively  much  superior  to  that  of  most  other 
countries.  This  has  been  owing,  in  part,  to  the  greater 
diffusion  of  education ;  in  part,  to  the  character  of  the 
institutions,  which  throws  no  discredit  around  any  re 
putable  pursuit ;  and,  in  part,  to  the  circumstance  that 
the  military  marine  has  not  been  large  enough  to  give 
employment  to  all  of  the  maritime  enterprise  and  spirit 
of  the  nation.  Owing  to  these  united  causes,  the  go 
vernment  of  1798  had  much  less  difficulty  in  finding 
proper  persons  to  put  into  its  infant  navy  than  might 
have  been  anticipated ;  although  it  must  be  allowed 
that  some  of  the  selections,  as  usual,  betrayed  the  in 
fluence  of  undue  recommendations,  as  well  as  of  too 
partial  friendships. 

The  navy  offering  a  field  exactly  suited  to  the  ambi 
tion  and  character  of  Bainbridge,  he  eagerly  sought 
service  in  it,  on  his  return  from  a  voyage  to  Europe ; 
his  arrival  occurring  a  short  time  after  the  first  appoint 
ments  had  been  made.  The  third  vessel  which  got  to 
sea,  under  the  new  armament,  was  the  Delaware  20, 
Capt.  Stephen  Decatur,  the  father  of  the  illustrious 
officer  of  the  same  name  ;  and  this  vessel,  a  few  days 


BAIN  BRIDGE.  15 

out,  had  captured  le  Croyable  14,  a  French  privateer 
that  she  found  cruising  in  the  American  waters.  Le 
Croyable  was  condemned,  and  purchased  by  the  navy- 
department  ;  being  immediately  equipped  for  a  cruiser, 
under  the  name  of  the  Retaliation.  To  this  vessel 
Bainbridge  was  appointed,  with  the  commission  of 
lieutenant-commandant ;  a  rank  that  was  subsequently 
and  unwisely  dropped ;  for  the  greater  the  number  of 
gradations  in  •  a  military  service,  while  they  are  kept 
within  the  limits  of  practical  necessity,  the  greater  is 
the  incentive  for  exertion,  the  more  frequent  the  pro 
motions,  and  the  higher  the  discipline.  First  lieu 
tenants,  lieutenants-commandant,  exist,  and  must  exist 
in  fact,  in  every  marine  ;  and  it  is  throwing  away  the 
honourable  inducement  of  promotion,  as  well  as  some 
of  the  influence  of  a  commission,  not  to  have  the  rank 
while  we  have  the  duties.  It  would  be  better  for  the 
navy  did  the  station  of  first  lieutenant,  or  lieutenant- 
commandant,  now  exist,  those  who  hold  the  commis 
sions  furnishing  officers  to  command  the  smallest  class 
of  vessels,  and  the  executive  officers  of  ships  of  the 
line  and  frigates. 

The  Retaliation  sailed  for  the  West  India  station,  in 
September,  1798.  While  cruising  off  Gaudaloupe,  the 
following  November,  the  Montezuma  sloop  of  war, 
Capt.  Murray,  and  the  brig  Norfolk,  Capt.  Williams,  in 
company,  three  sail  were  made  in  the  eastern  board, 
that  were  supposed  to  be  English;  and  two  more 
strangers  appearing  to  the  westward,  Capt.  Murray, 
who  was  the  senior  officer,  made  sail  for  the  latter, 
taking  the  Norfolk  with  him ;  while  the  Retaliation 
was  directed  to  examine  the  vessels  to  the  eastward 


16  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

This  separated  the  consorts,  which  parted  on  nearly 
opposite  tacks.  Unfortunately  two  of  the  vessels  to 
the  eastward  proved  to  be  French  frigates,  le  Volontier 
36,  Capt.  St.  Laurent,  and  1'Insurgente  32,  Capt.  Bar- 
reault.  The  first  of  these  ships  carried  44  guns, 
French  eighteens,  and  the  latter  40,  French  twelves. 
L'Insurgente  was  one  of  the  fastest  ships  that  floated, 
and,  getting  the  Retaliation  under  her  guns,  Bainbridge 
was  compelled  to  strike,  as  resistance  would  have  been 
madness. 

The  prisoner  was  taken  on  board  1'Volontier,  the  two 
frigates  immediately  making  sail  in  chase  of  the  Monte- 
zuma  and  Norfolk.  L'Insurgente  again  outstripped 
her  consort,  and  was  soon  a  long  distance  ahead  of  her. 
Capt.  St.  Laurent  was  the  senior  officer,  and,  the 
Montezuma  being  a  ship  of  some  size,  he  felt  an  un 
easiness  at  permitting  the  Insurgente  to  engage  two 
adversaries,  of  whose  force  he  was  ignorant,  unsup 
ported.  In  this  uncertainty,  he  determined  to  in 
quire  the  force  of  the  American  vessels  of  his  pri 
soner.  Bainbridge  answered  coolly  that  the  ship  was 
a  vessel  of  28  long  twelves,  and  the  brig  a  vessel  of 
20  long  nines.  This  was  nearly,  if  not  quite,  doubling 
the  force  of  the  two  American  cruisers,  and  it  induced 
the  French  commodore  to  show  a  signal  of  recall  to  his 
consort.  Capt.  Barreault,  an  exceedingly  spirited 
officer,  joined  his  commander  in  a  very  ill-humor,  in 
forming  his  superior  that  he  was  on  the  point  of 
capturing  both  the  chases,  when  he  was  so  inoppor 
tunely  recalled.  This  induced  an  explanation,  when 
the  ruse  practised  by  Bainbridge  was  exposed.  In  the 
moment  of  disappointment,  the  French  officers  felt 


BAINBRIDGE.  17 

much  irritated,  but,  appreciating  the  conduct  of  their 
prisoner  more  justly,  they  soon  recovered  their  good 
humor,  and  manifested  no  further  displeasure. 

The  Retaliation  and  her  crew  were  carried  into  Bas 
seterre.  On  board  the  Volontier  was  Gen.  Desfourneaux, 
who  was  sent  out  to  supersede  Victor  Hughes  in  his 
government.  This  functionary  was  very  diplomatic,  and 
he  entered  into  a  negotiation  with  Bainbridge  of  a  some 
what  equivocal  character,  leaving  it  a  matter  of  doubt 
whether  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  an  arrangement  of 
the  main  difficulties  between  the  two  countries,  or  a  se 
cret  trade  with  his  own  island,  and  for  his  own  particular 
benefit,  was  his  real  object.  Ill  treatment  of  the  crew 
of  the  Retaliation  followed ;  whether  by  accident  or  de 
sign  is  not  known,  though  the  latter  has  been  suspected. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  no  war  had  been  declared 
by  either  country,  and  that  the  captures  by  the  Ameri 
cans  were  purely  retaliatory,  and  made  in  self-defence. 
Gen.  Desfourneaux  profited  by  this  circumstance  to  ac 
complish  his  purposes,  affecting  not  to  consider  the  offi 
cers  and  people  of  the  Retaliation  as  prisoners  at  all. 
To  this  Bainbridge  answered  that  he  regarded  himself 
and  his  late  crew,  not  only  as  prisoners  of  war,  but  as 
ill-treated  prisoners,  and  that  his  powers  now  extended 
no  farther  than  to  complete  an  exchange.  After  a  pro 
tracted  negotiation,  Bainbridge  and  his  crew  were  placed 
in  possession  of  the  Retaliation  again,  all  the  other 
American  prisoners  in  Guadaloupe  were  put  on  board 
a  cartel,  and  the  two  vessels  were  ordered  for  America. 
Accompanying  the  Americans,  went  a  French  gentleman, 
ostensibly  charged  with  the  exchange;  but  who  was 


18  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

believed  to  have  been  a  secret  diplomatic  agent  of  the 
French  government. 

The  conduct  of  Bainbridge,  throughout  this  rude 
initiation  into  the  public  service,  was  approved  by  the 
government,  arid  he  was  immediately  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  master-commandant,  and  given  the  Norfolk  18, 
the  brig  he  had  saved  from  capture  by  his  address.  In 
this  vessel  he  joined  the  squadron  under  Com.  Truxtun, 
who  was  cruising  in  the  vicinity  of  St.  Kitts.  While 
on  that  station,  the  Norfolk  fell  in  with  and  chased  a 
heavy  three-masted  schooner,  of  which  she  was  on  the 
point  of  getting  alongside,  when  both  topmasts  were  lost 
by  carrying  sail,  and  the  enemy  escaped.  The  brig 
went  into  St.  Kitts  to  repair  damages,  and  here  she  col 
lected  a  convoy  of  more  than  a  hundred  sail,  bound 
home.  Bainbridge  performed  a  neat  and  delicate  evo 
lution,  while  in  charge  of  this  large  trust.  The  convoy 
fell  in  with  an  enemy's  frigate,  when  a  signal  was  thrown 
out  for  the  vessels  to  disperse.  The  Norfolk  occupied 
the  frigate,  and  induced  her  to  chase,  taking  care  to  lead 
her  off  from  the  merchantmen.  That  night  the  brig 
gave  her  enemy  the  slip,  and  made  sail  on  her  course, 
overtaking  and  collecting  the  whole  fleet  the  following 
day.  It  is  said  not  a  single  vessel,  out  of  one  hundred 
and  nineteen  sail,  failed  of  the  rendezvous ! 

It  was  August,  1799,  before  the  Norfolk  returned  to 
New  York.  Here  Bainbridge  found  that  no  less  than 
five  lieutenants  had  been  made  captains,  passing  the 
grades  of  commanders  and  lieutenants-commandant 
altogether.  This  irregularity  could  only  have  occurred 
in  an  infant  service,  though  it  was  of  material  importance 
to  a  young  officer  in  after  life.  Among  the  gentlemen 


B  A  I  N  B  R  I  D  G  E. 


19 


thus  promoted,  were  Capts.  Rodgers,  and  Barren,  two 
names  that,  for  a  long  time,  alone  stood  between  Bain- 
bridge  and  the  head  of  the  service.  Still,  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  injustice  was  done,  such  circum 
stances  frequently  occurring  in  so  young  a  service,  to 
repair  an  original  wrong.  At  all  events,  no  slight  was 
intended  to  Bainbridge,  or  any  other  officer  who  was 
passed;  though  the  former  ever  maintained  that  he 
had  not  his  proper  rank  in  the  navy. 

After  refitting  the  Norfolk,  Bainbridge  returned  to  the 
West  Indies,  where  he  was  put  under  the  orders  of 
Capt.  Christopher  R.  Perry,  the  father  of  the  celebrated 
Commodore  Oliver  H.  Perry,  who  sent  him  to  cruise 
off'  Cape  Francois.  The  brig  changed  her  cruising 
ground,  under  different  orders,  no  opportunity  occurring 
for  meeting  an  enemy  of  equal  force.  Indeed,  it  was 
highly  creditable  to  the  maritime  enterprise  of  the 
French  that  they  appeared  at  all  in  those  seas,  which 
were  swarming  with  English  and  American  cruisers  ; 
this  country  alone  seldom  employing  fewer  than  thirty 
sail  in  the  West  Indies,  that  year ;  toward  the  close  of 
the  season  indeed,  it  had  near,  if  not  quite  forty,  including 
those  who  were  passing  between  the  islands  and  the 
home  coast. 

On  the  31st  October,  however,  the  Norfolk  succeeded 
in  decoying  an  armed  barge  within  reach  of  her  guns. 
The  enemy  discovered  the  brig's  character  in  time  to 
escape  to  the  shore,  notwithstanding :  though  he  was 
pursued  and  the  barge  was  captured.  Six  dead  and 
dying  were  found  in,  or  near  the  boat. 

In  November,  Bainbridge  took  a  small  lugger  priva 
teer,  called  le  Republicain,  with  a  prize  in  company. 


20  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

The  former  was  destroyed  at  sea,  and  the  latter  sent  in. 
The  prize  of  the  lugger  was  a  sloop.  She  presented  a 
horrible  spectacle  when  taken  possession  of  by  the 
Americans.  Her  decks  were  strewed  with  mangled 
bodies,  the  husbands  and  parents  of  eleven  women  and 
children,  who  were  found  weeping  over  them  at  the 
moment  of  recapture.  The  murders  had  been  committed 
by  some  brigands  in  a  barge,  who  slew  every  man  in 
the  sloop,  and  were  proceeding  to  further  outrages  when 
the  lugger  closed  and  drove  them  from  their  prey.  An 
hour  or  two  later,  Bainbridge  captured  both  the  vessels. 
His  treatment  of  the  unfortunate  females  and  children 
was  such  as  ever  marked  his  generous  and  manly  cha 
racter. 

Shortly  after,  Capt.  Bainbridge  received  an  order,  di 
rect  from  the  Navy  Department,  to  go  off  the  neutral 
port  of  the  Havana,  to  look  after  the  trade  in  that  quar 
ter.  Here  he  was  joined  by  the  Warren  18,  Capt. 
Newman,  and  the  Pinckney  18,  Capt.  Heyward.  Bain 
bridge  was  the  senior  officer,  and  continued  to  command 
this  force  to  the  great  advantage  of  American  commerce, 
by  blockading  the  enemy's  privateers,  and  giving  con 
voy,  until  March,  1800,  when,  his  cruise  being  up,  he 
returned  home,  anchoring  off  Philadelphia  early  in  the 
month  of  April.  His  services,  especially  those  before 
Havana,  were  fully  appreciated,  and  May  2d,  of  the 
same  year,  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain.  Bain 
bridge  had  served  with  credit,  and  had  now  reached  the 
highest  grade  which  existed  in  the  navy,  when  he 
wanted  just  five  days  of  being  twenty-six  years  old. 
He  had  carried  with  him  into  the  marine  the  ideas  of  a 
high-class  Philadelphia  seaman,  as  to  discipline,  and 


BAINBRIDGE.  21 

these  were  doubtless  the  best  which  then  existed  in  the 
country.  In  every  situation  he  had  conducted  himself 
well,  and  the  promise  of  his  early  career  as  a  master  of 
a  merchantman  was  likely  to  be  redeemed,  whenever 
occasion  should  offer,  under  the  pennant  of  the  republic. 
Among  the  vessels  purchased  into  the  service  during 
the  war  of  1798,  was  an  Indiaman  called  the  George 
Washington.  This  ship  was  an  example  of  the  irregu 
larity  in  rating  which  prevailed  at  that  day  ;  being  set 
down  in  all  the  lists  and  registers  of  the  period  as  a  24, 
when  her  tonnage  was  624 ;  while  the  Adams,  John 
Adams,  and  Boston,  all  near  one  sixth  smaller,  are  rated 
as  32s.  The  George  Washington  was,  in  effect,  a  large 
28,  carrying  the  complement  and  armament  of  a  vessel 
of  that  class.  To  this  ship  Bainbridge  was  now  ap 
pointed,  receiving  his  orders  the  month  he  was  pro 
moted  ;  or,  in  May,  1800.  The  destination  of  the 
vessel  was  to  carry  tribute  to  the  Dey  of  Algiers  !  This 
was  a  galling  service  to  a  man  of  her  commander's 
temperament,  as,  indeed,  it  would  have  proved  to  nearly 
every  other  officer  in  the  navy;  but  it  put  the  ship 
quite  as  much  in  the  way  of  meeting  with  an  enemy 
as  if  she  had  been  employed  in  the  West  Indies  ;  and 
i^vvas  sending  the  pennant  into  the  Mediterranean  for 
the  first  time  since  the  formation  of  the  new  navy. 
Thus  the  United  States  44,  first  carried  the  pennant  of 
the  new  marine  to  Europe,  in  1799  ;  the  Essex  32,  first 
carried  it  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  in  1800,  and 
around  Cape  Horn,  in  1813  ;  and  this  ship,  the  George 
Washington  28,  first  carried  it  into  the  classical  seas  of 
the  old  world. 

Bainbridge  did  not  get  the  tribute  collected  and  reach 


22  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

his  port  of  destination,  before  the  month  of  September. 
Being  entirely  without  suspicion,  and  imagining  that 
he  came  on  an  errand  which  should  entitle  him,  at 
least,  to  kind  treatment,  he  carried  the  ship  into  the 
mole,  for  the  purpose  of  discharging  with  convenience. 
This  duty,  however,  was  hardly  performed,  when  the 
Dey  proposed  a  service  for  the  George  Washington, 
that  was  as  novel  in  itself  as  it  was  astounding  to  her 
commander. 

It  seems  that  this  barbarian  prince  had  got  himself 
into  discredit  at  the  Sublime  Porte,  and  he  felt  the  ne 
cessity  of  purchasing  favour,  and  of  making  his  peace, 
by  means  of  tribute  of  his  part.  The  Grand  Seignor 
was  at  war  with  France,  and  the  Dey,  his  tributary  and 
dependent,  had  been  guilty  of  the  singular  indiscretion 
of  making  a  separate  treaty  of  peace  with  that  powerful 
republic,  for  some  private  object  of  his  own.  This  was 
an  offence  to  be  expiated  only  by  a  timely  offering  of 
certain  slaves,  various  wild  beasts,  and  a  round  sum  in 
gold.  The  presents  to  be  sent  were  valued  at  more 
than  half  a  million  of  our  money,  and  the  passengers  to 
be  conveyed  amounted  to  between  two  and  three  hun 
dred.  As  the  Dey  happened  to  have  no  vessel  fit  for 
such  a  service,  and  the  George  Washington  lay  very 
conveniently  within  his  mole,  and  had  just  been  en 
gaged  in  this  very  duty,  he  came  to  the  natural  conclu 
sion  she  would  answer  his  purpose. 

The  application  was  first  made  in  the  form  of  a  civil 
request,  through  the  consul.  Bainbridge  procured  an 
audience,  and  respectfully,  but  distinctly,  stated  that  a 
compliance  would  be  such  a  departure  from  his  orders 
as  to  put  it  out  of  the  question.  Hereupon  the  Dey  re- 


BAINBRIDGE.  23 

minded  the  American  that  the  ship  was  in  his  power, 
and  that  what  he  now  asked  he  might  take  without 
asking,  if  it  suited  his  royal  pleasure.  A  protracted 
and  spirited  discussion,  in  which  the  consul  joined,  now 
followed,  but  all  without  effect.  The  Dey  offered  the 
alternatives  of  compliance,  or  slavery  and  capture,  for 
the  frigate  and  her  crew,  with  war  on  the  American 
trade.  One  of  his  arguments  is  worthy  of  being  re 
corded,  as  it  fully  exposes  the  feeble  policy  of  submis 
sion  to  any  national  wrong.  He  told  the  two  American 
functionaries,  that  their  country  paid  him  tribute,  al 
ready,  which  was  an  admission  of  their  inferiority,  as 
well  as  of  their  duty  to  obey  him ;  and  he  chose  to 
order  this  particular  piece  of  service,  in  addition  to  the 
presents  which  he  had  just  received. 

Bainbridge  finally  consented  to  do  as  desired.  He 
appears  to  have  been  influenced  in  this  decision,  by  the 
reasoning  of  Mr.  O'Brien,  the  consul,  who  had  himself 
been  a  slave  in  Algiers,  not  long  before,  and  probably 
retained  a  lively  impression  of  the  power  of  the  barba 
rian,  on  his  own  shores.  It  is  not  to  be  concealed,  how 
ever,  that  temporizing  in  all  such  matters  had  been  the 
policy  of  America,  and  it  would  have  required  men  of 
extraordinary  moral  courage  to  have  opposed  the  wishes 
of  the  Dey,  by  a  stern  assertion  of  those  principles, 
which  alone  can  render  a  nation  great.  "  To  ask  for 
nothing  but  what  is  right,  and  to  submit  to  nothing  that 
is  wrong,"  is  an  axiom  more  easily  maintained  on  paper 
than  in  practice,  where  the  chameleon-like  policy  of 
trade  interferes  to  colour  principles ;  and  O'Brien,  a 
merchant  in  effect,  and  Bainbridge,  Avho  had  so  lately 
been  in  that  pursuit  himself,  were  not  likely  to  over- 


24  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY 

look  the  besetting  weakness  of  the  nation.  Still,  it  may 
be  questioned  if  there  was  a  man  in  the  navy  who  felt 
a  stronger  desire  to  vindicate  the  true  maxims  of  na 
tional  independence  than  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
He  appears  to  have  yielded  solely  to  the  arguments  of 
the  consul,  and  to  his  apprehensions  for  a  trade  that 
certainly  had  no  other  protection  in  that  distant  sea, 
than  his  own  ship ;  and  she  would  be  the  first  sacrifice 
of  the  Dey's  resentment.  It  ought  to  be  mentioned, 
too,  that  a  base  and  selfish  policy  prevailed,  in  that  day, 
on  the  subject  of  the  Barbary  Powers,  among  the  prin 
cipal  maritime  states  of  Europe.  England,  in  particular, 
was  supposed  to  wink  at  their  irregularities,  in  the  hope 
that  it  might  have  a  tendency  to  throw  a  monopoly  of 
the  foreign  navigation  of  the  Mediterranean  into  the 
hands  of  those  countries  which,  by  means  of  their  great 
navies,  and  their  proximity  to  the  African  coast,  were 
always  ready  to  correct  any  serious  evil  that  might 
affect  themselves.  English  policy  had  been  detected 
in  the  hostilities  of  the  Dey,  a  few  years  earlier,  and  it 
is  by  no  means  improbable  that  Mr.  O'Brien  foresaw 
consequences  of  this  nature,  that  did  not  lie  absolutely 
on  the  surface. 

Yielding  to  the  various  considerations  which  were 
urged,  Bainbridge  finally  consented  to  comply  with  the 
Dey's  demand.  The  presents  and  passengers  were 
received  on  board,  and  on  the  19th  of  October,  or  about 
a  month  after  her  arrival  at  Algiers,  the  George  Wash 
ington  was  ready  to'  sail  for  Constantinople.  When  on 
the  very  eve  of  departing  a  new  difficulty  arose,  and  one 
of  a  nature  to  show  that  the  Dey  was  not  entirely  go 
verned  by  rapacity,  but  that  he  had  rude  notions  of  na- 


BAIN  BRIDGE.  25 

tional  honour,  agreeably  to  opinions  of  the  school  in 
which  he  had  been  trained.  As  the  George  Washing 
ton  carried  his  messenger,  or  ambassador,  and  was  now 
employed  in  his  service,  he  insisted  that  she  should 
carry  the  Algerine  flag  at  the  main,  while  that  of  the 
republic  to  which  the  ship  belonged,  should  fly  at  the 
fore.  An  altercation  occurred  on  this  point  of  pure 
etiquette,  the  Dey  insisting  that  English,  French,  and 
Spanish  commanders,  whenever  they  had  performed  a 
similar  service  for  him,  had  not  hesitated  to  give  this 
precedency  to  his  ensign.  This  was  probably  true,  as 
well  as  the  fact  that  vessels  of  war  of  those  nations  had 
consented  to  serve  him  in  this  manner,  in  compliance 
with  the  selfish  policy  of  their  respective  governments ; 
though  it  may  be  doubted  whether  English  or  French 
ships  had  been  impressed  into  such  a  duty.  Dr.  Har 
ris,  whose  biography  of  Bainbridge  is  much  the  most 
full  of  any  written,  and  to  which  we  are  indebted  for 
many  of  our  own  details,  has  cited  an  instance  as  re 
cently  as  1817,  when  an  English  vessel  of  war  con 
veyed  presents  to  Constantinople  for  the  Dey  ;  though 
it  was  improbable  that  any  other  inducement  for  the 
measure  existed,  than  a  desire  in  the  English  authorities 
to  maintain  their  influence  in  the  regency.  Bainbridge, 
without  entering  into  pledges  on  the  subject,  and  solely 
with  a  view  to  get  his  ship  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
formidable  batteries  of  the  mole,  hoisted  the  Algerine 
ensign,  as  desired,  striking  it  as  soon  as  he  found  him 
self  again  the  commander  of  his  own  vessel. 

The  George  Washington  had  a  boisterous  and  weary 
passage  to  the  mouth  of  the  Dardanelles,  the  ship  being 
littered  with  Turks,  and  the  cages  of  wild  beasts.  This 

VOL.  I.  3 


26  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

voyage  was  always  a  source  of  great  uneasiness  and 
mortification  to  Bainbridge,  but  he  occasionally  amused 
his  friends  with  the  relation  of  anecdotes  that  occurred 
during  its  continuance.  Among  other  things  he  men 
tioned  that  his  passengers  were  greatly  puzzled  to  keep 
their  faces  toward  Mecca,  in  their  frequent  prayers  ;  the 
ship  often  tacking  during  the  time  thus  occupied,  more 
especially  after  they  got  into  the  narrow  seas.  A  man 
was  finally  stationed  at  the  compass  to  give  the  faithful 
notice  when  it  was  necessary  to  "  go  about,"  in  conse 
quence  of  the  evolutions  of  the  frigate. 

Bainbridge  had  great  apprehensions  of  being  detained 
at  the  Dardanelles,  for  want  of  a  firman,  the  United 
States  having  no  diplomatic  agent  at  the  Porte,  and 
commercial  jealousies  being  known  to  exist,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  introducing  the  American  flag  into  those  waters. 
A  sinister  influence  up  at  Constantinople  might  detain 
him  for  weeks,  or  even  prevent  his  passage  altogether; 
and  having  come  so  far,  on  his  unpleasant  errand,  he 
was  resolved  to  gather  as  many  of  its  benefits  as  possi 
ble.  In  the  dilemma,  therefore,  he  decided  on  a  ruse 
of  great  boldness,  and  one  which  proved  that  personal 
considerations  had  little  influence,  when  he  thought  the 
interests  of  his  country  demanded  their  sacrifice. 

The  George  Washington  approached  the  castles  with 
a  strong  southerly  wind,  and  she  clewed  up  her  light 
sails,  as  if  about  to  anchor,  just  as  she  began  to  salute. 
The  works  returned  gun  for  gun,  and  in  the  smoke  sail 
was  again  made,  and  the  ship  glided  out  of  the  range 
of  shot  before  the  deception  was  discovered  ;  passing  on 
toward  the  sea  of  Marmora  under  a  cloud  of  canvas. 
As  vessels  were  stopped  at  only  one  point,  and  the  pro- 


BAIN  BRIDGE.  27 

gress  of  the  ship  was  too  rapid  to  admit  of  detention, 
she  anchored  unmolested  under  the  walls  of  Constanti 
nople,  on  the  9th  November,  1800 ;  showing  the  flag 
of  the  republic,  for  the  first  time,  before  that  ancient 
town. 

Bainbridge  was  probably  right  in  his  anticipation  of 
difficulty  in  procuring  a  firman  to  pass  the  castles,  for 
when  his  vessel  reported  her  nation,  an  answer  was 
sent  off  that  the  government  of  Turkey  knew  of  no  such 
country.  An  explanation  that  the  ship  came  from  the 
new  world,  that  which  Columbus  had  discovered,  luckily 
proved  satisfactory,  when  a  bunch  of  flowers  and  a  lamb 
were  sent  on  board ;  the  latter  as  a  token  of  amity,  and 
the  former  as  a  welcome. 

The  George  Washington  remained  several  weeks  at 
Constantinople,  where  Bainbridge  and  his  officers  were 
well  received,  though  the  agents  of  the  Dey  fared 
worse.  The  Capudan  Pacha,  in  particular,  formed  a 
warm  friendship  for  the  commander  of  the  George 
Washington,  whose  fine  personal  appearance,  frank 
address,  and  manly  bearing  were  well  calculated  to 
obtain  favor.  This  functionary  was  married  to  a  sister 
of  the  Sultan,  and  had  more  influence  at  court  than  any 
other  subject.  He  took  Bainbridge  especially  under 
his  own  protection,  and  when  they  parted,  he  gave  the 
frigate  a  passport,  which  showed  that  she  and  her  com 
mander  enjoyed  this  particular  and  high  privilege.  In 
fact,  the  intercourse  between  this  officer  and  the  com 
mander  of  the  George  Washington  was  such  as  to 
approach  nearly  to  paving  the  way  for  a  treaty,  a  step 
that  Bainbridge  warmly  urged  on  the  government  at 
home,  as  both  possible  and  desirable.  It  has  been  con- 


• 

28  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

jectured  even,  that  Capt.  Bainbridge  was  instructed  on 
this  subject ;  and  that,  in  consenting  to  go  to  Constanti 
nople  at  all,  he  had  the  probabilities  of  opening  some 
such  negotiation  in  view.  This  was  not  his  own 
account  of  the  matter,  although,  in  weighing  the  motives 
for  complying  with  the  Dey's  demands,  it  is  not  impos 
sible  he  permitted  such  a  consideration  to  have  some 
weight. 

The  visit  of  Clarke,  the  well  known  traveler,  occurred 
while  the  George  Washington  was  at  Constantinople. 
The  former  accompanied  Bainbridge  to  the  Black  Sea, 
in  the  frigate's  long-boat,  where  the  American  ensign 
was  displayed  also,  for  the  first  time.  Jt  appears  that 
our  officer  was  one  of  the  party  in  the  celebrated  visit 
of  the  traveler  to  the  seraglio,  Bainbridge  confirming 
Dr.  Clarke's  account  of  the  affair,  with  the  exception 
that  he,  himself,  looked  upon  the  danger  as  very  trifling. 

During  the  friendly  intercourse  which  existed  be 
tween  Capt.  Bainbridge  and  the  Capudan  Pacha,  the 
latter  incidentally  mentioned  that  the  governor  of  the 
castles  was  condemned  to  die  for  suffering  the  George 
Washington  to  pass  without  a  firman,  and  that  the 
warrant  of  execution  only  waited  for  his  signature,  in 
order  to  be  enforced.  Shocked  at  discovering  the  terri 
ble  strait  to  which  he  had  unintentionally  reduced  a 
perfectly  innocent  man,  Bainbridge  frankly  admitted 
his  own  act,  and  said  if  any  one  had  erred  it  was  him 
self:  begging  the  life  of  the  governor,  and  offering  to 
meet  the  consequences  in  his  own  person.  This 
generous  course  was  not  thrown  away  on  the  Capudan 
Pacha,  who  appears  to  have  been  a  liberal  and  enlight 
ened  man.  He  heard  the  explanation  with  interest, 


B  A  I N  B  R  I  D  G  E.  29 

extolled  Bainbridge's  frankness,  promised  him  his  entire 
protection,  and  pardoned  the  governor  ;  sending  to  the 
latter  a  minute  statement  of  the  whole  affair.  It  was 
after  this  conversation  that  the  high  functionary  in 
question  delivered  to  Bainbridge  his  own  especial  letter 
of  protection. 

At  length  the  Algerine  ambassador  was  ready  to 
return.  On  the  30th  of  December,  1800,  the  ship 
sailed  for  Algiers.  The  messenger  of  the  Dey  took 
back  with  him  a  menace  of  punishment,  unless  his 
master  declared  war  against  France,  and  sent  more 
tribute  to  the  Porte ;  granting  to  the  Algerine  govern 
ment  but  sixty  days  to  let  its  course  be  known.  On 
repassing  the  Dardanelles,  Bainbridge  was  compelled 
to  anchor.  Here  he  received  presents  of  fruit  and  pro 
visions,  with  hospitalities  on  shore,  as  an  evidence  of 
the  governor's  gratitude  for  his  generous  conduct  in 
exposing  his  own  life,  in  order  to  save  that  of  an  inno 
cent  man.  It  is  shown  by  a  passage  in  Dr.  Clarke's 
work,  that  Bainbridge  was  honorably  received  in  the 
best  circles  in  Pera,  during  his  stay  at  Constantinople, 
while  the  neatness  and  order  of  his  ship  were  the 
subject  of  general  conversation.  An  entertainment  that 
was  given  on  board  the  frigate  was  much  talked  of  also ; 
the  guests  and  all  the  viands  coming  from  the  four 
quarters  of  the  earth.  Thus  there  was  water,  bread, 
meats,  etc.,  etc.,  each  from  Europe,  Asia,  Africa  and 
America,  as  well  as  persons  to  consume  them  :  certainly 
a  thing  of  rare  occurrence  at  any  one  feast. 

-The  George  Washington  arrived  at  Algiers  on  the 
20th  January,  1801,  and  anchored  off  the  town,  beyond 
the  reach  of  shot.  The  Dey  expressed  his  apprehen- 
3* 


30  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

sions  that  the  position  of  the  ship  would  prove  incon 
venient  to  her  officers,  and  desired  that  she  might  be 
brought  within  the  mole,  or  to  the  place  where  she  had 
lain  during  her  first  visit.  This  offer  was  respectfully 
declined.  A  day  or  two  later  the  object  of  this  hospi 
tality  became  apparent.  Bainbridge  was  asked  to 
return  to  Constantinople  with  the  Algerine  ambassador; 
a  request  with  which  he  positively  refused  to  comply. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  a  new  series  of  cajole 
ries,  arguments,  and  menaces.  But,  having  his  ship 
where  nothing  but  the  barbarian's  corsairs  could  assail 
her,  Bainbridge  continued  firm.  He  begged  the  consul 
to  send  him  off  some  old  iron  for  ballast,  in  order  that  he 
might  return  certain  guns  he  had  borrowed  for  that 
purpose,  previously  to  sailing  for  Constantinople,  the 
whole  having  been  rendered  necessary  in  consequence 
of  his  ship's  having  been  lightened  of  the  tribute  sent 
in  her  from  America.  The  Dey  commanded  the  light 
ermen  not  to  take  employment,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
he  threatened  war  if  his  guns  were  not  returned:  After 
a  good  deal  of  discussion,  Bainbridge  exacted  a  pledge 
that  no  further  service  would  be  asked  of  the  ship ;  then 
he  agreed  to  run  into  the  mole  and  deliver  the  cannon, 
as  the  only  mode  that  remained  of  returning  property 
which  had  been  lent  to  him. 

As  soon  as  the  frigate  was  secured  in  her  new  birth, 
Capt.  Bainbridge  and  the  consul  were  admitted  to  an 
audience  with  the  Dey.  The  reception  was  any  thing 
but  friendly,  and  the  despot,  a  man  of  furious  passions, 
soon  broke  out  into  expressions  of  anger,  that  bade  fair 
to  lead  to  personal  violence.  The  attendants  were  ready, 
and  it  was  known  that  a  nod  or  a  word  might,  at  a  mo- 


BAINBRIDGE.  31 

merit's  notice,  cost  the  Americans  their  lives.  At  this 
fearful  instant,  Bainbridge,  who  was  determined  at 
every  hazard  to  resist  the  Dey's  new  demand,  fortu 
nately  bethought  him  of  the  Capudan  Pacha's  letter  of 
protection,  which  he  carried  about  him.  The  letter 
was  produced,  and  its  effect  was  magical.  Bainbridge 
often  spoke  of  it  as  even  ludicrous,  and  of^)eing  so 
sudden  and  marked  as  to  produce  glances  of  surprise 
among  the  common  soldiers.  From  a  furious  tyrant,  the 
sovereign  of  Algiers  was  immediately  converted  into  an 
obedient  vassal;  his  tongue  all  honey,  his  face  all 
smiles.  He  was  aware  that  a  disregard  of  the  recom 
mendation  of  the  Capudan  Pacha  would  be  punished, 
as  he  would  visit  a  similar  disregard  of  one  of  his  own 
orders ;  and  that  there  was  no  choice  between  respect 
and  despotism.  No  more  was  said  about  the  return  of 
the  frigate  to  Constantinople,  and  every  offer  of  service 
and  every  profession  of  amity  were  heaped  upon  the 
subject  of  our  memoir,  who  owed  his  timely  deliverance 
altogether  to  the  friendship  of  the  Turkish  dignitary ; 
a  friendship  obtained  through  his  own  frank  and  gene 
rous  deportment. 

The  reader  will  readily  understand  that  dread  of 
the  Grand  Seignior's  power  had  produced  this  sudden 
change  in  the  deportment  of  the  Dey.  The  same 
feeling  induced  him  to  order  the  flag-staff  of  the  French 
consulate  to  be  cut  down  the  next  day  ;  a  declaration  of 
war  against  the  country  to  which  the  functionary 
belonged.  Exasperated  at  these  humiliations,  which 
were  embitfered  by  heavy  pecuniary  exactions  on  the 
part  of  the  Porte,  the  Dey  turned  upon  the  few  unfor 
tunate  French  who  happened  to  be  in  his  power. 


32  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

These,  fifty-six  in  number,  consisting  of  men,  women, 
and  children,  he  ordered  to  be  seized  and  to  be  deemed 
slaves.  Capt.  Bainbridge  felt  himself  sufficiently 
strong,  by  means  of  the  Capudan  Pacha's  letter,  to 
mediate ;  and  he  actually  succeeded,  after  a  long  dis 
cussion,  in  obtaining  a  decree  by  which  all  the  French 
who  cou^  get  out  of  the  regency,  within  the  next  eight- 
and-forty  hours,  might  depart.  For  those  who  could 
not,  remained  the  doom  of  slavery,  or  of  ransom  at  a 
thousand  dollars  a  head.  It  was  thought  that  this  con 
cession  was  made  under  the  impression  that  no  means 
of  quitting  Algiers  could  be  found  by  the  unfortunate 
French.  No  one  believed  that  the  George  Washington 
would  be  devoted  to  their  service,  France  and  America 
being  thefl  at  war;  a  circumstance  which  probably 
increased  Bainbridge's  influence  at  Constantinople,  as 
well  as  at  Algiers. 

But  our  officer  was  not  disposed  to  do  things  by 
halves.  Finding  that  no  other  means  remained  for 
extricating  the  unfortunate  French,  he  determined  to 
carry  them  off  in  the  George  Washington.  The  ship 
had  not  yet  discharged  the  guns  of  the  Dey,  but  every 
body  working  with  good  will,  this  property  was  deli 
vered  to  its  right  owner,  sand  ballast  was  obtained  from 
the  country  and  hoisted  in,  other  necessary  preparations 
were  made,  and  the  ship  hauled  out  of  the  mole  and 
got  to  sea  just  in  time  to  escape  the  barbarian's  fangs, 
with  .every  Frenchman  in  Algiers  on  board.  It  is  said 
that  in  another  hour  the  time  of  grace  would'  have 
expired.  The  ship  landed  her  passengers  at  Alicant,  a 
neutral  country,  and  then  made  the  best  of  her  way  to 
America,  where  she  arrived  in  due  season. 


BAINBRIDGE.  33 

This  act  of  Bairibridge's  was  quite  in  conformity  with 
the  generous  tendencies  of  his -nature.  He  was  a  man 
of  quick  and  impetuous  feelings,  and  easily  roused  to 
anger ;  but  left  to  the  voluntary  guidance  of  his  own 
heart,  no  one  was  more  ready  to  serve  his  fellow-crea 
tures.  It  seemed  to  make  little  difference  with  him, 
whether  he  assisted  an  Englishman  or  a  Frenchman  ; 
his  national  antipathies,  though  decided  and  strong, 
never  interfering  with  his  humanity.  Napoleon  had 
just  before  attained  the  First  Consulate,  and  he  offered 
the  American  officer  his  personal  thanks  for  this  piece 
of  humane  and  disinterested  service  to  his  countrymen. 
At  a  later  day,  when  misfortune  came  upon  Bainbridge, 
he  is  said  to  have  remembered  this  act,  and  to  have 
interested  himself  in  favour  of  the  captive.  -^ 

On  reaching  home,  Bainbridge  had  the  gratification 
of  finding  his  conduct,  in  every  particular,  approved  by 
the  government.  It  was  so  much  a  matter  of  course,  in 
that  day,  for  the  nations  of  Christendom  to  submit  to 
exactions  from  those  of  Barbary,  that  little  was  thought 
of  the  voyage  to  Constantinople,  and  less  said  about  it. 
A  general  feeling  must  have  prevailed  that  censure,  if 
it  fell  any  where,  ought  to  light  on  the  short-sighted 
policy  of  trade,  and  the  misguided  opinions  of  the  age. 
It  is  more  probable,  however,  that  the  whole  transaction 
was  looked  upon  as  a  legitimate  consequence  of  the 
system  of  tribute,  which  then  so  extensively  prevailed. 

Bainbridge  must  have  enjoyed  another  and  still  more 
unequivocal  evidence  that  the  misfortunes  which  cer 
tainly  accompanied  his  short  naval  career,  had  left  no 
injurious  impressions  on  the  government,  as  touching 
his  own  conduct.  The  reduction  law,  which  created  a 


34  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

species  of  naval  peace  establishment,  was  passed  during 
his  late  absence,  and,  on  his  arrival,  he  found  its  details 
nearly  completed  in  practice.  Previously  to  this  law's 
going  into  effect,  there  were  twenty-eight  captains  in 
the  navy,  of  which  number  he  stood  himself  as  low  as 
the  twenty-seventh  in  rank.  There  was,  indeed,  but 
one  other  officer  of  that  grade  below  him,  and  under 
such  circumstances,  the  chances  of  being  retained  would 
have  been  very  small,  for  any  man  who  had  not  the 
complete  confidence  of  his  superiors.  He  was  retained, 
however,  and  that,  too,  in  a  manner  in  defiance  of  the 
law,  for,  by  its  provisions,  only  nine  captains  were  to 
be  continued  in  the  service  in  a  time  of  peace  ;  whereas, 
his  was  the  eleventh  name  on  the  new  list,  until  Dale 
and  Truxtun  resigned  ;  events  which  did  not  occur  until 
the  succeeding  year.  The  cautious  and  reluctant  man 
ner  in  which  these  reductions  were  made  by  Mr.  Jeffer 
son,  under  a  law  that  had  passed  during  the  adminis 
tration  of  his  predecessor,  is  another  proof  that  the 
former  statesman  did  not  deserve  all  the  reproaches  of 
hostility  to  this  branch  of  the  public  service  that  were 
heaped  upon  him.* 

Not  satisfied  with  retaining  Capt.  Bainbridge  in  the 
service,  after  the  late  occurrences  at  Algiers,  the  Depart- 

*  There  appears  to  have  been  some  uncertainty  about  officers 
remaining  in  service,  after  the  peace  of  1801,  that  contributed  to 
rendering  the  reduction  irregular.  The  resignations  of  Dale  and 
Truxtun,  and  the  death  of  Barry,  brought  the  list  down  to  nine  ; 
the  number  prescribed  by  law.  As  the  Tripolitan  war  occurred  so 
soon,  a  question  might  arise  how  far  the  peace  establishment  law 
was  binding  at  all.  Certainly,  in  its  spirit,  it  was  meant  only  for 
a  time  of  peace.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Jefferson,  by  his  public 
acts,  did  not  seem  to  think  the  nation  legally  at  war  with  Tripoli, 
even  after  battles  were  fought  and  vessels  captured. 


BAINBH1DGE.  35 

merit  also  gave  him  immediate  employment.  For  the 
first  time  this  gallant  officer  was  given  a  good  service 
able  ship,  that  had  been  regularly  constructed  for  a 
man-of-war.  He  was  attached  to  the  Essex  32,  a  fine 
twelve-pounder  frigate,  that  had  just  returned  from  a 
first  cruise  to  the  East  Indies,  under  Preble  :  an  officer 
who  subsequently  became  so  justly  celebrated.  The 
orders  to  this  vessel  were  issued  in  May,  1801,  and  the 
ship  wras  directed  to  form  part  of  a  squadron  then  about 
to  sail  for  the  Mediterranean. 

Capt.  Bainbridge  joined  the  Essex  at  New  York. 
He  had  Stephen  Decatur  for  his  first  lieutenant,  and 
was  otherwise  wrell  officered  and  manned.  The  squad 
ron,  consisting  of  the  President  44,  Philadelphia  38, 
Essex  3'2,  and  Enterprise  12,  sailed  in  company :  the 
President  being  commanded  by  Capt.  James  Barron,  the 
Philadelphia  by  Capt.  Samuel  Barron,  and  the  Enter 
prise  by  Lieut.  Com.  Sterrett.  The  broad  pennant  of 
Com.  Dale  was  flying  in  the  President.  This  force 
went  abroad  under  very  limited  instructions.  Although 
the  Bashaw  of  Tripoli  was  seizing  American  vessels,  and 
was  carrying  on  an  effective  war,  Mr.  Jefferson  appeared 
to  think  legal  enactments  at  home  necessary  to  author 
ize  the  marine  to  retaliate.  As  respected  ourselves, 
statutes  may  have  been  wanting  to  prescribe  the  forms 
under  which  comdemnations  could  be  had,  and  the 
other  national  rights  carried  out  in  full  practice  ;  but,  as 
respected  the  enemy,  there  can  be  no  question  his  own 
acts  authorized  the  cruisers  of  this  country  to  capture 
their  assailants  wherever  they  could  be  found,  even 
though  they  rotted  in  our  harbors  for  the  want  of  a 
prescribed  manner  of  bringing  them  under  the  hammer. 


36  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  mode  of  condemnation  is  dependent  on  municipal 
regulations  alone,  but  the  right  to  capture  is  solely  de 
pendent  on  public  law.  It  was  in  this  singular  state 
of  things  that  the  Enterprise,  after  a  bloody  action,  took 
a  Tripolitan,  and  was  then  obliged  to  let  her  go ! 

The  American  squadron  reached  Gibraltar  the  1st  day 
of  July,  where  it  found  and  blockaded  two  of  the  largest 
Tripolitan  cruisers,  under  the  orders  of  a  Scotch  rene 
gade,  who  bore  the  rank  of  an  admiral.  The  Phila 
delphia  watched  these  vessels,  while  the  Essex  was 
sent  along  the  north  shore  to  give  convoy.  The  great 
object,  in  that  day,  appears  to  have  been  to  carry  the 
trade  safely  through  the  Straits,  and  to  prevent  the 
enemy's  rovers  from  getting  out  into  the  Atlantic ;  mea 
sures  that  the  peculiar  formation  of  the  coasts  rendered 
highly  important.  It  was  while  employed  on  this  duty, 
that  Capt.  Bainbridge  had  an  unpleasant  collision  with 
some  of  the  Spanish  authorities  at  Barcelona,  in  conse 
quence  of  repeated  insults  offered  to  his  ship's  officers 
and  boats ;  his  own  barge  having  been  fired  into  twice, 
while  he  was  in  it  in  person.  In  this  affair  he  showed 
his  usual  decision  and  spirit,  and  the  matter  was  pushed 
so  far  and  so  vigorously  as  to  induce  an  order  from  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  "to  treat  all  officers  of  the  United 
States  with  courtesy  and  respect,  and  more  particularly 
those  attached  to  the  United  States  frigate  Essex."  The 
high  and  native  courtesy  of  the  Spanish  character  ren 
ders  it  probable  that  some  misunderstandings  increased 
and  complicated  these  difficulties,  though  there  is  little 
doubt  that  jealousy  of  the  superior  order  and  beauty  of 
the  Essex,  among  certain  subordinates  of  the  Spanish 
marine,  produced  the  original  aggression.  In  the  dis- 


BAINBRIDGE.  37 

cussions  and  collisions  that  followed,  the  sudden  and 
somewhat  brusque  spirit  of  the  American  usages  was 
not  likely  to  be  cordially  met  by  the  precise  and  almost 
oriental  school  of  manners  that  regulates  the  intercourse 
of  Spanish  society.  Bainbridge,  however,  is  admitted 
to  have  conducted  his  part  of  the  dispute  with  dignity 
and  propriety ;  though  he  was  not  wanting  in  the 
promptitude  and  directness  of  a  man-of-war's  man. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Essex  below,  with  a  convoy,  it 
was  found  that  the  enemy  had  laid  up  his  ships,  and 
had  sent  the  crews  across  to  Africa  in  the  night ;  the 
admiral  making  the  best  of  his  way  home  in  a  neutral. 
Com.  Morris  had  relieved  Com.  Dale,  and  the  Essex, 
wanting  material  repairs,  was  sent  home  in  the  summer 
of  1802,  after  an  absence  of  rather  more  than  a  year. 
During  her  short  cruise,  the  Essex  had  been  deemed  a 
model  ship,  as  to  efficiency  and  discipline,  and  extorted 
admiration  wherever  she  appeared.  On  her  arrival  at 
New  York,  the  frigate  was  unexpectedly  ordered  to 
Washington  to  be  laid  up,  a  measure  that  excited  great 
discontent  in  her  crew.  One  of  those  quasi  mutinies 
which,  under  similar  circumstances,  were  not  uncom 
mon  in  that  day,  followed ;  the  men  insisting  that  their 
times  were  up,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  paid  off  in  a 
seaport,  and  "  not  on  a  tobacco  plantation,  up  in  Vir 
ginia;"  but  Bainbridge  and  Decatur  were  men  un 
willing  to  be  controlled  in  this  way.  The  disaffection 
was  put  down,  and  the  ship  obeyed  her  orders. 

Bainbridge  was  now  employed  in  superintending  the 
construction  of  the  Siren  and  Vixen ;  two  of  the  small 
vessels  that  had  been  recently  ordered  by  law.  As 
soon  as  these  vessels  were  launched,  he  was  again 

VOL.  i,  4 


38  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

directed  to  prepare  for  service  in  the  Mediterranean,  for 
which  station  the  celebrated  squadron  of  Preble  was 
now  fitting.  This  force  consisted  of  the  Constitution 
44,  Philadelphia  38,  Siren  16,  Argus  16,  Nautilus  14, 
Vixen  14,  and  Enterprise  12;  the  latter  vessel  being 
then  on  the  station,  under  Lieut.  Com.  Hull.  Of  these 
ships,  Bainbridge  had  the  Philadelphia,  38,  a  fine 
eighteen-pounder  frigate  that  was  often,  by  mistake, 
called  a  forty-four,  though  by  no  means  as  large  a  ves 
sel  as  some  others  of  her  proper  class.  It  was  much 
the  practice  of  that  day  to  attach  officers  to  the  ships 
which  were  fitting  near  their  places  of  residence,  and 
thus  it  followed  that  a  vessel  frequently  had  a  sort  of 
local  character.  Such,  in  a  degree,  was  the  case  with 
the  Philadelphia,  most  of  whose  sea-officers  were  Dela 
ware  sailors,  in  one  sense ;  though  all  the  juniors  had 
now  been  regularly  bred  in  the  navy.  As  these  gen 
tlemen  are  entitled  to  have  their  sufferings  recorded,  we 
give  their  names,  with  the  states  of  which  they  were 
natives,  viz. : 

Captain. — William  Bainbridge,  of  New  Jersey. 

Lieutenants. — John  T.  R.  Cox,  Jacob  Jones,  Dela 
ware  ;  Theodore  Hunt,  New  Jersey ;  Benjamin  Smith, 
Rhode  Island. 

Lieutenant  of  Marines. — Wm.  S.  Osborne. 

Surgeon. — John  Ridge ly,  Maryland. 

Purser. — Rich.  Spence,  New  Hampshire. 

Sailing-Master. — Wm.  Knight,  Pennsylvania. 

Surgeon's  Mates. — Jonathan  Cowdery,  New  York  ; 
Nicholas  Harwood,  Va. 

Midshipmen. — Bernard  Henry,  Pa. ;  James  Gibbon, 
Va.;  James  Biddle,  Pa.;  Richard  B.  Jones,  Pa.;  D.  T. 


BAINBRIDGE.  39 

Patterson,  N.  Y. ;  Wm.  Cutbush,  Pa. ;  B.  F.  Reed,  Pa. ; 
Thomas  M'Donough,  Del.;  Wallace  Wormley,  .Va. ; 
Robert  Gamble,  Va. ;  Simon  Smith,  Pa. ;  James  Ren- 
shaw,  Pa. 

The  Philadelphia  had  a  crew  a  little  exceeding  three 
hundred  souls  on  board,  including  her  officers.  One  or 
two  changes  occurred  among  the  latter,  however,  when 
the  ship  reached  Gibraltar,  which  will  be  mentioned  in 
their  proper  places. 

The  vessels  of  Com.  Preble  did  not  sail  in  squadron, 
but  left  home  as  each  ship  got  ready.  Bainbridge, 
being  equipped,  was  ordered  to  sail  in  July,  and  he  en 
tered  the  Straits  on  the  24th  of  August,  after  a  passage 
down  the  Delaware  and  across  the  Atlantic  of  some 
length.  Understanding  at  Gibraltar  that  certain  cruisers 
of  the  enemy  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cape  de 
Gatte,  he  proceeded  off  that  well-known  headland  the 
very  next  day  ;  and,  in  the  night  of  the  26th,  it  blowing 
fresh,  he  fell  in  with  a  ship  under  nothing  but  a  fore 
sail,  with  a  brig  in  company,  also  under  very  short 
canvas.  These  suspicious  circumstances  induced  him 
to  run  alongside  of  the  ship,  and  to  demand  her  charac 
ter.  After  a  good  deal  of  hailing,  and  some  evasion  on 
the  part  of  the  stranger,  it  was  ascertained  that  he  was 
a  cruiser  from  Morocco,  called  the  Meshboha  22,  com 
manded  by  Ibrahim  Lubarez,  and  having  a  crew  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men.  The  Philadelphia  had  con 
cealed  her  own  nation,  and  a  boat  coming  from  the 
Meshboha,  the  fact  was  extracted  from  its  crew  that  the- 
brig  in  company  was  an  American,  bound  into  Spain, 
and  that  they  had  boarded  but  had  not  detained  her. 
Bainbridge's  suspicions  were  aroused  by  all  the  circum- 


40  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

stances  ;  particularly  by  the  little  sail  the  brig  carried ; 
so  unlike  an  American,  who  is  ever  in  a  hurry.  He 
accordingly  directed  Mr.  Cox,  his  first  lieutenant,  to 
board  the  Meshboha,  and  to  ascertain  if  any  Americans 
were  in  her,  as  prisoners.  In  attempting  to  execute 
this  order,  Mr.  Cox  was  resisted,  and  it  was  necessary 
to  send  an  armed  boat.  The  master  and  crew  of  the 
brig,  the  Celia  of  Boston,  were  actually  found  in  the 
Meshboha,  which  ship  had  captured  them,  nine  days 
before,  in  the  vicinity  of  Malaga,  the  port  to  which  they 
were  bound. 

Bainbridge  took  possession  of  the  Moorish  ship. 
The  next  day  he  recovered  the  brig,  which  was  stand 
ing  in  for  the  bay  of  Almeria,  to  the  westward  of  Cape 
de  Gatte.  On  inquiry  he  discovered  that  Ibrahim 
Lubarez  was  cruising  for  Americans  under  an  order 
issued  by  the  governor  of  Mogadore.  Although  Mo 
rocco  was  ostensibly  at  peace  with  the  United  States, 
Bainbridge  did  not  hesitate,  now,  about  taking  his  prize 
to  Gibraltar.  Here  he  left  the  Meshboha  in  charge 
of  Mr.  M'Donough,  under  the  superintendence  of  the 
consul,  and  then  went  off  Cape  St.  Vincent  in  pursuit 
of  a  Moorish  frigate,  which  was  understood  to  be  in 
that  neighborhood.  Failing  in  his  search,  he  returned 
within  the  Straits,  and  went  aloft,  in  obedience  to  his 
original  orders.  At  Gibraltar,  the  Philadelphia  met 
the  homeward  bound  vessels,  under  Com.  Rodgers, 
which  were  waiting  the  arrival  of  Preble,  in  the  Con 
stitution.  As  this  force  was  sufficient  to  watch  the 
Moors,  it  left  the  Philadelphia  the  greater  liberty  to 
proceed  on  her  cruise.  While  together,  however,  Lieut. 
Porter,  the  first  of  the  New  York  36,  exchanged  with 


BAINBRIDGE.  41 

Lieut.  Cox,  the  latter  gentleman  wishing  to  return  home, 
where  he  soon  after  resigned ;  while  the  former  pre 
ferred  active  service. 

The  Philadelphia  found  nothing  but  the  Vixen  be 
fore  Tripoli.  A  Neapolitan  had  given  information  that 
a  corsair  had  just  sailed  on  a  cruise,  and  this  induced 
Capt.  Bainbridge  to  despatch  Lieut.  Com.  Smith  in 
chase.  In  consequence  of  this  unfortunate  but  perfectly 
justifiable  decision,  the  frigate  was  left  alone  off  the 
town.  A  vigorous  blockade  having  been  determined 
on,  the  ship  maintained  her  station  as  close  in  as  her 
draught  of  water  would  allow  until  near  the  close  of 
October,  when,  it  coming  on  to  blow  fresh  from  the 
westward,  she  was  driven  some  distance  to  leeward,  as 
often  occurred  to  vessels  on  that  station.  As  soon  as  it 
moderated,  sail  was  made  to  recover  the  lost  ground, 
and,  by  the  morning  of  the  31st,  the  wind  had  become 
fair,  from  the  eastward.  At  8,  A.  M.,  a  sail  was  made 
ahead,  standing  like  themselves  to  the  westward.  This 
vessel  proved  to  be  a  small  cruiser  of  the  Bashaw's, 
and  was  probably  the  very  vessel  of  which  the  Vixen 
had  gone  in  pursuit.  The  Philadelphia  now  crowded 
every  thing  that  would  draw,  and  was  soon  so  near  the 
chase  as  to  induce  the  latter  to  hug  the  land.  There  is 
an  extensive  reef  to  the  eastward  of  Tripoli,  called 
Kaliusa,  that  was  not  laid  down  in  the  charts  of  the 
ship,  and  which  runs  nearly  parallel  to  the  coast  for 
some  miles.  There  is  abundance  of  water  inside  of  it, 
as  was  doubtless  known  to  those  on  board  the  chase,  and 
there  is  a  wide  opening  through  it,  by  which  six  and 
seven  fathoms  can  be  carried  out  to  sea  ;  but  all  these 
facts  were  then  profound  mysteries  to  the  officers  of  the 
4* 


42  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Philadelphia.  Agreeably  to  the  chart  of  Capt.  Smyth, 
of  the  British  navy,  the  latest  and  best  in  existence,  the 
eastern  division  of  this  reef  lies  about  a  mile  and  a  half 
from  the  coast,  and  its  western  about  a  mile.  Accord 
ing  to  the  same  chart,  one  of  authority,  and  made  from 
accurate  surveys,  the  latter  portion  of  the  reef  is  distant 
from  the  town  of  Tripoli  about  two  and  a  half  miles, 
and  the  former  something  like  a  mile  and  a  half  more. 
There  is  an  interval  of  quite  half  a  mile  in  length  be 
tween  these  two  main  divisions  of  the  reef,  through 
which  it  is  possible  to  carry  six  and  seven  fathoms,  pro 
vided  three  or  four  detached  fragments  of  reef,  of  no 
great  extent,  be  avoided.  The  channels  among  these 
rocks  afforded  great  facilities  to  the  Turks  in  getting  in 
and  out  of  their  port  during  the  blockade,  since  a  vessel 
of  moderate  draught,  that  knew  the  land-marks,  might 
run  through  them  with  great  confidence  by  daylight.  It 
is  probable  the  chase,  in  this  instance,  led  in  among 
these  reefs  as  much  to  induce  the  frigate  to  follow  as  to 
cover  her  own  escape,  either  of  which  motives  showed 
a  knowledge  of  the  coast,  and  a  familiarity  with  his 
duties  in  her  commander. 

In  coming  down  from  the  eastward,  and  bringing  with 
her  a  plenty  of  water,  the  Philadelphia  must  have  passed 
two  or  three  hundred  yards  to  the  southward  of  the 
northeastern  extremity  of  the  most  easterly  of  the  two 
great  divisions  of  the  reef  in  question.  This  position 
agrees  with  the  soundings  found  at  the  time,  and  with 
those  laid  down  in  the  chart.  She  had  the  chase  some 
distance  inshore  of  her ;  so  much  so,  indeed,  as  to  have 
been  firing  into  her  from  the  two  forward  divisions  of 
the  larboard  guns,  in  the  hope  of  cutting  something 


BAINBRJDGE,  43 

away.  Coming  from  the  eastward,  the  ship  brought 
into  this  pass,  between  the  reef  and  the  shore,  from 
fourteen  to  ten  fathoms  of  water,  which  gradually 
shoaled  to  eight,  when  Capt.  Bainbridge,  seeing  no 
prospect  of  overhauling  the  chase,  then  beginning  to 
open  the  harbour  of  Tripoli,  from  which  the  frigate  her 
self  was  distant  but  some  three  or  four  miles,  ordered 
the  helm  a-port,  and  the  yards  braced  forward,  in  the 
natural  expectation  of  hauling  directly  off  the  land  into 
deep  water.  The  leads  were  going  at  the  time,  and,  to 
the  surprise  of  all  on  board,  the  water  shoaled,  as  the 
frigate  run  off,  instead  of  deepening.  The  yards  were 
immediately  ordered  to  be  braced  sharp  up,  and  the  ship 
brought  close  on  a  wind,  in  the  hope  of  beating  out  of 
this  seeming  cul  de  sac,  by  the  way  in  which  she  had 
entered.  The  command  was  hardly  given,  however, 
before  the  ship  struck  forward,  and,  having  eight  knots 
way  on  her,  she  shot  up  on  the  rocks  until  she  had  only 
fourteen  and  a  half  feet  of  water  under  her  fore-chains. 
Under  the  bowsprit  there  were  but  twelve.  Aft  she 
floated,  having,  it  is  said,  come  directly  out  of  six  or 
seven  fathoms  of  water  into  twelve  and  fifteen  feet ;  all 
of  which  strictly  corresponds  with  the  soundings  of  the 
modern  charts.* 

*  There  already  exists  some  disagreement  as  to  the  question  on 
which  of  the  two  principal  portions  of  this  reef,  the  eastern  or  the 
western,  the  Philadelphia  ran.  Captain  Bainbridge,  in  his  official 
letter,  says  that  the  harbour  of  Tripoli  was  distant  three  or  four 
miles,  when  his  ship  struck.  But  the  harbour  of  Tripoli  extends 
more  than  a  mile  to  the  eastward  of  the  town.  Fort  English  lies 
properly  near  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  and  it  is  considerably 
more  than  a  mile  east  of  the  castle ;  which,  itself,  stands  at  the 
southeastern  angle  of  the  town.  Commodore  Porter,  in  his  testi- 


44  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

There  was  much  of  the  hard  fortune  which  attended 
a  good  deal  of  Bainbridge's  professional  career,  in  the 
circumstances  of  this  accident.  Had  the  prospects  of 
the  chase  induced  him  to  continue  it,  the  frigate  might 
have  passed  ahead,  and  the  chances  were  that  she 
would  have  hauled  off,  directly  before  the  mouth  of  the 
harbour  of  Tripoli,  and  gone  clear;  carrying  through 
nowhere  less  than  five  fathoms  of  water.  Had  she 
stood  directly  on,  after  first  hauling  up,  she  might  have 
passed  through  the  opening  between  the  two  portions 
of  the  reef,  carrying  with  her  six,  seven,  nine  and  ten 
fathoms,  out  to  sea.  But,  in  pursuing  the  very  course 
which  prudence  and  a  sound  discretion  dictated  to  one 
who  was  ignorant  of  the  existence  of  this  reef,  he  ran 
his  ship  upon  the  very  danger  he  was  endeavouring  to 
avoid.  It  is  by  making  provision  for  war,  in  a  time  of 
peace,  and,  in  expending  its  money  freely,  to  further 


mony  before  the  court  of  inquiry,  thought  the  ship  struck  about 
three  miles  and  a  half  from  the  town  of  Tripoli,  and  one  and  a  half 
from  the  nearest  point  of  land,  which  bore  south.  By  the  chart, 
the  western  margin  of  the  western  reef  is  about  4000  yards  from 
the  nearest  point  in  the  town,  and  the  western  margin  of  the  east 
ern  reef,  about  6000.  Three  miles  and  a  half  would  be  just  6110 
yards.  This  reef,  too,  lies  as  near  as  may  be,  a  mile  and  a  half 
north  of  the  nearest  land  ;  thus  agreeing  perfectly  with  Commo 
dore  Porter's  testimony.  In  addition,  the  western  portion  of  the 
reef  could  not  have  been  reached  without  passing  into  five  fathoms 
water,  and  Capt.  Bainbridge  deemed  it  prudent  to  haul  oft' when 
he  found  himself  in  eight.  All  the  soundings  show,  as  well  as  the 
distances,  that  the  frigate  struck  as  stated  in  the  text,  on  the  east 
ern  half  of  the  Kaliusa  Reef;  which  might  well  be  named  the 
Philadelphia  Reef.  It  may  be  added,  that  the  nearest  land  would 
bear  nearer  southeast,  than  south,  from  the  western  half  of  these 
shoals.  The  following  sketch  will  explain  the  text  more  fully. 


BAINBRIDGE. 


45 


the  objects  of  general  science,  in  the  way  of  surveys 
and  other  similar  precautions,  that  a  great  maritime 
state,  in  particular,  economizes,  by  means  of  a  present 
expenditure,  for  the  moments  of  necessity  and  danger 
that  may  await  it,  an  age  ahead. 


46  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Bainbridge's  first  recourse,  was  the  natural  expedient 
of  attempting  to  force  the  ship  over  the  obstacle,  in  the  ex 
pectation  that  the  deep  water  lay  to  seaward.  As  soon, 
however,  as  the  boats  were  lowered,  and  soundings 
taken,  the  true  nature  of  the  disaster  was  comprehended, 
and  every  effort  was  made  to  back  the  Philadelphia  off, 
by  the  stern.  A  ship  of  the  size  of  a  frigate,  that  goes 
seven  or  eight  knots,  unavoidably  piles  a  mass  of  water 
under  her  bows,  and  this,  aided  by  the  shelving  of  the 
reef,  and  possibly  by  a  ground  swell,  had  carried  the 
ship  up  too  far,  to  be  got  off  by  any  ordinary  efforts. 
The  desperate  nature  of  her  situation  was  soon  seen  by 
the  circumstance  of  her  falling  over  so  much,  as  to 
render  it  impossible  to  use  any  of  her  starboard  guns. 

The  firing  of  the  chase  had  set  several  gun-boats  in 
motion  in  the  harbor,  and  a  division  of  nine  was  turn 
ing  to  windward,  in  order  to  assist  the  xebec  the  Phila 
delphia  had  been  pursuing,  even  before  the  last  struck. 
Of  course  the  nature  of  the  accident  was  understood, 
and  these  enemies  soon  began  to  come  within  reach  of 
shot,  though  at  a  respectful  distance  on  the  larboard 
quarter.  Their  fire  did  some  injury  aloft,  but  neither 
the  hull  nor  any  of  the  crew  of  the  frigate  were  hit. 

Every  expedient  which  could  be  resorted  to,  in  order 
to  get  the  Philadelphia  off,  was  put  in  practice.  The 
anchors  were  cut  from  the  bows ;  water  was  pumped 
out,  and  other  heavy  articles  were  thrown  overboard, 
including  all  the  guns,  but  those  aft.  Finally  the  fore 
mast  was  cut  away.  It  would  seem  that  the  frigate 
had  no  boat  strong  enough  to  carry  out  an  anchor,  a 
serious  oversight  in 'the  equipment  of  a  vessel  of  any 
sort.  After  exerting  himself,  with  great  coolness  and 


BAINBRIDGE.  47 

discretion,  until  sunset,  Bainbridge  consulted  his  offi 
cers,  and  the  hard  necessity  of  hauling  down  the  colors 
was  admitted.  By  this  time,  the  gun-boats  had  ventured 
to  cross  the  frigate's  stern,  and  had  got  upon  her  weather 
quarter,  where,  as  she  had  fallen  over  several  feet  to 
leeward,  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  do  them  any  harm. 
Other  boats,  too,  were  coming  out  of  the  harbour  to  the 
assistance  of  the  division  which  had  first  appeared. 

The  Tripolitans  got  on  board  the  Philadelphia,  just 
as  night  was  setting  in,  on  the  last  day  of  October. 
They  came  tumbling  in  at  the  ports,  in  a  croAvd,  and 
then  followed  a  scene  of  indiscriminate  plunder  and 
confusion.  Swords,  epaulettes,  watches,  jewels,  money, 
and  no  small  portion  of  the  clothing  of  the  officers  even, 
disappeared,  the  person  of  Bainbridge  himself  being 
respected  little  more  than  those  of  the  common  men. 
He  submitted  to  be  robbed,  until  they  undertook  to  force 
from  him  a  miniature  of  his  young  and  beautiful  wife? 
when  he  successfully  resisted.  The  manly  determi 
nation  he  showed  in  withstanding  this  last  violence,  had 
the  effect  to  check  the  aggression,  so  far  as  he  was  con 
cerned,  and  about  ten  at  night,  the  prisoners  reached 
the  shore,  near  the  castle  of  the  bashaw. 

Jussuf  Caramelli  received  his  prisoners,  late  as  was 
the  hour,  in  full  divan ;  feeling  a  curiosity,  no  doubt,  to 
ascertain  what  sort  of  beings  the  chances  of  war  had 
thrown  into  his  power.  There  was  a  barbarous  cour 
tesy  in  his  deportment,  nor  was  the  reception  one  of 
which  the  Americans  had  any  right  to  complain.  After 
a  short  interview,  he  dismissed  the  officers  to  an  excel 
lent  supper  which  had  been  prepared  for  them  in  the 
castle  itself,  and  to  this  hour,  the  gentlemen  who  sat 


48  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

down  to  that  feast  with  the  appetites  of  midshipmen, 
speak  of  its  merits  with  an  affection  which  proves  that 
it  was  got  up  in  the  spirit  of  true  hospitality.  When 
all  had  supped,  they  were  carried  back  to  the  divan, 
where  the  Pacha  and  his  ministers  had  patiently  awaited 
their  return ;  when  the  former  put  them  in  charge  of 
Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies,  one  of  the  highest  function 
aries  of  the  regency,  who  conducted  the  officers,  with 
the  necessary  attendants,  to  the  building  that  had  lately 
been  the  American  consular  residence. 

This  was  the  commencement  of  a  long  and  irksome 
captivity,  which  terminated  only  with  the  war.  The 
feelings  of  Bainbridge  were  most  painful,  as  we  know 
from  his  letters,  his  private  admissions,  and  the  peculiar 
nature  of  his  case.  He  had  been  unfortunate  through 
out  most  of  his  public  service.  The  Retaliation  was 
the  only  American  cruiser  taken  in  the  war  of  1798, 
and  down  to  that  moment,  she  was  the  only  vessel  of 
the  new  marine  that  had  been  taken  at  all.  Here,  then, 
was  the  second  ship  that  had  fallen  into  the  enemy's 
hands,  also  under  his  orders.  Then  the  affair  of  the 
George  Washington  was  one  likely  to  wound  the  feel 
ings  of  a  high-spirited  and  sensitive  mind,  to  which 
expknations,  however  satisfactory,  are  of  themselves 
painful  and  humiliating.  These  were  circumstances 
that  might  have  destroyed  the  buoyancy  of  some  men ; 
and  there  is  no  question,  that  Bainbridge  felt  them 
acutely,  and  with  a  lively  desire  to  be  justified  before 
his  country.  At  this  moment,  his  officers  stepped  in  to 
relieve  him,  by  sending  a  generous  letter,  signed  by 
every  man  in  the  ship  whose  testimony  could  at  all 
influence  the  opinion  of  a  court  of  inquiry.  Care  was 


BAINBRIDGE.  49 

taken  to  say,  in  this  letter,  that  the  charts  and  soundings 
justified  the  ship  in  approaching  the  shore,  as  near  as 
she  had,  which  was  the  material  point,  as  connected 
with  his  conduct  as  a  commander ;  his  personal  deport 
ment  after  the  accident  being  beyond  censure.  Bain- 
bridge  was  greatly  relieved  by  the  receipt  of  this  letter, 
the  writing  of  which  was  generously  and  kindly  con 
ceived,  though  doubts  may  exist  as  to  its  propriety,  in  a 
military  point  of  view.  The  commander  of  a  ship,  to  a 
certain  extent,  is  properly  responsible  for  its  loss,  and 
his  subordinates  are  the  witnesses  by  whose,  testimony 
the  court,  which  is  finally  to  exonerate,  or  to  condemn, 
is  guided  ;  to  anticipate  their  evidence,  by  a  joint  letter, 
therefore,  is  opening  the  door  to  management  and  in 
fluence  which  may  sometimes  shield  a  real  delinquent. 
So  tender  are  military  tribunals,  strictly  courts  of  honour, 
that  one  witness  is  not  allowed  to  hear  the  testimony  of 
another,  and  the  utmost  caution  should  ever  be  shown 
about  the  expression  of  opinions  even,  until  the  moment 
arrives  to  give  them  in  the  presence  of  the  judges,  and 
under  the  solemnities  of  oaths.  This  is  said  without 
direct  reference  to  the  case  before  us,  however ;  for,  if 
ever  an  instance  occurred  in  which  a  departure  from 
severe  principles  is  justifiable,  it  was  this  ;  and  no  one 
can  regret  that  Bainbridge,  in  the  long  captivity  which 
followed,  had  the  consolation  of  possessing  such  a  let 
ter.  It  may  be  well,  here,  to  mention  that  all  the  offi 
cers  whose  names  are  given  already  in  this  biography, 
shared  his  prison,  with  the  exception  of  Messrs.  Cox 
and  M'Donough  :  the  former  of  -whom  had  exchanged 
with  Lieutenant  Porter,  now  a  captive,  while  the  latter 
had  been  left  at  Gibraltar,  in  charge  of  the  Meshboha, 

VOL.  I.  5 


50  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

to  come  aloft  with  Decatur,  and  to  share  in  all  the  gal 
lant  deeds  of  that  distinguished  officer,  before  Tripoli. 

Much  exaggeration  has  prevailed  on  the  subject  of 
the  treatment  the  American  prisoners  received  from  the 
Turks.  It  was  not  regulated  by  the  rules  of  a  more 
civilized  warfare,  certainly,  and  the  common  men  were 
compelled  to  labour  under  the  restrictions  of  African 
slavery ;  but  the  officers,  on  the  whole,  were  kindly 
treated,  and  the  young  men  were  even  indulged  in 
many  of  the  wild  expressions  of  their  humors.  There 
were  moments  of  irritation,  and  perhaps  of  policy,  it  is 
true,  in  which  changes  of  treatment  occurred,  but  con 
finement  was  the  principal  grievance.  Books  were 
obtained,  and  the  studies  of  the  midshipmen  were  not 
neglected.  Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies  proved  their 
friend,  though  the  Danish  consul,  M.  Nissen,  was  the 
individual  to  whom  the  gratitude  of  the  prisoners  was 
principally  due.  This  benevolent  man  commenced  his 
acts  of  kindness  the  day  after  the  Americans  were 
taken,  and  he  continued  them,  with  unwearying  pbi- 
lanthropy,  down  to  the  hour  of  their  liberation.  By 
means  of  this  gentleman,  Bainbridge  was  enabled  to 
communicate  with  Commodore  Preble,  who  received 
many  useful  suggestions  from  the  prisoner,  concerning 
his  own  operations  before  the  town. 

The  Turks  were  so  fortunate  as  to  be  favored  with 
good  weather,  for  several  days  after  the  Philadelphia 
fell  into  their  hands.  Surrounding  the  ship  with  their 
gunboats,  and  carrying  out  the  necessary  anchors,  they 
soon  hove  her  off  the  reef  into  deep  water ;  where  she 
floated,  though  it  was  necessary  to  use  the  pumps  freely, 
and  to  stop  some  bad  leaks.  The  guns,  anchors,  &c., 


BAINBRIDGE.  51 

had  unavoidably  been  thrown  on  the  rocks ;  and  they 
were  also  recovered  with  little  difficulty.  The  prisoners, 
therefore,  in  a  day  or  two,  had  the  mortification  to  see 
their  late  ship  anchored  between  the  reef  and  the  town  ; 
and,  ere  long,  she  was  brought  into  the  harbor  and  par 
tially  repaired. 

tt  is  said,  on  good  authority,  that  Bainbridge  suggest 
ed  to  Preble  the  plan  for  the  destruction  of  the  Phila 
delphia,  which  was  subsequently  adopted.  His  corre 
spondence  was  active,  and  there  is  no  question  that  it 
contained  many  useful  suggestions.  A  few  weeks  after 
he  was  captured,  he  received  a  manly,  sensible  letter 
from  Preble,  which,  no  doubt,  had  a  cheering  influence 
on  his  feelings. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Philadelphia  went 
ashore  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  October,  1803.  On 
the  15th  of  the  succeeding  February,  the  captives  were 
awaked  about  midnight  by  the  firing  of  guns.  A  bright 
light  gleamed  upon  the  windows,  and  they  had  the 
pleasure  to  see  the  frigate  enveloped  in  flames.  Deca- 
tur  had  just  quitted  the  ship,  and  his  ketch  was  then 
sweeping  down  the  harbor  towards  the  Siren,  which 
awaited  her  in  the  offing  ! 

This  exploit  caused  a  sensible  change  in  the  treat 
ment  of  the  officers,  who  were  then  captives  in  Tripoli. 
On  the  first  of  March,  they  were  all  removed  to  the 
castle,  where  they  continued  for  the  remainder  of  the 
time  they  were  prisoners,  or  more  than  a  twelvemonth. 
Several  attempts  at  escape  were  made,  but  they  all 
failed ;  principally  for  the  want  of  means.  In  this 
manner  passed  month  after  month,  until  the  spring  had 
advanced  into  the  summer.  One  day  the  cheering  in- 


52  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

telligence  spread  among  the  captives  that  a  numerous 
force  was  visible  in  the  offing,  but  it  disappeared  in 
consequence  of  a  gale  of  wind.  This  was  about  the 
1st  of  August,  1804.  A  day  or  two  later  this  force  re 
appeared,  a  heavy  firing  followed,  and  the  gentlemen 
clambered  up  to  the  windows  which  commanded  a  par 
tial  view  of  the  offing.  There  they  saw  a  flotilla  of 
gunboats,  brigs,  and  schooners,  gathering  towards  the 
rocks,  where  lay  a  strong  division  of  the  Turks,  the 
shot  from  the  batteries  and  shipping  dashing  the  spray 
about,  and  a  canopy  of  smoke  collecting  over  the  sea. 
In  the  back-ground  v/as  the  Constitution — that  glorious 
frigate  !— coming  down  into  the  fray,  with  the  men  on 
her  top-gallant-yards  gathering  in  the  canvas,  as  coolly 
as  if  she  were  about  to  anchor.  This  was  a  sight  to 
warm  a  sailor's  heart,  even  within  the  walls  of  a  prison ! 
Then  they  got  a  glimpse  of  the  desperate  assault  led 
by  Decatur — the  position  of  their  windows  permitting 
no  more — and  they  were  left  to  imagine  what  was  going 
on,  amid  the  roar  of  cannon,  to  leeward.  This  was  the 
celebrated  attack  of  the  3d  August ;  or  that  with  which 
Preble  began  his  own  warfare,  and  little  intermission 
followed  for  the  next  six  weeks.  On  the  njght  of  the 
4th  of  September,  a  few  guns  were  fired — a  heavy  ex 
plosion  was  heard — and  this  terminated  the  din  of  war. 
It  was  the  catastrophe  in  which  Somers  perished.  A 
day  or  two  later,  Bainbridge  was  taken  to  see  some  of 
the  dead  of  that  affair,  but  he  found  the  bodies  so  much 
mutilated  as  to  render  recognition  impossible. 

Bainbridge  kept  a  journal  of  the  leading  events  that 
occurred  during  his  captivity.  Its  meagerness,  how 
ever,  supplies  proof  of  the  sameness  of  his  Jife ;  little 


BAINBRIDGE.  53 

occurring  to  give  it  interest,  except  an  occasional  diffi 
culty  with  the  Turks,  and  these  attacks.  In  this  jour 
nal  he  speaks  of  the  explosion  of  the  Intrepid,  as  an 
enterprise  that  entirely  failed ;  injuring  nothing.  It 
was  thought  in  the  squadron  that  a  part  of  the  wall  of 
the  castle  had  fallen,  on  this  occasion,  but  it  was  a  mis 
take.  Not  a  man,  house,  or  vessel  of  Tripoli,  so  far  as 
can  now  be  ascertained,  suffered,  in  the  least,  by  the 
explosion.  Bainbridge  also  mentions,  what  other  infor 
mation  corroborates,  that  the  shells  seldom  burst.  Many 
fell  within  the  town,  but  none  blew  up.  Two  or  three 
even  struck  the  house  of  the  worthy  Nissen,  but  the 
injury  was  slight,  comparatively,  in  consequence  of  this 
circumstance. 

At  length  the  moment  of  liberation  arrived.  An 
American  negotiator  appeared  in  the  person  of  the  con 
sul-general  for  Barbary,  and  matters  drew  towards  a 
happy  termination.  Some  obstacles,  however,  occurred, 
and,  to  get  rid  of  them,  Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies,  a  judge 
of  human  nature,  and  a  man  superior  to  most  around  him, 
proposed  to  the  Bashaw  to  let  Bainbridge  go  on  board 
the  Constitution,  then  commanded  by  Com.  Rodgers. 
The  proposal  appeared  preposterous  to  the  wily  and 
treacherous  Jussuf,  who  insisted  that  his  prisoner  would 
never  be  fool  enough  to  come  back,  if  once  at  liberty. 
The  minister  understood  the  notions  of  military  honor 
that  prevailed  amongst  Christian  nations  better,  and  he 
finally  succeeded  in  persuading  his  master  to  consent 
that  Bainbridge  might  depart;  but  not  until  he  had 
placed  his  own  son  in  the  Bashaw's  hands,  as  a  hostage.* 

*  It  is  pleasing1  to  know  that  this  son  has  since  had  his  life  most 
probably  saved,  by  the  timely  intervention  of  the  American  au- 
5* 


54  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  1st  of  June,  1805,  was  a  happy  hour  for  the 
subject  of  our  memoir,  for  then,  after  a  captivity  of 
nineteen  months,  to  a  day,  was  he  permitted  again  to 
tread  the  deck  of  an  American  man-of-war.  The  entire 
day  was  spent  in  the  squadron,  and  Bainbridge  returned 
in  the  night,  greatly  discouraged  as  to  the  success  of 
the  negotiation.  Finding  Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies, 
they  repaired  to  the  palace  together,  where  the  Bashaw 
received  them  with  wonder.  He  had  given  up  the 
slight  expectation  he  ever  had  of  seeing  his  captive 
again,  and  had  been  sharply  rebuking  his  minister  for 
the  weakness  he  had  manifested  by  his  credulity. 
Bainbridge  stated  to  the  prince  the  only  terms  on  which 
the  Americans  would  treat,  and  these  Jussuf  immedi 
ately  rejected.  The  friendly  offices  of  M.  Nissen  were 
employed  next  day,  however,  and  on  the  third,  a  coun 
cil  of  state  was  convened,  at  which  the  treaty,  drawn 
up  in  form,  was  laid  before  the  members  for  approval 
or  rejection. 

At  this  council,  Bainbridge  was  invited  to  be  present. 
When  he  entered,  he  was  told  by  the  Bashaw,  himself, 
that  no  prisoner  in  Barbary  had  ever  before  been  admit 
ted  to  a  similar  honor,  and  that  the  discussions  should 
be  carried  on  in  French,  in  order  that  he  might  under 
stand  them.  The  question  of  "  peace  or  war"  was  then 
solemnly  proposed.  There  were  eight  members  of  the 
council,  and  six  were  for  war.  Sidi  Mohammed  D'Ghies 

thorities.  A  man-of-war  was  sent  to  Tripoli,  and  brought  him  off 
at  a  most  critical  moment,  when  he  was  about  to  fall  a  sacrifice  to 
his  enemies.  He  is  dead ;  having  been  an  enlightened  statesman, 
like  his  father,  and  a  firm  friend  of  this  country  j  though  much 
vilified  and  persecuted  toward  the  close  of  his  brief  career. 


BAINBRIDGE.  55 

and  the  commandant  of  the  marine  alone  maintained 
the  doctrine  of  peace.  There  may  have  been  precon 
cert  and  artifice  in  all  this ;  if  so,  it  was  well  acted. 
The  speeches  were  grave  and  dignified,  and  seemingly 
sincere,  and,  after  a  time,  two  of  the  dissentients  were 
converted  to  the  side  of  peace;  leaving  the  cabinet 
equally  divided.  "How  shall  I  act?"  demanded  the 
Bashaw.  "  Which  party  shall  I  satisfy  ? — you  are  four 
for  peace,  and  four  for  war  !"  Here  Sidi  Mohammed 
D'Ghies  arose  and  said  it  was  for  the  sovereign  to  de 
cide — they  were  but  councillors,  whereas  he  was  their 
prince  :  though  he  entreated  him,  for  his  own  interests 
and  for  those  of  his  people,  to  make  peace.  The 
Bashaw  drew  his  signet  from  his  bosom,  deliberately 
affixed  it  to  the  treaty,  and  said,  with  dignity  and  em 
phasis,  "It  is  peace.11 

The  salutes  followed,  and  the  war  ceased.  The 
principal  officers  of  the  squadron  visited  the  captives  that 
evening ;  and  the  next  day  the  latter  were  taken  on  board 
ship.  A  generous  trait  of  the  seamen  and  marines,  on 
this  occasion,  merits  notice.  A  Neapolitan  slave  had 
been  much  employed  about  them,  and  had  shown  them 
great  kindness.  They  sent  a  deputation  to  Bainbridge, 
to  request  he  would  authorize  the  purser  to  advance 
them  $700,  of  their  joint  pay ;  it  was  done,  and,  with 
the  money,  they  bought  the  liberty  of  the  Neapolitan ; 
carrying  him  off  with  them — finally  landing  him  on 
his  own  shores. 

At  Syracuse,  a  court  of  inquiry  was  held,  for  the  loss 
of  the  Philadelphia.  This  court  consisted  of  Capts. 
James  Barren,  Hugh  G.  Campbell  and  Stephen  Deca- 
tur,  jun.  Gen.  Eaton  was  the  judge  advocate.  The 


56  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

result  was  an  honorable  acquittal.  The  rinding  of  this 
court  was  dated  June  29,  1805. 

The  country  dealt  generously  and  fairly  by  Bain- 
bridge  and  his  officers.  The  loss  of  the  Philadelphia 
was  viewed  as  being,  precisely  what  it  was,  an  una 
voidable  accident,  that  was  met  by  men  engaged  in  the 
zealous  service  of  their  country,  in  a  distant  sea,  on  an 
inhospitable  shore,  and  at  an  inclement  season  of  the 
year ;  and  an  accident  that  entailed  on  the  sufferers  a 
long  and  irksome  captivity.  To  have  been  one  of  the 
Philadelphia's  crew  has  ever  been  rightly  deemed  a 
strong  claim  on  the  gratitude  of  the  republic,  and  from 
the  hour  at  which  the  ill-fated  ship  lowered  her  ensign, 
down  to  the  present  moment,  a  syllable  of  reproach  has 
never  been  whispered.  Bainbridge,  himself,  was  brought 
prominently  into  notice  by  the  affair,  and  the  sympathy 
his  misfortunes  produced  in  the  public  mind,  made  him 
a  favorite  with  the  nation.  The  advantage  thus  ob 
tained,  was  supported  and  perpetuated  by  that  frank  and 
sincere  earnestness  which  marked  his  public  service, 
and  which  was  so  well  adapted  to  embellish  the  manly 
career  of  a  sailor. 

The  officers  and  crew  of  the  Philadelphia  reached 
home  in  the  autumn  of  1805,  and  were  welcomed 
with  the  warmth  that  their  privations  entitled  them  to 
receive. 

Capt.  Bainbridge  had  married,  when  a  young  man, 
and  he  now  found  himself  embarrassed  in  his  circum 
stances,  with  an  increasing  family.  But  few  ships  were 
employed,  and  there  were  officers  senior  to  himself  to 
command  them.  The  half-pay  of  his  rank  was  then 
only  $600  a  year,  and  he  determined  to  get  leave  to 


BAINBRIDGE.  57 

make  a  voyage  or  two  in  the  merchant  service,  in  order 
to  repair  his  fortunes.  He  had  been  appointed  to  the 
navy-yard  at  New  York,  however,  previously  to  this 
determination,  but  prudence  pointed  out  the  course  on 
which  he  had  decided.  A  voyage  to  the  Havana,  in 
wThich  he  was  part  owner,  turned  out  well,  and  he  con 
tinued  in  this  pursuit  for  two  years  ;  or  from  the  sum 
mer  of  1806,  until  the  spring  of  1808.  In  March  of 
the  latter  year,  he  was  ordered  to  Portland,  and,  in  De 
cember  following,  he  was  transferred  to  the  command 
of  the  President  44,  then  considered  the  finest  ship  in 
the  navy.  Owing  to  deaths,  resignations,  and  promo 
tions,  the  list  of  captains  had  undergone  some  changes 
since  the  passage  of  the  reduction-law.  It  now  con 
tained  thirteen  names,  a  number  determined  by  an  act 
passed  in  1806,  among  which  that  of  Bainbridge  stood 
the  sixth  in  rank.*  The  difficulties  with  England,  which 
had  produced  the  armament,  seemed  on  the  point  of  ad 
justment,  and  immediate  war  was  no  longer  expected. 
Bainbridge  hoisted  his  first  broad  pennant  in  the  Presi 
dent,  having  the  command  on  the  southern  division  of 
the  coast ;  Com.  Rodgers  commanding  at  the  north.  In 
the  summer  of  1809,  the  President  sailed  on  the  coast 
service,  and  continued  under  Bainbridge's  orders,  until 
May,  1810,  when  he  left  her,  again  to  return  to  a  mer 
chant  vessel. 

On  this  occasion  Bainbridge  went  into  the  Baltic. 
On  his  way  to  St.  Petersburg,  a  Danish  cruiser  took 
him,  and  carried  him  into  Copenhagen.  Here,  his  first 
thought  was  of  his  old  friend  Nissen.  Within  half  an 
hour,  the  latter  was  with  him,  and  it  is  a  coincidence 
worthy  of  being  mentioned,  that  at  the  very  moment 


58  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  benevolent  ex-consul  heard  of  Bainbridge's  arrival, 
lie  was  actually  engaged  in  unpacking  a  handsome 
silver  urn,  which  had  been  sent  to  him,  as  a  memorial  of 
his  own  kindness  to  them,  by  the  late  officers  of  the 
Philadelphia. 

Through  the  exertions  of  this  constant  friend,  Bain- 
bridge  soon  obtained  justice,  and  his  ship  was  released. 
He  then  went  up  the  Baltic.  In  this  trade  Capt.  Bain- 
bridge  was  induced  to  continue,  until  the  rencontre  oc 
curred,  between  his  late  ship,  the  President,  and  the 
British  vessel  of  war,  the  Little  Belt.  As  soon  as  ap 
prized  of  this  event,  he  left  St.  Petersburg,  and  made 
the  best  of  his  way  to  the  Atlantic  coast,  over-land.  In 
February,  1812,  he  reached  Washington,  and  reported 
himself  for  service.  But  no  consequences  ever  followed 
the  action  mentioned,  and  a  period  of  brief  but  delusive 
calm  succeeded,  during  which  few,  if  any,  believed  that 
war  was  near.  Still  it  had  been  seriously  contemplated ; 
and,  it  is  understood,  the  question  of  the  disposition  of 
the  navy,  in  the  event  of  a  struggle  so  serious  as  one 
with  Great  Britain's  occurring,  had  been  gravely  agi 
tated  in  the  cabinet.  To  his  great  mortification,  Bain- 
bridge  learned  the  opinion  prevailed  that  it  would  be 
expedient  to  lay  up  all  the  vessels  ;  or,  at  most,  to  use 
them  only  for  harbor  defence.  Fortunately,  the  present 
Com.  Stewart,  an  officer  several  years  the  junior  of 
Bainbridge  in  rank,  but  one  of  high  moral  courage  and 
of  great  decision  of  character,  happened  to  be  also  at 
the  seat  of  government.  After  a  consultation,  these 
two  captains  had  interviews  with  the  Secretary  and 
President,  and,  at  the  request  of  the  latter,  ad 
dressed  to  him  such  a  letter  as  finally  induced  a  change 


BAINBRIDGE.  59 

of  policy.  Had  Bainbridge  and  Stewart  never  served 
their  country  but  in  this  one  act,  they  would  be  entitled 
to  receive  its  lasting  gratitude.  Their  remonstrances 
against  belonging  to  a  peace-navy  were  particularly 
pungent ;  but  their  main  arguments  were  solid  and 
convincing.  After  aiding  in  performing  this  act  of  vital 
service  to  the  corps  to  which  he  belonged,  Bainbridge 
proceeded  to  Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  and  assumed 
the  command  of  the  yard. 

War  was  declared  on  the  18th  June,  1812 ;  or  shortly 
after  Bainbridge  was  established  at  his  new  post.  By 
this  time  death  had  cleared  the  list  of  captains  of  most 
of  his  superiors.  Murray  was  at  the  head  of  the  navy, 
but  too  old  and  infirm  for  active  service.  Next  to  him 
stood  Rodgers ;  James  Barron  came  third,  but  he  was 
abroad  ;  and  Bainbridge  was  the  fourth.  This  circum 
stance  entitled  him  to  a  command  afloat,  and  he  got  the 
Constellation  38,  a  lucky  ship,  though  not  the  one  he 
would  have  chosen,  or  the  one  he  might  justly  have 
claimed  in  virtue  of  his  commission.  But  the  three 
best  frigates  had  all  gone  to  sea,  in  quest  of  the  enemy, 
and  he  was  glad  to  get  any  thing.  A  few  weeks  later, 
Hull  came  in  with  the  Constitution,  after  performing 
two  handsome  exploits  in  her,  and  very  generously 
consented  to  give  her  up,  in  order  that  some  one  else 
might  have  a  chance.  To  this  ship  Bainbridge  was 
immediately  transferred,  and  on  board  her  he  hoisted 
his  broad  pennant  on  the  loth  September,  1812. 

The  Essex  32,  Capt.  Porter,  and  Hornet  18,  Capt. 
Lawrence,  were  joined  to  Bainbridge 's  orders,  and  his  in 
structions  were  to  cruise  for  the  English  East  India  trade, 
in  the  South  Atlantic.  The  Essex  was  in  the  Delaware  ; 


60  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

she  was  directed  to  rendezvous  at  the  Cape  de  Verdes, 
or  on  the  coast  of  South  America.  The  Constitution 
and  Hornet  sailed  in  company,  from  Boston,  on  the 
26th  October.  The  events  of  the  cruise  prevented  the 
Essex,  which  ship  was  commanded  by  Porter,  his  old 
first  lieutenant  in  the  Philadelphia,  from  joining  the 
commodore. 

The  Constitution  and  Hornet  arrived  off  St.  Salvador 
on  the  13th  of  December.  The  latter  ship  went  in,  and 
found  the  Bonne  Citoyenne,  an  enemy's  cruiser  of 
equal  force,  lying  in  the  harbor.  This  discovery  led  to 
a  correspondence  which  will  be  mentioned  in  the  life 
of  Lawrence,  and  which  induced  Bainbridge  to  quit  the 
offing,  leaving  the  Hornet  on  the  look-out  for  her  enemy. 
On  the  26th,  accordingly,  he  steered  to  the  southward, 
intending  to  stand  along  the  coast  as  low  as  12°  20'  S., 
when,  about  9,  A.  M.,  on  the  29th,  the  ship  then  being 
in  13°  6'  S.  latitude,  and  31°  W.  longitude,  or  about 
thirty  miles  from  the  land,  she  made  two  strange  sail, 
inshore  and  to  windward.  After  a  little  manoeuvring, 
one  of  the  ships  closing,  while  the  other  stood  on  to 
wards  St.  Salvador,  Bainbridge  was  .satisfied  he  had  an 
enemy's  frigate  fairly  within  his  reach.  This  was  a 
fortunate  meeting  to  occur  in  a  sea  where  there  was 
little  hazard  of  finding  himself  environed  by  hostile 
cruisers,  and  only  sixty-four  days  out  himself  from 
Boston. 

In  receiving  the  Constitution  from  Hull,  Bainbridge 
found  her  with  only  a  portion  of  her  old  officers  in 
her,  though  the  crew  remained  essentially  the  same. 
Morris,  her  late  first  lieutenant,  had  been  promoted, 
and  was  succeeded  by  George  Parker,  a  gentleman  of 


BAINBRIDGE.  61 

Virginia,  and  a  man  of  spirit  and  determination.  John 
Shubrick  and  Beekman  Hoffman,  the  first  of  South 
Carolina  and  the  last  of  New  York,  two  officers  who 
stood  second  to  none  of  their  rank  in  the  service,  were 
still  in  the  ship,  however,  and  Alwyn,  her  late  master, 
had  been  promoted,  and  was  now  the  junior  lieutenant.* 
In  a  word,  their  commander  could  rely  on  his  officers 
and  people,  and  he  prepared  for  action  with  confidence 
and  alacrity.  A  similar  spirit  seemed  to  prevail  in  the 
other  vessel,  which  was  exceedingly  well  officered,  and, 
as  it  appeared  in  the  end,  was  extra  manned. 

At  a  quarter  past  meridian,  the  enemy  showed  Eng 
lish  colors.  Soon  after,  the  Constitution,  which  had 
stood  to  the  southward  to  draw  the  stranger  off  the  land, 
hauled  up  her  mainsail,  took  in  her  royals,  and  tacked 
toward  the  stranger.  As  the  wind  was  light  and  the 
water  smooth,  the  Constitution  kept  every  thing  aloft, 
ready  for  use,  closing  writh  her  enemy  with  royal  yards 
across.  At  2  P.  M.  the  stranger  was  about  half  a  mile 
to  windward  of  the  Constitution,  and  showed  no  colors, 
except  a  jack.  Bainbridge  now  ordered  a  shot  fired  at 
him,  to  induce  him  to  set  an  ensign.  This  order  being 
misunderstood,  produced  a  whole  broadside  from  the 
Constitution,  when  the  stranger  showed  English  colors 
again  and  returned  the  fire. 

This  was  the  commencement  of  a  furious  cannon- 


*  Alas  !  how  few  of  the  gallant  spirits  of  the  late  war  remain ! 
Bainbridge  is  gone.  Parker  died  in  command  of  the  Siren,  the 
next  year.  John  Shubrick  was  lost  in  the  Epervier,  a  twelve 
month  later;  and  Beekman  Hoffman  died  a  captain  in  1834; 
while  Alwyn  survived  the  wounds  received  in  this  action  but  a 
few  days. 

VOL.  I.  6 


62  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

ading,  both  ships  manoeuvring  to  rake  and  to  avoid 
being  raked.  Very  soon  after  the  action  commenced, 
Bainbridge  was  hit  by  a  musket  ball  in  the  hip  ;  and, 
a  minute  or  two  later,  a  shot  came  in  and  carried  away 
the  wheel,  and  drove  a  small  bolt  with  considerable 
violence  into  his  thigh.  Neither  injury,  however,  in 
duced  him  even  to  sit  down;  he  kept  walking  the 
quarter-deck,  and  attending  to  the  ship,  greatly  adding 
to  the  subsequent  inflammation,  as  these  foreign  sub 
stances  were  lodged  in  the  muscles  of  his  leg,  and,  in  the 
end,  threatened  tetanus.  The  last  injury  was  received 
about  twenty  minutes  after  the  firing  commenced,  and 
was  even  of  more  importance  to  the  ship  than  the 
wound  it  produced  was  to  her  captain.  The  wheel 
was  knocked  into  splinters,  and  it  became  necessary 
to  steer  below.*  This  was  a  serious  evil  in  the 
midst  of  a  battle,  and  more  particularly  in  an  action  in 
which  there  was  an  unusual  amount  of  manoeuvring. 
The  English  vessel,  being  very  strong  manned,  was 

*  Some  time  after  the  peace  of  1815,  a  distinguished  officer  of 
the  English  navy  visited  the  Constitution,  then  just  fitted  anew  at 
Boston,  for  a  Mediterranean  cruise.  He  went  through  the  ship 

accompanied  by  Capt. ,  of  our  service.     "  Well,  what  do  you 

think  of  her?"  asked  the  latter,  after  the  two  had  gone  through 
the  vessel  and  reached  the  quarter-deck  again.  "  She  is  one  of 
the  finest  frigates,  if  not  the  very  finest  frigate,  I  ever  put  my  foot 
on  board  of,"  returned  the  Englishman;  "  but  as  I  must  find  some 
fault,  I'll  just  say  that  your  wheel  is  one  of  the  clumsiest  things 

I  ever  saw,  and-is  unworthy  of  the  vessel."     Capt. laughed, 

and  then  explained  the  appearance  of  the  wheel  to  the  other,  as 
follows:  "When  the  Constitution  took  the  Java,  the  former's 
wheel  was  shot  out  of  her.  The  Java's  wheel  was  fitted  on  the 
Constitution  to  steer  with,  and,  although  we  think  it  as  ugly  as 
you  do,  we  keep  it  as  a  trophy !" 


BAINBRIDGE.  63 

actively  handled,  and,  sailing  better  than  the  Con 
stitution  in  light  winds,  her  efforts  to  rake  produced  a 
succession  of  evolutions,  which  caused  both  ships  to 
ware  so  often,  that  the  battle  terminated  several  miles 
to  leeward  of  the  point  on  the  ocean  where  it  com 
menced. 

After  the  action  had  lasted  some  time,  Bainbridge 
determined  to  close  with  his  enemy  at  every  hazard. 
He  set  his  courses  accordingly,  and  luffed  up  close  to 
the  wind.  This  brought  matters  to  a  crisis,  and  the 
Englishman,  finding  the  Constitution's  fire  too  heavy, 
attempted  to  run  her  aboard.  His  jib-boom  did  get  foul 
of  the  American  frigate's  mizen  rigging,  but  the  end  of 
his  bowsprit  being  shot  away,  and  his  foremast  soon 
after  following,  the  ships  passed  clear  of  each  other, 
making  a  lucky  escape  for  the  assailants.*  The  battle 

*  On  the  part  of  the  enemy,  in  the  war  of  words  which  succeed 
ed  the  war  of  1812,  it  was  pretended  that  the  Constitution  kept 
off  in  this  engagement.  Bainbridge,  in  his  official  letter,  says  he 
endeavoured  to  close,  at  the  risk  of  being  raked  ;  the  early  loss 
of  the  Constitution's  wheel  prevented  her  from  manoeuvring  as 
she  might  otherwise  have  done.  When  a  frigate's  wheel  is  gone, 
the  tiller  is  worked  by  tackles,  below  two  decks,  and  this  makes 
awkward  work ;  first,  as  to  the  transmission  of  orders,  and  next, 
and  principally,  as  to  the  degree  of  change,  the  men  who  do  the 
work  not  being  able  to  see  the  sails.  There  are  two  modes  of 
transmitting  the  orders  ;  one  by  a  tube  fitted  for  that  express  pur 
pose,  and  the  other  by  a  line  of  midshipmen. 

But  the  absurd  part  of  the  argument  was  an  attempt  to  show 
that  the  Constitution  captured  the  Java  by  her  great  superiority  in 
small-arms-men;  Kentucky  riflemen,  of  course,  of  whom,  by  the 
way,  there  probably  was  never  one  in  an  American  ship.  This 
attempt  was  made,  in  connection  with  a  battle  in  which  the  de 
feated  party,  too,  had  every  spar,  even  to  her  bowsprit,  shot  out 
of  her !  All  the  witnesses  on  the  subsequent  court  of  inquiry  ap- 


64  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

continued  some  time  longer,  the  Constitution  throwing 
in  several  effective  raking  broadsides,  and  then  falling 
alongside  of  her  enemy  to  leeward.  At  length,  finding 
her  adversary's  guns  silenced  and  his  ensign  down, 
Bainbridge  boarded  his  tacks  again,  luffed  up  athwart 
the  Englishman's  bows,  and  got  a  position  ahead 
and  to  windward,  in  order  to  repair  damages  ;  actually 
coming  out  of  the  battle  as  he  had  gone  into  it,  with 
royal  yards  across,  and  every  spar,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  in  its  place  !  The  enemy  presented  a 
singular  contrast.  Stick  after  stick  had  been  shot  out 
of  him,  as  it  might  be,  inch  by  inch  too,  until  nothing, 
but  a  few  stumps,  was  left.  All  her  masts  were  gone, 
the  foremast  having  been  shot  away  twice,  once  near 
the  cat-harpings,  and  again  much  nearer  to  the  deck ; 
the  main-topmast  had  come  down  some  time  before  the 
mainmast  fell.  The  bowsprit,  as  has  been  said,  was 
shot  away  at  the  cap.  After  receiving  these  damages, 
the  enemy  did  not  wait  for  a  new  attack,  but  as  soon  as 
the  Constitution  came  round,  with  an  intention  to  cross 

pear  to  have  been  asked  about  this  musketry,  and  the  answer  of 
the  boatswain  is  amusing. 

Question.  "  Did  you  suffer  much  from  musketry  on  the  fore 
castle?" 

Answer.  "  Yes  ;  and  likewise  from  round  and  grape." 
Another  absurdity  was  an  attempt  to  show  (see  James,  Ap.  p.  12) 
that  the  Java  would  have  carried  the  Constitution  had  her  men 
boarded.  The  Constitution's  upper  deck  was  said  to  be  deserted, 
as  if  her  people  had  left  it  in  apprehension  of  their  enemies.  Not 
a  man  left  his  station  in  the  ship,  that  day,  except  under  orders, 
and  so  far  from  caring  about  the  attempt  to  board,  they  ridiculed  it. 
The  Java  was  very  bravely  fought,  beyond  a  question,  but  the 
Constitution  took  her,  and  came  out  of  the  action  with  royal  yards 


BAINBRIDGE. 


65 


her  fore-foot,  he  lowered  a  jack  which  had  been  flying 
at  the  stump  of  his  mizenmast.* 

*  The  following  diagram  will  aid  the  reader  in  his  view  of  the 
movements  of  the  two  vessels,  during  the  engagement. 


Wind  N.  E. 


ufl'W 


? 


Hour  2.10. 

e     - 

J    I 
3 


S    i 


66  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  ship  Bainbridge  captured  was  the  Java  38,  Capt. 
Lambert.  The  Java  was  a  French  built  ship  that  had 
been  captured  some  time  previously,  under  the  name  of 
La  Renommee,  in  those  seas  where  lies  the  island  after 
which  she  was  subsequently  called.  She  mounted  49 
carriage  guns,  and  had  a  sufficient  number  of  supernu 
meraries  on  board  to  raise  her  complement  at  quarters 
to  something  like  400  souls.  Of  these  the  English  ac 
counts  admit  that  124  were  killed  and  wounded;  though 
Bainbridge  thought  her  loss  was  materially  greater.  It 
is  said  a  muster-list  was  found  in  the  ship,  that  was  dated 
five  days  after  the  Java  left  England,  and  which  con 
tained  446  names.  From  these,  however,  was  to  be 
deducted  the  crew  for  a  prize  she  had  taken ;  the  ship 
in  company  when  made  the  day  of  the  action.  Capt. 
Lambert  died  of  his  wounds ;  but  there  was  a  master 
and  commander  on  board,  among  the  passengers,  and 
the  surviving  first  lieutenant  was  an  officer  of  merit. 

In  addition  to  the  officers  and  seamen  who  were  in 
the  Java,  as  passengers,  were  Lieutenant-General  Hislop 
and  his  staff,  the  former  of  whom  was  going  to  Bombay 
as  governor.  Bainbridge  treated  these  captives  with 
great  liberality  and  kindness,  and  after  destroying  his 
prize  for  want  of  means  to  refit  her,  he  landed  all  his 
prisoners,  on  parole,  at  St.  Salvador. 

In  this  action  the  Constitution  had  nine  men  killed 
and  twenty-five  men  wounded.  She  was  a  good  deal 
cut  up  in  the  rigging,  and  had  a  few  spars  injured,  but 
considering  the  vigour  of  the  engagement  and  the 
smoothness  of  the  water,  she  escaped  with  but  little  in 
jury.  There  is  no  doubt  that  she  was  a  heavier  ship 
than  her  adversary,  but  the  difference  in  the  batteries 


BAINBRIDGE.  67 

was  less  than  appeared  by  the  nominal  calibres  of  the 
guns  ;  the  American  shot,  in  that  war,  being  generally 
of  light  weight,  while  those  of  the  Java,  by  some  ac 
counts,  were  French. 

It  has  been  said  that  Bainbridge  disregarded  his  own 
wounds  until  the  irritation  endangered  his  life.  His 
last  injury  must  have  been  received  about  half-past  two, 
and  he  remained  actively  engaged  on  deck  until  11 
o'clock  at  night ;  thus  adding  the  irritation  of  eight 
hours  of  exertion  to  the  original  injuries.  The  conse 
quences  were  some  exceedingly  threatening  symptoms, 
but  skilful  treatment  subdued  them,  when  his  recovery 
was  rapid. 

An  interesting  interview  took  place  between  Bain- 
bridge  and  Lambert,  on  the  quarter-deck  of  the  Consti 
tution,  after  the  arrival  of  the  ship  at  St.  Salvador. 
The  English  captain  was  in  his  cot,  and  Bainbridge 
approached,  supported  by  two  of  his  own  officers,  to 
take  his  leave,  and  to  restore  the  dying  man  his  sword. 
This  interview  has  been  described  as  touching,  and  as 
leaving  kind  feelings  between  the  parting  officers.  Poor 
Lambert,  an  officer  of  great  merit,  died  a  day  or  two 
afterwards. 

The  Constitution  now  returned  home  for  repairs,  being 
very  rotten.  She  reached  Boston,  February  27,  1813, 
after  a  cruise  of  only  four  months  and  one  day.  Bain 
bridge  returned  in  triumph,  this  time,  and,  if  his  coun 
trymen  had  previously  manifested  a  generous  sympa 
thy  in  his  misfortunes,  they  now  showed  as  strong  a 
feeling  in  his  success.  Tho  victor  was  not  more 
esteemed  for  his  courage  and  skill  than  for  the  high 


68  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  chivalrous  courtesy  and  liberality  with  which  he 
had  treated  his  prisoners. 

Bainbridge  gave  up  the  Constitution  on  his  return 
home,  and  resumed  the  command  of  the  yard  at  Charles- 
town,  where  the  Independence  74  was  building,  a  vessel 
he  intended  to  take,  when  launched.  Here  he  remained 
until  the  peace,  that  ship  not  being  quite  ready  to  go 
out  when  the  treaty  was  signed.  In  the  spring  of  1815, 
a  squadron  was  sent  to  the  Mediterranean,  under  Deca- 
tur,  to  act  against  the  Dey  of  Algiers,  and  Bainbridge 
followed,  as  command  er-in-chief,  in  the  Independence, 
though  he  did  not  arrive  until  his  active  predecessor 
had  brought  the  war  to  a  successful  close.  On  this  oc 
casion,  Bainbridge  had  under  his  orders  the  largest  naval 
force  that  had  then  ever  been  assembled  under  the 
American  flag ;  from  eighteen  to  twenty  sail  of  efficient 
cruisers  being  included  in  his  command.  In  November, 
after  a  cruise  of  about  five  months,  he  returned  to  New 
port,  having  one  ship  of  the  line,  two  frigates,  seven 
brigs,  and  three  schooners  in  company.  Thus  he  car 
ried  to  sea  the  first  two-decker  that  ever  sailed  under 
the  American  flag ;  the  present  Capt.  Bolton  being  his 
first  lieutenant.  During  this  cruise,  Com.  Bainbridge 
arranged  several  difficulties  with  the  Barbary  powers, 
and  in  all  his  service,  he  maintained  the  honor  and 
dignity  of  his  flag  and  of  his  command. 

Bainbridge  now  continued  at  Boston  several  years, 
with  his  pennant  flying  in  the  Independence,  as  a  guard 
ship .  In  the  autu  mn  of  1 8 1 9,  however,  he  was  detached 
once  more,  for  the  purpose  of  again  commanding  in 
the  Mediterranean.  This  was  the  fifth  time  in  which 


BAINBRIDGE.  69 

he  had  been  sent  into  that  sea ;  three  times  in  command 
of  frigates,  and  twice  at  the  head  of  squadrons.  The 
Columbus  80,  an  entirely  new  ship,  was  selected  for  his 
pennant,  and  he  did  not  sail  until  April,  1820,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  work  that  it  was  necessary  to  do  on  board 
her.  The  Columbus  reached  Gibraltar  early  in  June. 
This  was  an  easy  and  a  pleasant  cruise,  one  of  the  ob 
jects  being  to  show  the  squadron  in  the  ports  of  the 
Mediterranean,  in  order  to  impress  the  different  nations 
on  its  coast  with  the  importance  of  respecting  the  mari 
time  rights  of  the  republic.  Bainbridge  had  a  strong 
desire  to  show  his  present  force,  the  Columbus  in  par 
ticular,  before  Constantinople,  whither  he  had  been 
sent  twenty  years  before,  against  his  wishes,  but  a  firman 
could  not  be  procured  to  pass  the  castles  with  so  heavy 
a  ship.  After  remaining  out  about  a  year,  Bainbridge 
was  relieved,  and  returned  home,  the  principal  objects 
of  his  cruise  having  been  effected. 

This  was  Bainbridge's  last  service  afloat.  He  had 
now  made  ten  cruises  in  the  public  service,  had  com 
manded  a  schooner,  a  brig,  five  frigates  and  two  line-of- 
battle  ships,  besides  being  at  the  head  of  three  different 
squadrons,  and  it  was  thought  expedient  to  let  younger 
officers  gain  some  experience.  Age  did  not  induce 
him  to  retire,  for  he  was  not  yet  fifty ;  but  others  had 
claims  on  the  country,  and  his  family  had  claims  on 
himself. 

Although  unemployed  afloat,  Bainbridge  continued 
diligently  engaged  in  the  service,  generally  of  the  re 
public  and  of  the  navy.  He  was  at  Charlestown — a 
favourite  station  with  him — for  some  time,  and  then  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  board  of  navy  commissioners. 


70  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

at  Washington.  After  serving  his  three  years  in  the 
latter  station,  he  had  the  Philadelphia  yard.  Bainbridge 
had  removed  his  family  twenty-six  times,  in  the  course 
of  his  different  changes,  and  considering  himself  as  a 
Delaware  seaman,  he  now  determined  to  establish  him 
self  permanently  in  the  ancient  capital  of  the  country. 
An  unpleasant  collision  with  the  head  of  the  depart 
ment,  however,  forced  him  from  his  command  in  1831 ; 
but,  the  next  year,  he  was  restored  to  the  station  at 
Charlestown.  His  health  compelled  him  to  give  up  this 
station  in  a  few  months,  and  his  constitution  being  broken, 
he  returned  to  his  family  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  month  of 
March,  1832,  only  to  die.  His  disease  was  pneumonia, 
connected  with  great  irritation  of  the  bowels  and  a 
wasting  diarrhoea.  As  early  as  in  January,  1833,  he  was 
told  that  his  case  was  hopeless,  when  he  manifested  a 
calm  and  manly  resignation  to  his  fate.  He  lived, 
however,  until  the  28th  of  July,  when  he  breathed  his 
last,  aged  fifty-nine  years,  two  months  and  twenty-one 
days.  An  hour  or  two  previously  to  his  death,  his  mind 
began  to  wander,  and  not  long  before  he  yielded  up  his 
breath,  he  raised  all  that  was  left  of  his  once  noble 
frame,  demanded  his  arms,  and  ordered  all  hands  called 
to  board  the  enemy  ! 

Bainbridge  married,  in  the  early  part  of  his  career,  a 
lady  of  the  West  Indies,  of  the  name  Hyleger.  She 
was  the  grand-daughter  of  a  former  governor  of  St. 
Eustatia,  of  the  same  name.  By  this  lady  he  had  five 
children  who  grew  up  ;  a  son  and  four  daughters.  The 
son  was  educated  to  the  bar ;  was  a  young  man  of  much 
promise,  but  he  died  a  short  time  previously  to  his 
father.  Of  the  daughters,  one  married  a  gentleman  of 


WIMiDAm 


iH> 


BAINBRIDGE.  71 

the  name  of  Hayes,  formerly  of  the  navy ;  another 
married  Mr.  A.  G.  Jaudon,  of  Philadelphia,  and  a  third 
is  now  the  wife  of  Henry  K.  Hoff,  a  native  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  a  sea-lieutenant  in  the  service,  of  eleven 
years'  standing.  He  left  his  family  in  easy  circum 
stances,  principally  the  result  of  his  own  prudence, 
forethought,  gallantry,  and  enterprise. 

At  the  time  of  his  death,  Commodore  Bainbridge 
stood  third  in  rank,  in  the  American  navy ;  having  a 
long  list  of  captains  beneath  him.  Had  justice  been  done 
to  this  gallant  officer,  to  the  service  to  which  he  be 
longed,  or  even  to  the  country,  whose  interests  are  alone 
to  be  efficiently  protected  by  a  powerful  marine,  he 
would  have  worn  a  flag  some  years  before  the  termina 
tion  of  his  career.  Quite  recently  a  brig  of  war  has 
received  his  name,  in  that  service  which  he  so  much 
loved,  and  in  which  he  passed  the  best  of  his  days. 

Com.  Bainbridge  was  a  man  of  fine  and  commanding 
personal  appearance.  His  stature  was  about  six  feet, 
and  his  frame  was  muscular  and  of  unusually  good 
proportions.  His  face  was  handsome,  particularly  in 
youth,  and  his  eye  uncommonly  animated  and  piercing. 
In  temperament  he  was  ardent  and  sanguine ;  but  cool 
in  danger,  and  of  a  courage  of  proof.  His  feelings 
were  vehement,  and  he  was  quickly  roused ;  but,  gene 
rous  and  brave,  he  was  easily  appeased.  Like  most 
men  who  are  excitable,  but  who  are  firm  at  bottom,  he 
was  the  calmest  in  moments  of  the  greatest  responsi 
bility.*  He  was  hospitable,  chivalrous,  magnanimous, 

*  A  singular  proof  how  far  the  resolution  of  Bainbridge  could 
overcome  his  natural  infirmities,  was  connected  with  a  very  melan 
choly  affair.  When  Decatur  fought  the  duel  in  which  he  fell,  he 


72  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

and  a  firm  friend.  His  discipline  was  severe,  but  he 
tempered  it  with  much  consideration  for  the  wants  and 
health  of  his  crews.  Few  served  with  him  who  did 
not  love  him,  for  the  conviction  that  his  heart  was  right, 
was  general  among  all  who  knew  him.  There  was  a 
cordiality  and  warmth  in  his  manner,  that  gained  him 
friends,  and  those  who  knew  him  best,  say  he  had  the 
art  of  keeping  them. 

A  shade  was  thrown  over  the  last  years  of  the  life 
of  this  noble-spirited  man  by  disease.  His  sufferings 
drove  him  to  the  use  of  antispasmodics,  to  an  extent 
which  deranged  the  nerves.  This  altered  his  mood  so 
much  as  to  induce  those  who  did  not  know  him  well  to 
imagine  that  his  character  had  undergone  the  change.. 
This  was  not  the  case,  however;  to  his  dying  hour 
Bainbridge  continued  the  warm-hearted  friend,  the 
chivalrous  gentleman,  and  the  devoted  lover  of  his 
country's  honor  and  interests. 

selected  his  old  commander  and  friend,  Bainbridge,  to  accompany 
him  to  the  field.  Bainbridge  had  a  slight  natural  impediment  in 
his  speech,  which  sometimes  embarrassed  his  utterance  ;  especially 
when  any  thing  excited  him.  On  such  occasions,  he  usually  be 
gan  a  sentence — "un-fer" — "un-£er,"  or  "un-Zo,"  and  then  he 
managed  to  get  out  the  beginning  of  what  he  had  to  say.  On  the 
sad  occasion  alluded  to,  the  word  of  command  was  to  be  "  Fire — 
one,  two,  three  ;"  the  parties  firing  between  "  Fire"  and  "  three." 
Bainbridge  won  the  toss,  and  was  to  give  the  word.  It  then  oc 
curred  to  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  other  side  that  some  accident 
might  arise  from  this  peculiarity  of  Bainbridge's — "one  two11 
sounding  so  much  like  "  un-fer."  and  he  desired  that  the  whole 
order  might  be  rehearsed  before  it  was  finally  acted.  This  was 
done;  but  Bainbridge  was  perfectly  cool,  and  no  mistake  was 
made. 


RICHARD  SOMERS. 


FEW  men  in  this  country  have  left  names  as  distin 
guished  as  that  of  Somers,  around  whose  personal  history 
there  remains  so  much  doubt.  Had  he  not  given  up 
his  life  in  the  service  of  his  country,  he  would  most 
probably  have  now  been  living,  in  a  green  old  age. 
While  many  of  his  friends  and  shipmates  still  survive 
to  bear  testimony  to  his  bravery  and  his  virtues,  yet  no 
one  seems  to  possess  the  precise  information  that  is 
necessary  to  a  full  and  accurate  biographical  sketch  of 
more  than  his  public  services.  The  same  mystery  that 
has  so  long  clothed  the  incidents  of  his  death,  appears 
to  have  gathered  about  those  of  his  early  life,  veiling  the 
beginning  and  the  end  equally  in  a  sad  and  uncertain 
interest. 

The  family  of  Somers  emigrated  from  England  to 
America  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
establishing  itself  at  Great  Egg  Harbor,  Gloucester 
county,  New  Jersey.  Here  the  emigrant  became  the 
proprietor  of  a  considerable  landed  property,  most  of 
which  still  remains  in  the  hands  of  his  descendants,  the 
place  bearing  the  name  of  Somers'  Point.  This  Point 
forms  the  southeastern  extremity  of  the  county,  being 
separated  from  that  of  Cape  May  merely  by  the  Harbor. 
Gordon,  in  his  Gazetteer  of  New  Jersey,  thus  describes 
the  spot,  viz.: — "Somers'  Point,  post-office  and  port  of 

VOL.  i.  7  73 


74  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

entry  for  Great  Egg  Harbor  district,  upon  the  Great  Egg 
Harbor  bay,  about  43  miles  S.  E.  from  Woodbury,  88 
from  Trenton,  and,  by  post-route,  196  from  Washington. 
There  is  a  tavern  and  boarding-house  herev  and  several 
farm-houses.  It  is  much  resorted  to  for  sea-bath incr  in 

O 

summer,  and  gunning  in  the  fall  season." 

It  is  believed  that  the  Christian  name  of  the  emigrant 
was  John,  and  as  this  was  also  the  baptismal  designation 
of  the  celebrated  jurist,  who  came  from  the  middle  class 
of  society,  the  circumstances,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  fact  that  the  family  was  known  to  have  been  respect 
able  in  England,  leaves  the  strong  probability  that  the 
parties  had  a  common  origin.  At  all  events,  this  John 
Somers,  by  his  possessions,  and  position,  must  have 
been  of  a  condition  in  life  much  superior  to  the  great 
body  of  the  emigrants  to  the  American  colonies.  Report 
makes  him  a  man  of  strong  English  habits  and  charac 
ter,  while  there  is  a  tradition  among  his  descendants  of 
the  existence  of  a  mother,  or  of  a  mother-in-law,  who 
was  of  French  extraction,  and  a  native  of  Acadie.  This 
person  may  have  been  the  mother  of  the  wife  of  the 
emigrant,  however  ;  but  the  circumstance  is  not  without 
interest,  when  it  is  remembered  that  the  regretted 
Somers  ^himself,  like  his  intimate  friend  Decatur,  had 
more  of  the  physical  appearance  of  one  descended  from 
a  French  stock,  than  of  one  who  was  derived  from  a 
purely  Anglo-Saxon  ancestry. 

The  property  at  Somers'  Point  descended  princi 
pally,  if  not  entirp'y,  to  the  two  sons  of  the  emigrant, 
John  and  Richard.  John,  the  eldest,  lived  and  died  on 
the  estate,  where  his  descendants  are  still  to  be  found. 
Richard,  the  youngest,  married  Sophia  Stillwell,  of  the 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  75 

same  part  of  his  native  province,  by  whom  he  had  three 
children,  Constant,  Sarah,  and  Richard. 

Constant  Somers  married  Miss  Learning,  of  Cape 
May  county,  and  died  young,  leaving  a  son  and  a 
daughter.  The  former,  who  bore  his  father's  name, 
was  accidentally  killed  at  Cronstadt,  in  Russia,  while 
yet  a  youth,  and  the  daughter  married  a  gentleman  of 
the  name  of  Corsen,  also  of  Cape  May  county,  and  has 
issue.  These  children  are  the  only  descendants,  in  the 
third  generation,  of  Richard  Somers,  the  second  son  of 
the  emigrant. 

Sarah  Somers  married  Captain  Keen,  of  Philadelphia, 
and  still  survives  as  his  widow,  but  has  no  children. 
Richard,  the  youngest  child,  is  the  subject  of  our 
memoir. 

Richard  Somers,  the  elder,  would  seem  to  have  been 
a  man  of  considerable  local  note.  He  was  a  colonel  of 
the  militia,  a  judge  of  the  county  court,  and  his  name 
appears  among  those  of  the  members  from  his  native 
county  in  the  Provincial  Congress,  for  the  year  1775 ; 
though  it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  take  his  seat. 
Col.  Somers  was  an  active  wrhig  in  the  Revolution,  and 
was  much  employed,  in  the  field  and  otherwise,  more 
especially  during  the  first  years  of  the  great  struggle 
for  national  existence.  His  influence,  in  the  part  of 
New  Jersey  where  he  resided,  was  of  sufficient  import 
ance  to  render  him  particularly  obnoxious  to  the  attacks 
of  the  tories,  who  were  in  the  practice  of  seizing  promi 
nent  whigs,  and  of  carrying  them  within  the  British 
lines ;  and  Great  Egg  Harbor  being  much  exposed  to 
descents  from  the  side  of  the  sea,  Col.  Somers  was 
induced  to  remove  to  Philadelphia  with  his  family,  for 


76  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

protection.  As  this  removal  must  have  been  made 
after  the  town  was  evacuated  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  it 
could  not  have  taken  place  earlier  than  the  summer  of 
1778  ;  and  there  is  good  reason  for  thinking  it  occurred 
two  or  three  seasons  later.  Here  Col.  Somers  remained 
for  several  years,  or  nearly  down  to  the  period  of  his 
death. 

Richard  Somers,  the  son  of  Richard,  and  the  grandson 
of  the  emigrant,  it  is  believed  was  born  in  1779,  and  it 
is  known  that  his  birth  took  place  prior  to  the  removal 
of  his  parents  to  Philadelphia.  As  his  father  was  born 
November  24,  1737,  it  determines  two  facts :  first,  that 
the  family  must  have  emigrated  at  least  as  early  as 
1730,  if  not  some  years  earlier ;  and,  secondly,  that 
Col.  Somers  had  reached  middle  age  when  his  distin 
guished  and  youngest  child  drew  his  earliest  breath. 
Somers  first  went  to  school  in  Philadelphia,  and  was 
subsequently  sent  to  Burlington,  where  there  was  an 
academy  of  some  merit  for  the  period.  At  the  latter 
place  the  boy  continued  until  near  the  time  of  the  death 
of  his  father,  if  not  quite  down  to  the  day  of  that  event. 

Col.  Somers  died  in  1793  or  1794 ;  two  records  of  his 
death  existing,  one  of  which  places  it  in  the  former,  and 
the  other  in  the  latter  year. 

There  is  even  some  uncertainty  thrown  around  the 
precise  period  when  Somers  first  went  to  sea.  His 
nearest  surviving  relative  is  of  opinion  that  he  had 
never  entered  upon  the  profession  when  he  joined  the 
navy  ;  but  this  opinion  is  met  by  the  more  precise 
knowledge  of  one  of  his  shipmates  in  the  frigate  in 
which  he  first  served,  who  affirms  that  the  young  man 
was  a  very  respectable  seamen  on  coming  on  board 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  77 

The  result  of  our  inquiries  is  to  convince  us  that 
Somers  must  have  gone  to  sea  somewhere  about  the 
year  1794,  or  shortly  after  the  death  of  his  father,  and 
when  he  himself  was  probably  between  fifteen  and  six 
teen  years  of  age.  The  latter  period,  indeed^  agrees 
with  that  named  by  the  relative  mentioned,  as  his  age 
when  he  went  to  sea,  though  it  is  irreconcilable  with 
the  date  of  the  equipment  of  the  man-of-war  he  first 
joined,  and  that  of  his  own  warrant  in  the  navy.  From 
the  best  information  in  our  possession,  therefore,  we  are 
led  to  believe  that  the  boy  sailed,  first  as  a  hand  and 
then  as  a  mate,  if  not  as  master,  on  board  a  coaster, 
owned  by  some  one  of  his  own  family,  of  which  more 
than  one  plied  between  Great  Egg  Harbor  and  the  ports 
of  New  York  and  Philadelphia.  This  accords,  too, 
with  his  known  love  of  adventure  and  native  resolution, 
as  well  as  with  his  orphan  condition  ;  though  he  inhe 
rited  from  his  father  a  respectable  property,  including  a 
portion  of  the  original  family  estate,  as  well  as  of  lands 
in  the  interior  of  Pennsylvania. 

In  his  boyhood  and  youth,  Somers  was  remarkable 
for  a  chivalrous  sense  of  honor,  great  mildness  of  man 
ner  and  disposition,  all  mingled  with  singular  firmness 
of  purpose.  His  uncle,  John  Somers,  who  was  the 
head  of  the  family,  and  as  such  maintained  an  authority 
that  was  more  usual  in  the  last  century  than  it  is  to-day, 
is  described  as  an  austere  man,  who  was  held  in  great 
awe  by  his  relative^,  and  who  was  accustomed  to  meet 
with  the  greatest  preference  amongst  his  kindred,  not 
only  for  all  his  commands,  but  for  most  of  his  opinions. 
The  firmness  and  decision  shown  by  his  nephew, 
Richard,  however,  in  a  controversy  about  a  dog,  in 

7* 


78  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

which  the  uncle  was  wrong  and  the  boy  right,  are  said 
to  have  astonished  the  whole  family,  and  to  have  created 
a  profound  respect  in  the  senior  for  the  junior,  that  con 
tinued  as  long  as  the  two  lived.  Richard  could  not 
have  been  more  than  twelve  when  this  little  incident 
occurred. 

Somers  received  his  warrant  as  a  midshipman  in  the 
spring  of  1798.  This  was,  virtually,  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  present  navy,  the  Ganges  24,  Capt.  Dale, 
the  first  vessel  that  got  out,  being  ordered  to  sea  May 
22d  of  that  year.  The  Ganges  was  soon  followed  by 
the  Constellation  38,  and  Delaware  20,  the  three  ships 
cruising  on  the  coast  to  prevent  the  depredations  com 
mitted  by  French  privateers.  The  next  vessel  out  was 
the  United  States  44,  bearing  the  broad  pennant  of  Com. 
John  Barry,  the  senior,  officer  of  the  service.  To  this 
vessel  Somers  was  attached,  making  his  first  cruise  in 
her. 

The  United  States  was  then,  as  now,  one  of  the  finest 
frigates  that  floats.  Equipped  in  Philadelphia,  then  the 
capital  of  the  country,  and  the  centre  of  American  civili 
zation,  and  commanded  by  an  experienced  and  excellent 
officer,  no  young  man  could  have  commenced  his  pro 
fessional  career  under  more  favorable  auspices  than  was 
the  case  with  Somers.  The  ship  had  for  lieutenants, 
Ross  1st,  Mullowney  2d,  Barron  3d,  and  Stewart  4th. 
The  two  latter  are  now  the  senior  officers  of  the  service. 
Among  his  messmates  in  the  steerage,  Somers  had  for 
friends  and  associates  Decatur  and  Caldwell,  both  Phila- 
delphians.  It  is  a  proof  that  Somers  had  been  previously 
to  sea,  that,  on  joining  this  ship,  he  was  named  as  mas 
ter's  mate  of  the  hold,  a  situation  uniformly  given,  in 


RICHARD     SOME  RS.  79 

that  day,  to  the  most  experienced  and  trust-worthy  of 
the  midshipmen.  It  was  while  thus  associated,  that 
the  close  connection  was  generated  between  Somers  and 
Decatur,  which,  for  the  remainder  of  their  joint  lives, 
rendered  them  generous  professional  rivals  and  fast  per 
sonal  friends. 

The  United  States  sailed  on  her  first  cruise  early  in 
July,  1798,  going  to  the  eastward,  where  she  collected 
a  small  squadron,  that  had  come  out  of  the  ports  of  New 
England,  and  with  which  she  soon  after  proceeded  to 
the  West  Indies.  She  remained  cruising  in  those  seas 
for  the  remainder  of  the  year,  as  the  commanding 
vessel ;  Com.  Barry  having  collected  a  force  of  some 
twenty  sail  under  his  orders  by  the  commencement  of 
winter.  Shortly  after  Mr.  Ross  left  the  ship,  and 
Messrs.  Mullowney  and  Barren  were  promoted.  This 
occurred  in  the  spring  of  1799,  when  Mr.  Stewart  be 
came  1st  lieutenant  of  the  frigate,  Mr.  Edward  Meade 
2d,  Somers  3d,  and  Decatur  4th.  Thus  the  service  of 
Somers,  as  a  midshipman,  could  not  have  exceeded  a 
twelvemonth :  conclusive  evidence  of  his  having  been 
at  sea  previously  to  joining  the  navy,  were  any  other 
testimony  required  than  that  of  his  shipmates.  In  the 
autumn  of  1799,  the  United  States  sailed  from  New 
port,  Rhode  Island,  for  Lisbon,  having  on  board,  as 
commissioners  to  the  French  Republic,  the  gentlemen 
who  subsequently  arranged  the  terms  of  peace.  It  is 
probable  that  Somers,  whose  previous  experience  had 
been  in  the  American  seas,  crossed  the  Atlantic  for  the 
first  time  in  this  cruise.  Mr.  Stewart  being  placed  in 
command  of  the  Experiment  12,  in  the  year  1800, 
Somers  ended  the  war  as  second  lieutenant  of  the  ship 


80  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

he  had  joined  as  a  midshipman  about  three  years 
before. 

The  war  of  1798  allowed  but  few  opportunities  for 
officers  to  distinguish  themselves.  But  two  frigate 
actions  were  fought,  and,  singularly  enough,  on  the 
side  of  the  Americans,  both  fell  to  the  share  of  the 
same  commander  and  the  same  ship,  Truxtun  and  the 
Constellation ;  leaving  nothing  but  vigilant  watchful 
ness  and  activity  to  the  lot  of  most  of  the  other  officers 
and  vessels.  While  the  United  States  had  no  chance 
for  earning  laurels,  she  was  always  a  model  cruiser  for 
discipline  and  seamanship,  and  the  young  men  who 
served  in  her  during  the  quasi-war,  had  no  grounds  of 
complaint  on  the  score  of  either  precept  or  example. 
They  had  been  in  an  excellent  school,  and  the  "  Old 
Wagoner,"  as  this  vessel  was  afterwards  called,  turned 
out  as  many  distinguished  officers  as  any  vessel  of  the 
day. 

At  the  formation  of  the  peace  establishment,  in  1801, 
Somers  was  retained  as  the  twelfth  lieutenant,  in  a  list 
that  then  presented  only  thirty-six  officers  of  that  rank. 
The  rapid  promotion  which  marked  the  first  few  years 
of  the  existence  of  the  present  marine,  belongs  to  the 
history  of  the  day,  and  must  be  ascribed  to  the  occur 
rence  of  two  wars  in  quick  succession,  and  to  the  wants 
of  an  infant  service.  The  list  alluded  to  forms  a  sub 
ject  of  melancholy  and  yet  proud  interest  to  every 
American  who  is  familiar  with  this  branch  of  the  re 
public's  annals.  It  is  headed  by  the  name  of  Charles 
Stewart,  and  closes  with  that  of  Jacob  Jones.  Hull, 
Shaw,  Chauncy  and  Smith  precede  Somers  on  this  list ; 
Decatur  stands  next  to  him ;  and  Dent,  Porter,  the 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  81 

elder  Cassin,  Gordon  and  Caldwell  follow.  A  long  list 
of  names  that  have  since  become  distinguished,  in 
cluding  those  of  JVTDonough,  Lawrence,  the  younger 
Biddle,  Perry,  the  younger  Cassin,  Trippe,  Allen, 
Burrows,  Blakely,  Downes,  Crane,  Morris,  Ridgely, 
Warrington,  the  elder  Wadsworth,  &c.  &c.,  was  then 
to  be  found  among  the  midshipmen.  Not  a  name  be 
low  that  of  the  seventeenth  captain  of  the  present  day 
(Woodhouse)  was  then  to  be  found  in  the  navy  regis 
ter  at  all ;  that  of  Sloat,  now  the  thirty-third  captain, 
having  lost  its  place  in  consequence  of  a  resignation. 
When  Commodores  Stewart  and  Hull  examine  the 
present  register,  they  find  on  it  but  eleven  names,  be 
sides  their  own,  that  were  there  even  when  they  were 
made  commanders.  They  both  remain  captains  them 
selves  to  this  hour ! 

The  United  States  was  laid  up  in  ordinary  at  the 
peace  of  1801,  and  there  was  this  noble  frigate  suffered 
to  remain,  until  she  was  again  commissioned  for  the 
coast  service,  a  few  months  previously  to  the  war  of 
1813.  Among  the  vessels  that  were  built  to  meet  the 
emergency  of  the  French  struggle,  was  a  frigate  called 
the  Boston,  a  vessel  that  it  was  usual  then  to  rate  as  a 
thirty-two,  but  which  was  properly  a  twenty-eight, 
*  carrying  only  twenty-four  twelves  on  her  gun-deck. 
This  little  ship  had  fought  a  spirited  action  with  a 
heavy  French  corvette  called  the  Bercean,  in  the  war 
that  had  just  terminated,  and  had  brought  in  her  an 
tagonist.  This  circumstance  rendered  her  a  favourite, 
and  she  was  kept  in  commission  at  the  termination  of 
hostilities,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Daniel 
M'Niell,  an  officer  of  whose  eccentricities  there  will  be 


82  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

occasion  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  the  record  of  his 
extraordinary  career.  Somers,  on  quitting  the  United 
States,  was  transferred  to  the  Boston  as  her  first  lieu 
tenant.  The  ship  sailed  from  New  York  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1801,  for  L'Orient,  in  France,  having  on  board 
Chancellor  Livingston  and  suite,  the  newly  appointed 
legation  to  that  country.  After  landing  the  minister, 
the  Boston  proceeded  to  the  Mediterranean.  The 
cruise  of  this  ship  was  remarkable  for  its  entire  inde 
pendence.  Capt.  M'Niell  had  been  ordered  to  join  the 
Mediterranean  squadron,  then  under  the  pennant  of 
Com.  Dale ;  and,  although  he  was  in  that  sea  during 
parts  of  the  commands  of  that  officer  and  his  successor, 
Com.  Morris,  he  so  successfully  eluded  both  as  never 
to  fall  in  with  them ;  or  if  he  met  the  latter  at  all,  it 
was  only  for  a  moment,  and  near  the  end  of  his  own 
cruise.  Capt.  M'Niell,  notwithstanding,  wanted  for 
neither  courage  nor  activity.  He  visited  many  ports, 
gave  frequent  convoys,  and  even  wrent  off  Tripoli,  the 
scene  of  the  war ;  but,  from  accident  or  design,  all 
this  was  so  timed  as  to  destroy  every  thing  like  concert 
and  combination.  In  this  cruise  Somers  had  an  oppor 
tunity  of  seeing  many  of  the  ports  of  Italy,  Spain,  and 
the  islands,  and  doubtless  he  acquired  much  of  that 
self-reliance  and  experience  which  are  so  necessary  tq 
a  seaman,  in  his  responsible  station  of  a  first  lieutenant. 
He  was  then  a  very  young  man,  not  more  than  twenty- 
three  ;  and  this  was  a  period  of  life  when  such  oppor 
tunities  were  of  importance.  Nor  does  he  seem  to 
have  neglected  them,  as  all  of  his  contemporaries  speak 
of  his  steadiness  of  character,  good  sense,  and  amiable, 
correct  deportment,  with  affection  and  respect.  The 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  83 

Boston  returned  home  at  the  close  of  1802,  when  Capt. 
M'Nieil  retired  from  the  service,  under  the  reduction 
law,  and  the  ship  was  laid  up,  never  to  be  employed 
again.  The  commander  subsequently  returned  to  the 
seas,  in  the  revenue  service,  but  the  frigate  lay  rotting 
at  Washington,  until  she  was  burned  at  the  inroad  of 
the  enemy,  in  1814,  a  worthless  hulk. 

At  the  reduction  of  the  navy  in  1801,  but  one 
vessel  below  the  rate  of  a  frigate,  the  Enterprise  12, 
was  retained  in  the  marine.  Most  of  the  sloops  that 
had  been  used  in  the  French  war  were  clumsy  vessels 
with  gun-decks,  that  had  been  bought  into  the  service. 
They  were  not  fit  to  be  preserved,  and  the  department 
was  not  sorry  to  get  rid  of  them.  By  this  time,  how 
ever,  the  want  of  small  vessels  was  much  felt  in  carry 
ing  on  the  Tripolitan  war,  and  a  law  providing  for  the 
construction  of  four  vessels  of  not  more  than  sixteen 
guns,  passed  in  the  session  of  1802-3.  These  vessels 
were  the  Siren  16,  Argus  16,  Nautilus  12,  and  Vixen 
12.  As  the  country  at  that  day  had  no  proper  yards, 
it  was  customary  to  assign  certain  officers  to  superin 
tend  the  building  and  equipment  of  vessels  on  the 
stocks,  the  selections  being  commonly  made  from  those 
who  it  was  intended  should  subsequently  serve  in  them. 
On  this  occasion  Decatur  was  attached  to  the  Argus,  it 
being  understood  he  was  to  take  her  to  the  Mediterra 
nean  arid  give  her  up  to  Hull,  receiving  the  Enterprise 
from  the  latter  in  exchange,  as  the  junior  officer. 
Stewart  was  given  the  Siren,  as  his  due ;  Smith  got 
the  Vixen ;  and  Soiners  the  Nautilus.  By  this  time, 
or  in  the  spring  of  1803,  owing  to  resignations,  the 
kttcr  stood  seventh  on  the  list  of  lieutenants,  Smith 


84  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

being  one  before  him,  and  Decatur  one  his  junior. 
Stewart  and  Hull  headed  the  register.  Of  the  thirty- 
six  officers  of  this  rank  retained  under  the  reduction 
law,  but  twenty-five  then  remained  in  service.  To-day 
their  number  is  lowered  to  three,  viz.,  Stewart,  Hull 
and  Jacob  Jones ! 

The  Nautilus,  the  first  and  only  command  of  Somers, 
was  a  beautiful  schooner  of  about  160  or  170  tons,  and 
mounted  twelve  181b.  carronades,  with  two  sixes,  having 
a  crew  of  from  75  to  95  souls.  This  was  a  hand 
some  situation  for  a  young  sailor  of  twenty-four,  who 
had  then  followed  his  profession  but  about  nine  years, 
and  who  had  been  in  the  navy  but  five,  having  com 
menced  a  midshipman.  In  that  day,  however,  no  one 
envied  Somers,  or  believed  him  unduly  favoured,  for 
he  was  thought  to  be  an  old  officer,  though  he  had  not 
been  half  the  time  in  the  service  which  is  now  employ 
ed  in  the  subordinate  situations  of  midshipman  and 
passed  midshipman. 

The  Mediterranean  squadron,  which  sailed  in  the 
summer  and  autumn  of  1803,  was  that  which  subse 
quently  became  so  celebrated  under  the  orders  of  Preble. 
It  consisted  of  the  Constitution  44,  Treble's  own  ship  ; 
the  Philadelphia  38,  Capt.  Bainbridge  ;  Argus  16,  first 
Lieut.  Com.  Decatur,  then  Lieut.  Com.  Hull ;  Siren  16, 
Lieut.  Com.  Stewart ;  Vixen  12,  Lieut.  Com.  Smith ; 
Enterprise  12,  first  Lieut.  Com.  Hull,  then  Lieut. 
Com.  Decatur ;  and  Nautilus  12,  Lieut.  Com.  Somers. 
These  vessels  did  not  proceed  to  their  station  in  squad 
ron,  but  they  left  home  as  they  got  ready.  The  En 
terprise  was  already  out,  but,  of  the  ships  fitting,  the 
Nautilus  was  the  first  equipped,  and  the  first  to  sail. 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  85 

Somers  left  America  early  in  the  summer,  and  anchored 
in  Gibraltar  Bay  on  the  27th  July.  The  remaining 
vessels  arrived  at  different  times,  between  the  last  of 
August  and  the  first  of  November.  After  a  short  stop 
at  Gibraltar,  the  Nautilus  went  aloft,  giving  convoy 
when  required,  returning  to  the  Rock  in  time  to  meet 
the  commodore  in  September. 

The  relief  and  the  homeward-bound  squadrons,  or  at 
least  that  part  of  the  former  which  had  then  arrived 
and  was  below,  and  the  return  ships  under  Com.  Rod- 
gers,  met  at  Gibraltar  early  in  September.  The  state 
of  the  relations  with  Morocco  being  very  precarious, 
Com.  Preble  determined  to  make  an  effort  to  avert  a 
new  war,  and  Com.  Rodgers  handsomely  consenting  to 
aid  him,  the  former  proceeded  to  Tangiers  with  all  the 
force  he  could  assemble.  Here  he  succeeded  in  awing 
the  Emperor  into  a  treaty,  and  in  putting  a  stop  to  a 
system  of  depredations  which  the  subjects  of  that  prince 
had  already  commenced.  The  Nautilus  formed  a  part 
of  the  force  employed  on  this  occasion,  and  was  par 
ticularly  useful  on  account  of  her  light  draught  of 
water. 

After  arranging  the  difficulty  with  Morocco,  Preble 
made  a  formal  declaration  of  the  blockade  of  Tripoli, 
before  which  town  he  believed  that  the  Philadelphia 
and  Vixen  were  then  cruising;  though,  unknown  to 
him,  the  latter  had  been  temporarily  detached,  and  the 
Philadelphia  was  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  From 
this  time  until  the  succeeding  spring,  the  Nautilus 
was  employed  in  convoying,  or  in  carrying  orders 
necessary  to  the  preparations  that  were  making  for  the 
coming  season  ;  but  in  March  she  formed  a  part  of  the 
VOL.  i.  8 


86  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

blockading  force  in  front  of  Tripoli.  In  consequence 
of  the  captivity  of  Capt.  Bainbridge,  Lieut.  Com. 
Stewart  was  the  officer  second  in  rank  in  the  squadron, 
and  he  was  consequently  kept  much  upon  the  coast  in 
command,  while  Preble  was  carrying  on  the  negotiations 
by  means  of  which  he  obtained  the  gunboats  and  other 
supplies  neccessary  to  the  attacks  he  contemplated. 
In  March,  1804,  while  the  Siren  and  Nautilus  were 
alone  maintaining  the  blockade,  the  two  vessels  had 
been  driven  to  the  eastward  of  their  port  by  a  gale,  and 
early  in  the  morning,  while  returning,  they  made  a 
warlike  looking  brig  lying  to  off  the  place,  with  which 
she  was  evidently  in  communication.  Signal  was 
made  to  the  Nautilus  to  stand  close  in,  and  watch  the 
gunboats,  while  the  Siren  ran  alongside  of  the  stranger, 
who  was  captured  for  a  violation  of  the  blockade.  The 
prize  proved  to  be  a  privateer  called  the  Transfer,  with 
an  English  commission.  She  carried  10  guns  and  80 
men,  and  hailed  from  Malta,  but,  in  fact,  belonged  to  the 
Bashaw  of  Tripoli ;  her  papers  having  been  obtained 
through  the  Tripolitan  consul  in  Malta,  who  was  a  native 
of  that  island.  This  vessel  was  appraised,  equipped  by 
the  squadron,  and  used  in  the  war,  having  had  her  name 
changed  to  the  Scourge.  Owing  to  certain  scruples  of 
Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  subject  of  blockades,  the  vessel  was 
not  condemned  until  the  war  of  1812,  nor  were  the 
captors  paid  their  prize-money  until  Somers  had  been 
dead  nearly  eleven  years. 

Between  the  time  of  the  capture  of  the  Transfer  and 
the  month  of  July,  the  Nautilus  was  much  employed 
by  the  commodore,  going  beknv  and  visiting  different 
ports  in  Sicily.  On  the  20th  of  that  month,  Somers 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  87 

sailed  from  Malta,  in  company  with  the  Constitution, 
the  Enterprise,  two  bomb  ketches  and  six  gunboats  that 
had  been  obtained  from  the  Neapolitans,  bound  off  Tri 
poli.  On  the  arrival  of  the  commodore,  his  whole  force 
was  collected,  and  that  series  of  short  but  brilliant  opera 
tions  commenced,  which  has  rendered  the  service  of 
this  season  so  remarkable  in  the  history  of  the  American 
navy. 

A  spirit  of  high  emulation  existed  among  the  young 
commanders  by  whom  Preble  now  found  himself  sup 
ported.  Hull  was  the  oldest  in  years,  and  he  had 
hardly  reached  the  prime  of  life,  while  Stewart,  Smith, 
Somers  and  Decatur  were  all  under  five-and-twenty. 
With  the  exception  of  the  commodore,  no  commanding 
officer  was  married,  and  most  of  them  were  bound 
together  by  the  ties  of  intimate  friendships.  In  a  word, 
their  lives,  as  yet,  had  been  prosperous ;  the  past  left 
little  to  complain  of,  the  future  was  full  of  hope  ;  and 
there  had  been  little  opportunity  for  that  spirit  of 
selfishness  which  is  so  apt  to  generate  quarrels,  to 
get  possession  of  minds  so  free  and  temperaments  so 
ardent. 

This  is  the  proper  .place  to  allude  to  a  private  adven 
ture  of  Somers',  about  the  existence  of  which  there 
would  seem  to  be  no  doubt,  though,  like  so  much  that 
belongs  to  this  interesting  man,  its  details  are  involved 
in  obscurity.  While  at  Syracuse,  where  the  American 
vessels  made  their  principal  rendezvous,  he  was  walking 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  town  in  company  Avith  two  brother 
officers,  when  five  men  carrying  swords,  who  were 
afterwards  ascertained  to  be  soldiers  of  the  garrison, 
made  an  attack  on  the  party,  with  an  attempt  to  rob. 


88  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

One  of  the  gentlemen  was  provided  with  a  dirk,  but 
Soraers  and  the  other  were  totally  unarmed.  The  officer 
with  the  dirk  used  the  weapon  so  vigorously  as  soon  to 
bring  down  one  assailant,  while  Somers  grappled  with 
another.  In  the  struggle  Somers  seized  the  blade  of 
his  antagonist's  sword,  and  was  severely  cut  in  the  hand 
by  the  efforts  of  the  robber  to  recover  it,  but  the  latter 
did  not  succeed,  the  weapon  being  wrested  from  him 
and  plunged  into  his  own  body.  This  decided  the  mat 
ter,  the  three  remaining  robbers  taking  to  flight.  The 
dead  bodies  were  carried  into  the  town  and  recognised. 
This  adventure  is  believed  to  have  occurred  while  the 
Nautilus  was  absent  on  her  last  visit  to  Sicily,  though 
it  may  have  been  of  older  date  ;  possibly  as  old  as  the 
time  when  Somers  was  in  the  Boston.  We  think  the 
latter  improbable,  however,  as  the  circumstance  seems 
to  be  unknown  to  his  nearest  relatives  in  this  country, 
which  would  hardly  have  been  the  case  had  it  taken 
place  previously  to  his  last  visit  to  America.  Our 
information  comes  from  an  intimate  friend,  who  received 
the  facts  from  Somers  himself,  but  who  was  not  at 
Syracuse  at  the  moment  the  attempt  to  rob  occurred. 

A  gale  of  wind  prevented  the  American  vessels  from 
commencing  operations  before  the  3d  of  August.  On 
that  day  Com.  Preble  stood  in  within  a  league  of  Tri 
poli,  with  a  pleasant  breeze  from  the  eastward.  Here 
he  wore  ship,  with  his  head  off  the  land,  and  signaled 
all  the  vessels  to  pass  within  hail  of  the  Constitution. 
As  the  brigs  and  schooners  passed  the  frigate  each  com 
mander  was  ordered  to  prepare  for  an  attack.  Every 
thing  was  previously  arranged,  and  the  ardor  of  the 
young  men  under  the  orders  of  Preble  being  of  the 


RI  CHARD    SOMERS.  89 

highest  character,  in  one  hour  every  man  and  craft  were 
ready  for  the  contemplated  service. 

The  harbor  of  Tripoli  lies  in  a  shallow  indentation  of 
the  coast,  being  tolerably  protected  against  easterly  and 
westerly  gales*  by  the  formation  of  the  land,  while  a 
reef  of  rocks,  which  stretches  for  a  mile  and  a  half  in  a 
northeasterly  course,  commencing  at  the  town  itself, 
breaks  the  seas  that  roll  in  from  the  northward.  This 
reef  extends  near  half  a  mile  from  the  walls,  entirely 
above  water,  and  is  of  sufficient  height  and  width 
to  receive  water  batteries,  containing  the  Lazaretto  and 
one  or  two  forts.  It  is  this  commencement  of  the  reef 
which  constitutes  what  is  usually  termed  the  mole,  and 
behind  it  lies  the  harbor  proper.  At  its  termination  is 
a  narrow  opening  in  the  reef  which  is  called  the  western 
entrance,  through  which  it  is  possible  for  a  ship  to  pass, 
though  the  channel  is  not  more  than  two  hundred  feet 
in  width.  Beyond  this  passage  the  rocks  reappear, 
with  intervals  between  them,  though  lying  on  shoals 
with  from  one  half  to  five  and  a  half  feet  of  water  on 
them.  The  line  of  rocks  and  shoals  extends  more  than 
a  mile  outside  of  the  western  entrance.  Beyond  its 
termination  is  the  principal  entrance  to  Tripoli,  which 
is  of  sufficient  width  though  not  altogether  free  from 
shoals.  The  distance  across  the  bay,  from  the  north 
eastern  extremity  of  the  rocks  to  what  is  called  the 
English  fort,  on  the  main  land,  is  about  two  thousand 
yards,  or  quite  within  the  effective  range  of  heavy  guns. 
In  the  bottom  of  the  bay,  or  at  the  southeastern  angle 
of  the  town,  stands  the  bashaw's  castle,  a  work  of  some 
size  and  force.  It  lies  rather  more  than  half  a  mile 
from  the  western  entrance,  and  somewhat  more  than  a 
8* 


90  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

mile  from  the  outer  extremity  of  the  reef.  Thus  any 
thing  within  the  rocks  is  commanded  by  all  the  water 
defences  of  the  place,  while  shot  from  the  castle,  and 
more  especially  from  the  natural  mole,  would  reach  a 
considerable  distance  into  the  offing.  Some  artificial 
works  aided  in  rendering  the  northwestern  corner  of  the 
harbor  still  more  secure,  and  this  place  is  usually  called 
the  galley  mole.  Near  this  is  the  ordinary  landing,  and 
it  is  the  spot  that  may  properly  be  termed  the  port. 

The  Tripolitans  fully  expected  the  attack  of  the  2d 
of  August,  though  they  little  anticipated  its  desperate 
character,  or  its  results.  They  had  anchored  nine  of 
their  large,  well-manned  gunboats  just  outside  of  what 
are  called  the  Harbor  Rocks,  or  the  northeastern 
extremity  of  the  reef,  evidently  with  a  view  of  flanking 
the  expected  attack  on  the  town,  which,  lying  on  the 
margin  of  the  sea,  is  much  exposed,  though  the  rocks  in 
its  front  were  well  garnished  with  heavy  guns.  Accus 
tomed  to  cannonading  at  the  distance  of  a  mile,  these 
gunboats  expected  no  warmer  service,  more  especially 
as  a  nearer  approach  would  bring  their  assailants  within 
reach  of  the  castle  and  batteries.  In  addition  to  the 
nine  boats  to  the  eastward,  there  were  five  others  which 
also  lay  along  the  line  of  rocks  nearer  to  the  western 
entrance,  and  within  pistol  shot  of  the  batteries  in  that 
part  of  the  defences.  Within  the  reef  were  five  more 
gunboats  and  several  heavy  galleys,  ready  to  protect  the 
outer  line  of  gunboats  at  need,  forming  a  reserve. 

Com.  Preble  had  borrowed  only  six  gunboats  from 
the  King  of  Naples,  and  these  were  craft  that  were 
much  inferior  in  size  and  force  to  the  generality  of  those 
used  by  the  enemy.  Each  of  these  boats  had  a  few 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  91 

Neapolitans  in  her  to  manage  her  on  ordinary  occasions, 
but,  for  the  purposes  of  action,  officers  and  crews  were 
detailed  from  the  different  vessels  of  the  squadron. 
These  six  boats  were  divided  into  two  divisions  ;  to  the 
command  of  one  was  assigned  Lieut.  Com.  Somers, 
while  Lieut.  Com.  Decatur  led  the  other.  Somers  was 
thought  to  be  the  senior  lieutenant  of  the  two,  though 
Decatur  was  at  this  time  actually  a  captain,  and  Somers 
himself  was  a  master  commandant,  as  well  as  Stewart, 
Hull,  and  Smith,  though  the  intelligence  of  these  promo 
tions  had  not  yet  reached  the  squadron.  The  three 
boats  commanded  by  Somers  were 

No.  1.  Lieut.  Com.  Somers,  of  the  Nautilus. 

No.  2.  Lieut.  James  Decatur,  of  the  Nautilus. 

No.  3.  Lieut.  Blake,  of  the  Argus. 
Decatur  had  under  his  immediate  orders, 

No.  4.  Lieut.  Com.  Decatur  of  the  Enterprise. 

No.  5.  Lieut.  Joseph  Bainbridge,  of  the  Enterprise. 

No.  6.  Lieut.  Trippe,  of  the  Vixen. 
Somers  had  with  him  in  No.  1  a  crew  from  his  own 
schooner, and  Messrs.  Ridgely  and  Miller, midshipmen; 
the  former  being  the  present  Com.  Ridgely.  Decatur 
had  the  late  Lieut.  Jonathan  Thorn,  who  was  subsequently 
blown  up  on  the  northwest  coast  of  America,  and  the 
modest,  but  lion-hearted  M'Donough.  Trippe  had  with 
him  in  No.  6  the  late  Com.  J.  D.  Henley  and  the  late 
Capt.  Deacon,  both  then  midshipmen.  Of  all  the SG  gal 
lant  young  men  Ridgely  alone  survives  ! 

It  was  the  intention  of  Preble  to  attack  the  eastern 
division  of  the  enemy's  boats  with  his  own  flotilla,  while 
the  ketches  bombarded  the  town,  and  the  frigate  and 
sloop  covered  both  assaults  with  their  round  and  grape. 


92  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

With  this  object  in  view,  the  whole  force  stood  in 
towards  the  place  at  half-past  one,  the  gunboats  in  tow. 
Half  an  hour  later  the  latter  were  cast  off  and  formed  in 
advance,  while  the  brigs  and  schooners,  six  in  number, 
formed  a  line  without  them,  and  the  ketches  began  to 
throw  their  shells.  The  batteries  were  instantly  in  a 
blaze,  and  the  Americans  immediately  opened  from  all 
their  shipping  in  return. 

Circumstances  had  thrown  the-  division  of  gunboats 
commanded  by  Somers  to  leeward  of  that  commanded 
by  Decatur.  It  was  on  the  right  of  the  little  line,  and, 
under  ordinary  occurrences,  it  would  have  been  the 
most  exposed,  being  nearest  to  the  batteries  and  the 
weight  of  the  Tripolitan  fire,  but  Decatur  gave  a  new 
character  to  the  whole  affair  by  his  extraordinary  deci 
sion  and  intrepidity.  The  manner  in  which  this  chi 
valrous  officer  led  on  in  a  hand-to-hand  conflict  will  be 
related  in  his  own  biography,  but  it  may  be  well  to 
state  here  that  he  was  sustained  only  by  Trippe,  in  No. 
6,  and  his  brother  James,  in  No.  2 ;  the  latter  being  far 
enough  to  windward  to  fetch  into  the  easternmost  divi 
sion  of  the  Tripolitan  boats,  though  belonging  to  the 
division  commanded  by  Somers.  No.  5,  Lieut.  Bain- 
bridge,  was  disabled  in  approaching,  though  she  con 
tinued  to  engage,  and  finally  grounded  on  the  rocks. 
Deprived  of  the  support  of  No.  2  by  the  successful 
effort  of  her  gallant  commander  to  close  with  the  eastern 
most  division,,  and  of  that  of  No.  3,  in  consequence  of  a 
signal  of  recall  that  was  made  from  the  Constitution, 
which  arrested  the  movements  of  that  boat,  though  it 
was  either  unseen  or  disregarded  by  all  the  others, 
Somers  found  himself  alone,  within  the  line  of  small 


RICHARD    SOMERS.  93 

vessels,  and  much  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  leeward 
division  of  the  enemy's  boats,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the 
nearest  battery.  The  struggle  to  windward  was  too 
fierce  to  last  long,  and  Preble  fearing  that  some  of  the 
gunboats  might  be  pushed  into  extreme  peril,  made  the 
signal  of  recall,  at  least  an  hour  before  the  firing  ceased, 
No.  1  with  Somers  and  his  brave  companions  being  all 
that  time  in  the  very  forlorn  hope  of  the  affair  so  far  as 
missiles  were  concerned.  As  soon  as  it  had  been  ascer 
tained  that  he  could  not  fetch  into  the  most  weatherly 
division  of  the  enemy,  Somers  had  turned  like  a  lion  on 
that  to  leeward,  and  engaged  the  whole  of  that  division, 
five  in  number  and  at  least  of  five  times  his  own  force, 
within  pistol  shot ;  one  party  being  sustained  by  some 
of  the  vessels  outside,  and  the  other  by  the  batteries  and 
the  craft  within  the  rocks.  In  consequence  of  the  direc 
tion  of  the  wind,  the  only  means,  short  of  anchoring, 
that  could  be  devised  to  prevent  No.  1  from  drifting 
directly  down,  as  it  might  be,  into  the  enemy's  hands, 
was  to  keep  the  sweeps  backing  astern,  while  the  long 
gun  of  the  boat  delivered  bags  of  musket  balls  filled 
with  a  thousand  bullets  each.  In  the  end,  the  enemy 
was  obliged  to  make  off,  and  Somers  was  extricated  from 
his  perilous  position  by  the  approach  of  the  Constitution, 
which  enabled  him  to  obey  the  commodore's  signal  and 
bring  out  his  boat  in  triumph. 

Although  the  extraordinary  nature  of  the  hand-to-hand 
conflict  in  which  Decatur  had  been  engaged  threw  a 
sort  of  shade  over  the  efforts  of  the  other  vessels  em 
ployed  that  day,  the  feeling  of  admiration  for  the  con 
duct  of  Somers,  in  particular,  was  very  general  in  the 
squadron.  Apart  from  the  struggles  with  the  pike, 


94  N  A  V  A  L     B  I  0  G  R  A  P  H  Y. 

sword  and  bayonet,  his  position  was  much  the  most  cri 
tical  of  any  vessel  engaged  in  the  attack,  and  no  man 
could  have  behaved  better  than  he  was  admitted  to  have 
done.  In  short,  next  to  Nos.  4  and  6,  No.  1,  it  was  con 
ceded,  had  most  distinguished  herself,  although  No.  2, 
under  James  Decatur,  did  as  well  as  the  circumstances 
would  allow.  One  of  the  best  evidences  which  can  be 
given  of  the  spirit  of  this  attack  is  to  be  found  in  the 
trifling  nature  of  the  loss  the  Americans  suffered.  But 
fourteen  men  were  killed  and  wounded  in  all  the  vessels, 
and  of  these  thirteen  were  on  board  the  gunboats. 
No.  4,  notwithstanding  her  great  exposure,  had  only 
two  casualties. 

The  Americans  employed  themselves,  between  the 
3d  and  7th  of  August,  in  altering  the  rigs  of  the  three 
boats  they  had  taken  in  their  first  assault,  and  in  equip 
ping  them  for  service.  They  were  all  ready  by  the 
morning  of  the  last  day,  and  were  taken  into  the  line  as 
Nos.  7, 8,  and  9.  At  half-past  2,  the  ketches  began  again 
to  throw  their  shells,  and  the  nine  gunboats  opened  a  heavy 
fire,  still  in  two  divisions  commanded  as  before,  though 
the  enemy  tbis  time  kept  his  small  vessels  too  far  within 
the  rocks  to  be  liable  to  another  attempt  at  boarding. 
While  No.  1  was  advancing  to  her  station,  on  this  oc 
casion,  Somers  stood  leaning  against  her  nag-staff.  In 
this  position  he  saw  a  shot  flying  directly  in  a  line  for 
him.  and  bowed  his  head  to  avoid  it.  The  shot  cut  the 
flag-staff,  and  on  measuring  afterwards,  it  was  rendered 
eertain  that  he  .escaped  death  only  by  the  timely  re 
moval.  The  boats  were  under  fire  three  hours  in  this 
attack  ;  one  of  them,  commanded  by  Lieut.  Caldwell, 
of  the  Siren,  having  been  blown  up.  Between  5  and  6 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  95 

P.  M.,  the  brigs  and  schooners  took  the  lighter  craft  in 
tow,  and  carried  them  beyond  the  reach  of  the  batteries. 
In  this  affair  Somers'  boat  was  hulled  by  a  heavy  shot, 
and  was  much  exposed. 

A  strange  sail  hove  in  sight  near  the  close  of  this 
attack,  and  she  proved  to  be  the  John  Adams  28,  Capt. 
Chauncy,  last  from  home.  This  ship  brought  out  the 
commission  already  mentioned,  as  having  been  issued 
some  time  previously.  By  this  promotion,  Somers  be 
came  a  master  commandant,  or  a  commander,  as  the 
grade  is  now  termed ;  a  rank  in  the  navy  which  cor 
responds  to  that  of  a  major  in  the  army,  and  which  en 
titles  its  possessor  to  the  command  of  a  sloop  of  wTar. 
Several  of  these  commanders  were  made  at  this  time, 
of  whom  Somers  ranked  as  the  seventh,  which  was  pre 
cisely  the  number  he  had  previously  occupied  on  the 
list  of  lieutenants.  There  was  a  peculiarity  about  this 
promotion  which  is  worthy  of  comment,  and  which  goes 
to  show  the  irregularities  that  have  been  practised  in  a 
service  which  is  generally  understood  to  be  governed 
and  protected  by  the  most  precise  principles  and  enact 
ments. 

Certainly  some,  and  it  is  believed  that  all  the  com 
missions  of  commanders,  bestowed  upon  the  service  in 
1804,  were  issued  without  referring  the  nominations  to 
the  Senate  for  confirmation.  We  have  examined  one 
of  these  commissions,  and  find  that  it  contains  no  allu 
sion  to  that  body,  as  is  always  done  in  those  cases  in 
which  a  confirmation  has  been  had ;  and  the  omission 
raises  a  curious  question  as  to  the  legality  of  the  ap 
pointments.  As  the  rank  of  commander  in  the  navy 
has  never  been  declared  by  law  to  be  one  of  those 


96  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

offices  in  which  the  appointing  power  is  exclusively  be 
stowed  on  the  president,  or  a  head  of  a  department,  it 
follows  that  it  comes  within  the  ordinary  provision  of 
the  constitution.  Now,  in  all  the  latter  cases,  the  power 
of  the  executive  to  appoint  is  confined  to  that  of  filling 
vacancies  which  occur  in  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  and 
the  commission  issued,  even  under  this  strictly  consti 
tutional  authority,  is  valid  only  until  the  expiration  of 
the  succeeding  session  of  that  body.  Thus  three  ques 
tions  present  themselves  as  to  the  legality  of  these  com 
missions.  First,  that  the  grade  of  masters  and  com 
manders  had  been  indirectly,  if  not  directly,  abolished 
by  the  reduction  law  of  1801 ;  and,  such  being  the 
fact,  the  constitution  giving  to  Congress  full  powers 
to  pass  laws  for  the  government  of  the  army  and  navy, 
it  may  well  be  questioned  if  the  president  and  Senate 
united  had  any  legal  right  to  re-establish  the  grade  by 
the  mere  use  of  the  appointing  power.  Second,  whether 
such  a  vacancy  existed  as  to  authorize  the  president  to 
fill  it  in  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  had  Congress  renewed 
the  rank  by  law,  which,  however,  is  believed  not  to  have 
been  the  fact ;  and,  third,  whether  the  commissions  ac 
tually  granted,  being  without  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  could  be  legal,  after  the  close  of  the  suc 
ceeding  session  of  that  body,  under  any  circumstances. 
As  to  the  last  objection,  it  is  understood  all  the  gentle 
men  who  received  these  commissions  continued  to 
serve  under  them  until  they  died,  resigned,  or  were 
promoted. 

The  grave  considerations  connected  with  courts  mar 
tial,  commands,  and  other  legal  consequences,  which 
unavoidably  offer  themselves  when  we  are  made  ac- 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  97 

quainted  with  so  extraordinary  a  state  of  facts,  are  ma 
terially  lessened  by  the  circumstances  that  all  the  gen 
tlemen  thus  irregularly  promoted  were  officers  in  the 
navy  under  their  former  commissions,  and  that  no  rela 
tive  rank  was  disturbed.  Thus,  if  Messrs.  Stewart  and 
Hull  were  not  legally  the  two  oldest  commanders  in  the 
service,  they  were  the  two  oldest  lieutenants,  and  all  the 
other  commanders  being  in  the  same  dilemma  with 
themselves,  their  relative  rank  remained  precisely  as  it 
would  have  been  had  no  new  commissions  been  grant 
ed.  So  also  as  regards  courts  ;  the  judge  having  a  right 
to  sit  as  a  lieutenant,  unless,  indeed,  the  informality  of 
annexing  a  wrong  rank  to  the  orders  might  raise  a  legal 
objection.* 

That  so  gross  an  irregularity  should  have  arisen 
under  a  government  that  professes  to  be  one  purely  of 
law,  excites  our  wonder ;  and  this  so  much  the  more, 
when  we  remember  that  it  occurred-  in  a  service  in 
which  life  itself  may  be  the  penalty  of  error.  The  ex- 


*  There  are  so  many  modes  for  evading  the  simplest  provisions 
of  a  written  constitution,  when  power  feels  itself  fettered,  that  it 
is  not  easy  to  say  in  what  manner  the  difficulties  of  this  case  were 
got  over.  The  reduction  law  said  that  there  should  be  only  nine 
captains,  thirty-six  lieutenants,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  midship 
men  during  peace,  and  as  the  country  was  at  war  with  Tripoli  in 
1804,  there  was  a  show  of  plausibility  in  getting  over  the  force  of 
this  particular  enactment.  Still  the  appointments  of  the  com 
manders  were  not  to  fill  vacancies  under  any  common-sense  con 
struction  of  their  nature  ;  and  even  admitting  that  political  inge 
nuity  could  torture  the  law  of  Congress  to  build  four  vessels  like 
those  actually  put  into  the  water,  into  an  obligation  to  appoint 
proper  persons  to  cpmmand  them,  these  appointments  could  have 
no  validity  after  the  termination  of  the  next  session  of  the  Senate. 
Of  the  facts  of  the  case  we  believe  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
VOL.  I.  9 


98  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

planation  is  to  be  found  in  the  infancy  of  the  establish-- 
ments,  and  in  practices  in  which  principles  remained  to 
be  settled,  aided  by  the  known  moral  courage  and  ex 
ceeding  personal  popularity  of  the  statesman  who  then 
presided  in  the  councils  of  the  republic.  While  Jeffer 
son  affected,  and  probably  felt,  a  profound  respect  for 
legality,  he  is  known  to  have  used  the  power  he  wield 
ed  with  great  political  fearlessness,  and  to  have  consi 
dered  himself  as  the  head  of  a  new  school  in  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  government,  which  did  not  always 
hesitate  about  the  introduction  of  new  rules  of  conduct. 
To  these  remarks,  however,  it  must  in  justice  be  added, 
that  no  party  or  personal  views  could  have  influenced 
the  appointments  in  question,  which,  apart  from  the 
irregularity  of  their  manner,  were  certainly  recognised 
equally  by  justice  and  the  wants  of  the  service,  and 
which  were  made  in  perfect  conformity  with  the  rules 
of  promotion  as  observed  under  the  severest  principles 
of  military  preferment.  They  prove  even  more  in  favor 
of  the  statesman,  as  they  show  that  he  did  not  deserve 
all  the  accusations  of  hostility  to  this  branch  of  the  na 
tional  defences  that  were  heaped  upon  him ;  but  rather 
that  he  was  disposed  to  stretch  his  authority  to  foster 
and  advance  it.  The  introduction  of  a  new  class  of 
vessels,  too,  required  the  revival  of  a  class  of  officers  of 
a  rank  proper  to  command  them ;  and,  though  we  wish 
never  to  see  illegality  countenanced  in  the  management 
of  interests  as  delicate  as  those  ot  a  marine,  it  is  desira 
ble  to  see  the  proper  authorities  of  the  country  imitate 
this  feature  of  the  case,  now  that  the  republic  has  fleets 
which  flag  officers  alone  can  ever  lead  with  a  proper 
degree  of  dignity  and  authority. 


RICHARDSOMERS.  99 

It  was  the  28th  of  August  before  another  attack  was 
made  on  Tripoli,  in  which  Somers  participated.  The 
ketches  bombarded  it  on  the  night  of  the  24th ;  but 
finding  little  impression  made  by  this  mode  of  assault, 
Com.  Preble  determined  to  renew  the  cannonading.  On 
this  occasion  Capt.  Somers  led  one  division  of  the  gun 
boats,  as  before,  while  Capt.  Decatur  led  the  other ;  the 
latter  having  five  of  these  craft  under  his  orders,  and 
the  former  three.  The  approach  was  made  under  the 
cover  of  darkness,  all  the  boats  anchoring  near  the  rocks, 
where  they  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the  shipping,  castle, 
and  town.  The  brigs  and  schooners  assisted  in  this 
attack,  and  at  daylight  the  frigate  stood  in,  and  opened 
her  batteries.  The  Tripolitan  galleys  and  gunboats, 
thirteen  in  all,  were  principally  opposed  to  the  eight 
American  gunboats,  which  did  not  retire  until  they  had 
expended  their  ammunition.  One  Tripolitan  was  sunk, 
two  more  were  run  on  shore,  and  all  were  finally  driven 
into  the  mole  by  the  frigate. 

On  the  3d  of  September,  a  fourth  and  last  attack  was 
made  on  Tripoli  by  the  gunboats,  aided  by  all  the  other 
•^ssels.  The  Turkish  boats  did  not  wait,  as  before,  to 
be  assaulted  off  the  town,  but,  accompanied  by  the  gal 
leys,  they  placed  themselves  under  Fort  English,  and  a 
new  battery  that  had  been  built  near  it,  with  an  inten 
tion  to  draw  the  American  shot  in  that  direction.  This 
change  of  disposition  induced  Preble  to  send  Captains 
Decatur  and  Somers,  with  the  gunboats,  covered  by  the 
brigs  and  schooners,  into  the  harbor's  mouth,  while  the 
ketches  bombarded  more  to  leeward.  On  this  occasion, 
Somers  was  more  than  an  hour  hotly  engaged,  pressing 
the  enemy  into  his  own  port. 


100  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  season  was  now  drawing  near  a  close,  and  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements  from  America  had  been  ex 
pected,  in  vain,  for  several  weeks.     It  was  during  this 
interval  that  a  plan  for  destroying  the  enemy's  flotilla, 
as  it  lay  anchored  in  his  innermost  harhor,  was  con 
ceived,  and  preparations  were  soon  made  for  putting  it 
in  execution.     The  conception  of  this  daring  scheme 
has  been  claimed  for  Somers  himself,  and  not  without 
a  share  of  reason.     There  existed  between  him  and 
Decatur  a  singular  professional  competition,  that  was 
never  permitted,  however,  to  cool  their  personal  friend 
ships.     The  great  success  of  the   latter,  in  his  daring 
assaults,  stimulated    Somers  to   attempt   some   exploit 
equally  adventurous,  and   none    better   than  the    one 
adopted  then  offered.    The  five  attacks  made  on  Tripoli, 
with  the  vigorous  blockade,  had  produced  a  sensible 
effect  on  the  tone  of  the  bashaw,  and  it  was  hoped  that 
a  blow  as  appalling  as  that   now  meditated  might  at 
once  produce  a  peace.     The  delicacy  that  a  commander 
would  naturally  feel  about  proposing  a  service  so  des 
perate  to  a  subordinate,  renders  it  highly  probable  that 
the  idea  originated  with  Somers  himself,  who  thus  s§- 
cured  the  office  of   endeavoring  to  execute  it.     It  is 
proper  to  add,  however,  that  Com.  Preble  says  the  pro 
ject  had  long  been  in  contemplation,  though  he  does  not 
say  who  suggested  it.     The  plan  was  as  follows  :  The 
ketch  that  had  originally  been  taken  by  Decatur  in  the 
Enterprise,  and  in  which  he  had  subsequently  carried 
the  Philadelphia  frigate,  was  still  in  the  squadron.    She 
had  been  named  the  Intrepid,  for  the  brilliant  occasion 
on  which  she  had  first  been  used,  but  had  since  fallen 
from  her  high  estate,  having  latterly  been  employed  in 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  101 


» 


bringing  water  and  stores  from  Malta.  This  craft  had  been 
constructed  for  a  gun  vessel  by  the  French,  in  their  expe 
dition  against  Egypt ;  from  their  service  she  had  passed 
into  that  of  Tripoli ;  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  warriors 
from  the  new  world  ;  by  them  she  had  been  used  in  one  of 
the  most  brilliant  exploits  of  naval  warfare,  and  was  now 
about  to  terminate  her  career  in  another,  of  the  most 
desperate  and  daring  character.  It  was  proposed  to  fit 
up  the  ketch  in  the  double  capacity  of  fire-ship  and  in 
fernal,  and  to  send  her  into  the  inner  harbor  of  Tripoli, 
by  the  western  passage,  there  to  explode  in  the  very 
centre  of  the  vessels  of  the  Turks.  As  her  deck  was 
to  be  covered  with  missiles,  and  a  large  quantity  of 
powder  was  to  be  used,  it  was  hoped  that  the  town  and 
castle  would  suffer,  not  less  than  the  shipping.  The 
panic  created  by  such  an  assault,  made  in  the  dead  of 
night,  it  was  fondly  hoped  would  produce  an  instant 
peace,  and,  more  especially,  the  liberation  of  the  crew 
of  the  Philadelphia.  The  latter  object  was  deemed  one 
of  high  interest  to  the  whole  force  before  Tripoli,  and 
was  never*  lost  sight  of  in  all  their  operations, 

Com.  Prebie  having  determined  upon  his  plan, 
Somers  received  the  orders  to  commence  the  prepara 
tions  ;  a  duty  in  which  he  had  the  advice  and  assist 
ance  of  Decatur,  Stewart,  and  the  other  commanders 
of  the  squadron,  for  all  these  ardent  and  gallant  young- 
men  felt  a  common  sympathy  in  his  daring,  and  an 
equal  interest  in  his  anticipated  triumph.  The  first 
step  was  to  prepare  the  ketch  for  the  desperate  service 
in  which  she  was  to  be  engaged.  With  this  object  a 
small  apartment  was  planked  up  in  the  broadest  part  of 
her  hold,  0$  just  forward  of  the  principal  mast ;  this 
9* 


102  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

was  rendered  as  secure  as  was  believed  necessary 
against  accidents.  Into  this  room  a  hundred  barrels  of 
gunpowder  were  emptied  in  bulk.  A  train  was  led  aft 
to  a  cabin  window,  through  a  tube,  and,  by  some  ac 
counts,  another  was  led  into  the  forepeak.  A  port-fire, 
graduated  to  burn  a  certain  number  of  minutes,  was 
affixed  to  the  end  of  the  train,  and  a  body  of  light, 
splintered  wood  was  collected  in  another  receptacle 
abaft  the  magazine,  which  was  to  be  set  on  fire,  with 
the  double  purpose  of  making  certain  of  the  explosion, 
and  of  keeping  the  enemy  aloof  under  the  apprehen 
sion  of  its  flames.  On  the  deck  of  the  ketch,  around 
the  mast  and  immediately  over  the  magazine,  were 
piled  a  quantity  of  shells  of  different  sizes  with  their 
fuses  prepared,  in  the  expectation  that  the  latter  would 
ignite  and  produce  the  usual  explosion.  The  number 
of  these  shells  has  been  variously  stated  at  from  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  and  fifty,  the  size 
ranging  from  nine  to  thirteen  and  a  half  inches.  The 
best  information,  however,  would  seem  to  place  the 
number  below  two  hundred.  Some  accounts  give  the 
quantity  of  powder  as  high  as  fifteen  thousand  pounds, 
which  was  probably  near  the  truth. 

Two  boats  were  to  accompany  the  ketch,  one  an  ex 
ceedingly  fast  rowing  four-oared  boat,  being  lent  for  the 
purpose  by  the  Siren,  and  the  other  was  a  six-oared 
cutter  of  the  Constitution.  The  service  requiring  but 
few  men,  no  more  were  employed  than  were  necessary 
to  pull  the  two  boats.  To  have  gone  in  with  a  single 
boat  would  have  been  unnecessarily  hazardous,  as  a 
shot  might  have  disabled  her,  while  the  chances  of  es 
cape  were  nearly  doubled  by  adding  a  second,  at  the 


RICHARD     SOMERS.    '  103 

same  time  that  the  additional  men  did  not  more  than 
make  an  ordinary  crew  for  a  Mediterranean  craft  of  the 
size  of  the  Intrepid.  A  second  officer,  however,  was 
thought  necessary,  and  Lieut.  Henry  Wadsworth,  of  the 
Constitution,  volunteering,  his  offer  was  accepted.  Mr. 
Joseph  Israel,  of  the  same  ship,  who  had  just  been  pro 
moted,  was  also  anxious  to  be  of  the  party,  but  Com. 
Preble  deeming  his  assistance  unnecessary,  permission 
to  go  was  refused  him.  Thus  it  was  intended  that  the 
adventurers  should  be  limited  to  twelve,  of  whom  ten 
were  common  seamen,  one  a  lieutenant,  and  the  other 
a  commander,  or  Somers  himself. 

It  now  became  necessary  to  obtain  volunteers  for  the 
Siren's  boat,  and  a  call  for  this  purpose  was  made  by 
Somers  on  the  crew  of  his  own  vessel,  the  Nautilus. 
Notwithstanding  the  desperate  character  of  the  service, 
when  the  want  was  stated  to  the  people  of  this  little 
vessel  every  man  in  her  offered  himself  to  go.  This 
compelled  their  superior  to  make  a  selection.  The 
other  six  seamen  were  obtained  from  the  Constitution, 
and  were  chosen,  it  is  believed,  by  Mr.  Wadsworth, 
under  the  supervision  of  the  ship's  first  lieutenant,  who 
at  that  time  was  the  late  Capt.  Gordon.  The  four  men 
belonging  to  the  Nautilus  were  James  Simms,  Thomas 
Tompline,  James  Harris  and  William  Keith ;  all  sea 
men  rated.  Mr.  Wadsworth  took  with  him  from  the 
Constitution  William  Harrison,  Robert  Clark,  Hugh 
M'Cormick,  Jacob  Williams,  Peter  Penner  and  Isaac 
W.  Downes,  all  seamen  rated  also. 

Several  days  were  necessary  to  complete  all  these 
arrangements,  more  especially  to  equip  the  ketch  in  the 
manner  described,  and  the  action  of  the  3d  had  taken 


104  N  A  V  A  ^     BIOGRAPHY. 

i 

place  even  after  the  Intrepid  was  ready.  Somers  made 
one  or  two  attempts  to  go  in  before  the  night  finally  se 
lected,  but  they  were  abandoned  on  account  of  the  light 
ness  of  the  air.  At  length  there  were  appearances  in 
and  about  the  harbor  that  induced  him  to  think  that  the 
movements  of  the  fire-vessel  were  distrusted,  and,  fear 
ful  of  detection,  he  decided  to  go  in  on  the  night  of  the 
4th  September,  if  the  thing  were  at  all  practicable. 

Several  interviews  had  taken  place  between  Preble 
and  Somers  in  the  course  of  the  preparations  for  the 
attempt.  On  one  occasion  the  commodore  burnt  a  port 
fire  in  order  to  ascertain  its  time,  and  when  it  was  con 
sumed  he  asked  Somers  if  he  thought  the  boats  could 
get  out  of  reach  of  the  shells  within  the  few  minutes  it 
was  burning.  "  I  think  we  can,  sir,"  answered  Somers. 
Preble  looked  intently  at  the  young  man  a  moment,  and 
then  inquired  if  he  should  have  the  time  reduced,  or 
the  port-fire  made  shorter.  "  I  ask  for  no  port-fire  at 
all,  sir,"  was  the  reply,  firmly  but  quietly  expressed. 

After  this  interview,  Somers  expressed  his  determi 
nation  not  to  allow  himself  to  be  captured.  The  com 
modore  had  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  point  out  the  great 
importance  of  not  letting  so  large  an  amount  of  powder 
fall  into  the  enemy's  hands,  the  Tripolitans  being 
thought  to  be  short  of  ammunition,  and  all  the  circum 
stances  united  had  a  tendency  to  increase  the  feeling  of 
determination  in  the  minds  of  the  two  officers  who  were 
to  go  in.  Both  were  singularly  quiet  men  in  their  ordi 
nary  habits,  perfectly  free  from  any  thing  like  noisy 
declarations  or  empty  boastings  of  what  they  intended 
to  perform,  and  their  simple  announcement  of  their  in 
tentions  not  to  be  taken  appears  to  have  made  a  deep 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  105 

and  general  impression  among  their  brethren  in 
arms. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  4th  September,  Somers  pre 
pared  to  take  his  final  departure  from  the  Nautilus,  with 
a  full  determination  to  carry  the  ketch  into  Tripoli  that 
night.  Previously  to  quitting  his  own  vessel,  however, 
he  felt  that  it  would  be  proper  to  point  out  the  desperate 
nature  of  the  service  to  the  four  men  he  had  selected, 
that  their  services  might  be  perfectly  free  and  voluntary. 
He  told  them  he  wished  no  man  to  accompany  him 
who  would  .not  prefer  being  blown  up  to  being  taken; 
that  such  was  his  own  determination,  and  that  he  wished 
all  who  went  with  him  to  be  of  the  same  way  of  think 
ing.  The  boat's  crew  gave  three  cheers  in  answer,  and 
each  man  is  said  to  have  separately  asked  to  be  selected 
to  apply  the  match.  Once  assured  of  the  temper  of  his 
companions,  Somers  took  leave  of  his  officers,  the  boat's 
crew  doing  the  same,  shaking  hands  and  expressing 
their  feelings  as  if  they  felt  assured  of  their  fates  in 
advance.  This  was  done  in  good  faith,  and  yet  cheer 
fully  ;  and,  of  all  the  desperate  service  undertaken  by 
that  devoted  squadron,  none  was  ever  entered  on  with 
so  many  forebodings  of  the  fatal  consequences  to  those 
concerned  in  it.  Each  of  the  four  rnen  made  his  will 
verbally ;  disposing  of  his  effects  among  his  shipmates 
like  those  who  are  about  to  die  with  disease. 

It  would  seem  that  the  Constitution's'  boat  did  not 
join  the  ketch  until  it  was  dusk.  When  the  two  crews 
were  mustered,  it  was  found  that  Mr.  Israel  had 
managed  to  get  out  of  the  frigate  and  to  join  the  party  ; 
whether  by  collusion,  or  not,  it  is  now  impossible  to  say. 
Finding  him  on  board,  and  admiring  his  determination  to 


106  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

make  one  of  the  party,  Somers  consented  to  his  remaining. 
One  account  says  he  was  sent  hy  Preble  with  a  final  or 
der,  but  it  is  hardly  probable  Somers  would  have  allowed 
him  to  remain  under  such  circumstances.  He  was 
more  likely  to  be  smuggled  in  by  means  of  the  cutter, 
and  to  be  kept  when  there  was  no  boat  by  which  he 
could  be  sent  back.  The  night  of  the  4th  was  not 
particularly  dark,  though  it  could  scarcely  be  account 
ed  clear.  The  stars  were  visible,  but  there  was  a  haze 
on  the  water  that  rendered  objects  more  uncertain  than 
they  would  otherwise  have  been.  In  this  respect  the 
light  was  favourable  enough,  as  the  rocks  could  be  seen, 
while  the  real  character  of  the  ketch  would  not  be  so 
likely  to  be  discovered  from  the  shore.  The  wind  was 
light,  from  the  eastward,  but  fair. 

Several  of  Somers'  friends  visited  him  on  board  the 
Intrepid  before  she  got  under  way.  Among  them  were 
Stewart  and  Decatur,  with  whom  he  had  commenced 
his  naval  career  in  the  United  States.  These  three 
young  men,  then  about  twenty-five  each,  were  Phila 
delphia-bred  sailors,  and  had  been  intimately  associated 
in  service  for  the  last  six  years.  They  all  knew  that 
the  enterprise  was  one  of  extreme  hazard,  and  the  two 
who  were  to  remain  behind  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the 
fate  of  him  who  was  to  go  in.  Somers  was  grave,  and 
entirely  without  any  affectation  of  levity  or  indifference, 
but  he  maintained  his  usual  tranquil  and  quiet  manner. 
After  some  conversation,  he  took  a  ring  from  his  finger, 
and  breaking  it  into  three  pieces,  gave  each  of  his  com 
panions  one,  while  he  retained  the  third  himself.  As 
the  night  shut  in,  three  gunboats  were  seen  at  anchor  a 
short  distance  within  the  western  entrance,  by  which 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  107 

the  Intrepid  was  to  pass,  and  Decatur,  who  felt  a  strong" 
anxiety  for  the  success  ot  his  friend,  admonished  Sorrier? 
to  take  care  they  did  not  hoard  him,  as  it  was  the  inten 
tion  to  carry  the  ketch  some  distance  within  them.  To 
this  Somers  quietly  replied  that  the  Turks  had  got  to 
be  so  shy  that  he  thought  they  would  be  more  likely  to  cut 
and  run  on  his  approach  than  to  advance  and  meet  him. 

It  was  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening  before  the  Intrepid 
lifted  her  anchor;  the  Argus,  Vixen,  and  Nautilus 
weighing  and  standing  in,  in  company.  The  night  was 
sufficiently  advanced  to  cover  this  movement,  and  all 
four  vessels  stood  down  towards  the  rocks  under  their 
canvas.  The  last  person  who  left  the  ketch  was  Lieut. 
Washington  Reed,  then  first  of  the  Nautilus.  This 
officer  did  not  quit  his  commander  until  it  was  thought 
necessary  for  him  to  rejoin  the  vessel  of  which  he  was 
now  in  charge.  When  he  went  over  the  side  of  the 
Intrepid,  all  communication  between  the  gallant  spirits 
she  contained  and  the  rest  of  the  world  ceased.  At 
that  time  every  thing  seemed  propitious ;  Somers  was 
cheerful,  though  calm;  and  perfect  order  and  method 
prevailed  in  the  little  craft.  The  leave-taking  was 
affectionate  and  serious  with  the  officers,  though  the 
common  men  appeared  to  be  in  high  spirits.  This  was 
about  nine  o'clock. 

The  Argus  and  Vixen  lay  off  at  a  little  distance  from 
the  rocks  to  attack  the  galleys  or  gunboats,  should  either 
attempt  to  follow  the  party  out  on  their  retreat,  while 
the  Nautilus  shortened  sail  and  accompanied  the  ketch 
as  close  in  as  was  deemed  prudent,  with  the  especial 
intention  of  bringing  off  the  boats.  Lieut.  Reed  direct 
ed  the  present  Com.  Ridgely,  then  one  of  the  Nautilus* 


108  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

midshipmen,*  to  watch  the  ketch's  movements  with  a 
night-glass ;  and,  as  this  order  was  strictly  complied 
with,  it  is  almost  certain  that  this  officer  was  the  last 
person  of  the  American  squadron  who  saw  the  vessel. 
It  was  thought  she  was  advancing  slowly  to  the  last 
moment,  though  the  distance  and  the  obscurity  render 
this  fact  a  little  doubtful. 

Preble  had  directed  the  Siren  to  weigh  and  stand  in, 
shortly  after  the  other  vessels  left  him,  and,  in  obeying 
the  orders  he  received,  Capt.  Stewart  kept  more  in  the 
offing  than  the  vessels  which  preceded  him.  As  the 
direction  of  the  western  entrance  and  the  inner  harbor 
were  known,  every  eye  in  this  brig  was  riveted  in  that 
quarter  in  silent  suspense.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
enemy  began  to  fire  at  the  ketch,  which,  by  this  time, 
was  quite  near  the  batteries,  though  the  reports  were 
neither  rapid  nor  numerous.  At  this  moment,  near  ten 
o'clock,  Capt.  Stewart  and  Lieut.  Carrol  were  standing  in 
the  Siren's  gangway,  looking  intently  towards  the  place 
where  the  ketch  was  known  to  be,  when  the  latter  ex 
claimed,  "  Look  !  see  the  ligttt !"  At  that  instant  a  light 
was  seen  passing  and  waving,  as  if  a  lantern  were  car 
ried  by  some  person  in  quick  motion  along  a  vessel's 
deck.  Then  it  sunk  from  view.  Half  a  minute  may 
have  elapsed  when  the  whole  firmament  was  lighted  with 
a  fiery  glow,  a  burning  mast,  with  its  sails,  was  seen  in 
the  air,  the  whole  harbor  was  momentarily  illuminated, 
the  awful  explosion  came,  and  "a  darkness  like  that  of 
doom  succeeded.  The  whole  was  over  in  less  than  a 

*  Mr.  Ridgely  signed  a  letter  to  Preble  just  two  months  later  as 
a  lieutenant.  He  may  possibly  have  been  promoted  at  the  time 
the  Intrepid  went  in. 


RICHARDSOMERS.  109 

minute ;  the  flame,  the  quaking  of  towers,  the  reeling 
of  ships,  and  even  the  bursting  of  shells,  of  which  most 
fell  in  the  water,  though  some  lodged  on  the  rocks. 
The  firing  ceased,  and  from  that  instant  Tripoli  passed 
the  night  in  a  stillness  as  profound  as  that  in  which  the 
victims  of  this  frightful  explosion  have  lain  from  that 
fatal  hour  to  this. 

The  Nautilus  showed  lights  in  hopes  to  guide  the 
retreating  boats  to  her  side ;  all  eyes  in  the  squadron 
looked  in  vain  for  the  expected  signal ;  a  moaning  gun 
occasionally  was  heard  from  the  frigate,  a  fitting  knell 
for  such  a  disaster,  but  in  vain.  No  one  ever  came  back 
from  the  ill-fated  Intrepid  to  relate  the  history  of  her 
loss.  The  Argus,  Vixen  and  Nautilus  hovered  near  the 
rocks  until  the  sun  arose,  but  nothing  was  discovered  to 
throwr  any  light  on  the  manner  in  which  the  ketch  was 
lost.  The  gun-boats  anchored  near  the  pass  had  been 
moved ;  one,  it  was  thought,  had  entirely  disappeared, 
and  two  or  three  more  were  hauled  ashore  as  if- 
shattered. 

In  the  American  squadron  the  opinion  was  general 
that  Somers  and  his  determined  companions  had  blown 
themselves  up  to  prevent  capture.  In  the  absence  of 
certainty,  facts  were  imagined  to  render  such  a  desperate 
step  probable  if  not  necessary.  It  was  supposed  that 
gunboats  had  advanced  to  board  the  ketch,  and  that  So 
mers  had  fired  the  train  in  preference  to  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  Tripolitans,  or  allowing  them  to  get  pos 
session  of  the  powder.  Such  appears  to  have  been  the 
opinion  of  Com.  Preble,  who  reported  as  much  to  the 
government ;  and  the  country,  receiving  its  impressions 
from  this  source,  has  long  entertained  the  same  idea. 

VOL.  i.  10 


110  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

A  few,  however,  of  the  more  thoughtful  have  always 
doubted,  and  subsequent  discoveries  have  rendered  these 
doubts  more  and  more  probable. 

Among  the  American  prisoners  in  Tripoli  was  a 
surgeon's  mate  of  the  name  of  Cowdery,  now  the  oldest 
surgeon  in  the  navy,  who  was  permitted  to  go  very  much 
at  large  in  the  town,  his  professional  services  being 
found  useful.  From  this  gentleman,  from  Capt.  Bain- 
bridge's  private  journal,  and  from  other  sources  equally 
credible,  the  following  interesting  facts  have  been  ob 
tained,  leaving  no  question  of  their  accuracy. 

In  the  first  place,  neither  the  works,  the  town,  nor  the 
Tripolitans  themselves,  appear  to  have  suffered  any 
injury  by  the  explosion.  Captain  Bainbridge  in  his 
journal,  where  he  speaks  of  this  explosion,  says  :— - 
"  which  unfortunate  scheme  did  no  damage  whatever  to 
the  Tripolitans ;  nor  did  it  appear  even  to  heave  them 
into  confusion."  The  bashaw,  being  desirous  of  ascer 
taining  how  many  Americans  had  been  lost  in  the 
explosion,  offered  a  dollar  for  each  body  that  could  be 
discovered.  This  produced  the  desired  effect,  and  by 
the  6th,  the  dead  were  all  brought  up.  The  bottom  of 
the  ketch  had  drifted  among  the  rocks,  on  the  north 
side  of  the  round  battery,  which  is  near  the  western 
entrance,  and  there  it  grounded.  In  the  wreck,  two 
bodies  were  found.  The  Constitution's  cutter,  or  the 
six-oared  boat,  had  drifted  on  the  beach,  a  short  distance 
to  the  westward  of  the  town.  One  body  was  in  it.  Six 
more  bodies  were  found  on  the  shore  to  the  southward, 
and  the  remaining  four  were  discovered  floating  in  the 
harbor.  This  makes  the  entire  number  of  the  thirteen 
who  were  lost  in  the  ketch.  Captain  Bainbridge  de- 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  Ill 

scribes  the  six  dead  whom  he  saw  as  "  being  so  much 
disfigured,  it  was  impossible  to  recognise  any  feature 
known  to  us,  or  even  to  distinguish  an  officer  from  a 
seaman."  Those  six  bodies  were  the  two  found  in  the 
wreck,  and  the  four  floating  in  the  harbor.  But  Mr. 
Cowdery  was  more  successful.  He  selected  three  of  the 
bodies  as  those  of  officers,  being  guided  by  some  frag 
ments  of  dress  still  remaining  on*  them,  and  still  more 
by  the  delicate  appearance  of  their  hands.  As  this  was 
just  the  number  of  the  officers  who  were  actually  lost, 
and  the  Americans  in  Tripoli  were  then  entirely  igno 
rant  of  the  character  of  the  party  sent  in,  it  leaves 
scarcely  a  doubt  that  this  gentleman  decided  accurately. 
Indeed,  if  the  palms  of  the  hands  were  not  much 
injured,  it  would  not  be  easy  to  make  a  mistake  in  such 
a  matter ;  and  any  portions  of  the  dress  would  be 
almost  as  safe  guides.  The  ten  seamen  were  buried  on 
the  beach,  outside  the  town  and  near  the  walls  :  while 
the  three  officers  were  interred  in  the  same  grave,  on  the 
plain  beyond,  or  a  cable's  length  to  the  southward  and 
eastward  of  the  castle.  Small  stones  were  placed  at  the 
four  corners  of  this  last  grave,  to  mark  its  site  ;  but  they 
were  shortly  after  removed  by  the  Turks,  who  refused 
to  let  what  they  conceived  to  be  a  Christian  monument, 
Disfigure  their  land.  Here,  then,  lie  the  remains  of 
Somers,  and  his  two  gallant  friends  ;  and  it  might  be 
well  to  instruct  the  commander  of  some  national  cruiser 
to  search  for  their  bones,  that  they  may  be  finally  incor 
porated  with  the  dust  of  their  native  land.  Their 
identity  would  at  once  be  established  by  the  number  of 
the  skeletons,  and  the  friends  of  the  deceased  might 
experience  a  melancholy  consolation  in  being  permitted 


112 


N  A  V  A  L     BIOGRAPHY. 


to  drop  a  tear  over  the  spot  in  which  they  would  be 
finally  entombed. 

The  facts  related  leave  little  doubt  that  Com.  Preble 
was  mistaken  in,  at  least,  a  portion  of  his  conjectures. 
That  no  Turks  suffered,  is  shown  by  the  direct  testimony 
of  Captain  Bainbridge's  journal,  a  record  made  at  the 
time,  and  that,  too,  under  circumstances  which  will  not 
well  admit  of  mistakes!  This  truth  is  also  corroborated 
by  other  convincing  testimony.  Those  who  saw  the 
explosion,  saw  no  signs  of  any  vessel  near  the  ketch  at 
the  time  it  occurred,  nor  were  the  vestiges  of  any 
wreck,  but  that  of  the  Intrepid,  to  be  seen  in  the  harbor. 
The  officer  who  saw  the  ketch  to  the  last  moment,  by 
means  of  the  glass,  is  not  understood  to  have  seen  any 
thing  near  her,  and  the  thirteen  bodies  found,  the  pre 
cise  number  of  the  Americans  known  to  have  been 
lost,  go  to  confirm  the  fact.  It  adds  value  to  the  testi 
mony,  too,  that  a  written  memorial  of  this  very  number 
of  the  dead  was  made,  before  the  prisoners  in  Tripoli 
had  any  information  concerning  the  force  of  the  party 
sent  in  from  the  squadron. 

Nor  is  there  sufficient  reason  for  supposing  that  the 
Americans  blew  themselves  up,  on  this  occasion.  That 
Somers  went  in  with  a  full  determination  to  put  in  force 
this  desperate  expedient  in  the  event  of  its  becoming 
necessary  to  prevent  capture,  is  beyond  dispute ;  but 
there  is  no  proof  of  the  existence  of  the  necessity.  To 
suppose  the  match  would  have  been  applied,  except  in 
the  last  emergency,  is  to  accuse  him  who  did  it  with  a 
want  of  coolness ;  a  virtue  that  Captain  Somers  pos 
sessed  in  an  eminent  degree  ;  and  this  emergency  could 
hardly  have  existed  without  some  of  the  enemy  having 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  113 

been  near  enough  to  suffer  by  the  explosion.  The  whole 
party  was  accustomed  to  fire,  and  it  is  scarcely  possible 
that  they  could  have  been  driven  to  this  desperate  step, 
by  means  of  injury  received  in  this  manner,  as  they 
always  had  their  boats  for  a  flight,  when  required. 
There  was  a  vague  rumor  that  most  of  the  bodies  found 
had  been  perforated  by  grape-shot,  and  a  conjecture  was 
made  that  the  survivors  fired  the  train,  in  order  to  pre 
vent  the  Turks  from  getting  possession  of  the  powder. 
But  the  report  can  be  traced  to  no  sufficient  authority, 
and  it  is  not  probable  that  so  many  would  have  suffered 
in  this  way  as  to  prevent  the  unhurt  from  using  the 
boats  and  the  train  in  the  mode  originally  contemplated. 
But  one  man  was  found  in  the  Constitution's  cutter, 
and  he,  doubtless,  was  the  boat-sitter,  who  lost  his 
life  at  his  post.  This  indicates  any  thing  but  hurry  or 
alarm. 

It  is  also  certain  that  the  splinter-room  was  not 
lighted,  as  its  flame  would  have  been  both  quick  and 
bright ;  and,  with  a  thousand  anxious  eyes  on  watch, 
it  could  not  fail  to  have  been  seen.  This  circumstance 
goes  further  to  show,  that  no  gunboat  or  galley  could 
have  been  approaching  the  ketch  at  the  time  she  ex 
ploded,  one  of  the  purposes  of  these  splinters  being  to 
keep  the  enemy  aloof,  through  the  dread  of  a  fire-vessel. 
To  suppose  a  neglect  of  using  the  splinter-room,  in  a 
case  of  necessity,  would  be  to  accuse  the  party  of  the 
same  want  of  coolness  as  is  inferred  by  the  supposition 
of  their  blowing  themselves  up  when  no  foe  was  near. 
Both  were  morally  impossible,  with  such  a  man  as 
Somers.  Admitting  that  no  Tripolitan  vessel  was  near 
the  Intrepid,  and  still  insisting  that  the  train  was  fired 
10* 


114  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

by  the  Americans,  no  reason  can  be  given  why  the  pre 
parations  for  the  safety  of  the  latter's  crew  should  not 
have  been  used.  The  Constitution's  cutter  was  found 
with  its  keeper  alone  in  it,  but  of  the  Siren's  boat  we 
have  no  account.  The  latter  was  probably  alongside 
the  ketch  and  destroyed :  it  may  have  been  sunk  by  a 
falling  shell ;  or  it  may  have  been  privately  appropriated 
to  himself  by  some  Turk.  That  no  one  was  in  it,  how 
ever,  is  shown  by  the  twelve  bodies  that  were  found 
out  of  the  boats ;  for,  if  manned,  and  a  few  yards  from 
the  ketch,  the  crew  would  have  been  blown  into  its  bot 
tom,  and  not  into  the  water. 

Abandoning  the  idea  that  the  Intrepid  was  intention 
ally  blown  up,  by  Somers  and  his  party,  we  have  the 
alternatives  of  believing  the  disaster  to  have  been  the 
result  of  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  or  the  consequences  of 
an  accident.  The  latter  is  possible,  but,  the  former 
appears  to  us  to  be  much  the  most  probable.  The  light 
seen  by  Captain  Stewart  and  Lieutenant  Carrol,  taken 
in  connection  with  the  circumstance  that  the  explosion 
occurred  immediately  after,  and  apparently  at  that  pre 
cise  spot,  is  certainly  an  incident  worthy  of  our  consi 
deration,  though  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  this  light  could 
have  produced  the  calamity.  Accidents  are  much  less 
likely  to  happen  on  board  such  a  vessel,  than  on  ordi 
nary  occasions,  every  care  being  taken  to  prevent  them. 
As  the  intention  was  to  fire  the  splinters,  all  caution 
was  doubtless  used  to  see  that  no  loose  powder  was  lying 
about,  and  that  the  flames  should  not  communicate  with 
the  train,  except  at  the  right  moment,  and  in  the  proper 
manner.  Still  an  accident  from  this  source  may  have 
occurred  through  some  unforeseen  agency.  If  this  light 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  115 

• 

was  really  on  board  the  ketch  it  was  probably  carried 
from  aft,  where  it  had  been  kept  under  the  eye  of  the 
officers,  to  the  main-hatch,  in  order  to  kindle  the  splint 
ers,  a  step  that  it  was  about  time  to  take.  Commodore 
Preble,  in  his  official  letter,  adverts  to  the  circumstance 
that  this  splinter-room  had  not  been  set  on  fire  when  the 
ketch  blew  up,  as  a  proof  that  the  party  had  been 
induced  to  act  on  an  emergency  ;  for  he  always  reasoned 
as  if  they  blew  themselves  up  ;  believing;  that  the  Intre 
pid  was  surrounded,  and  that  many  of  the  enemy  were 
killed.  Reasoning  on  the  same  circumstance,  with  the 
knowledge  we  now  possess  that  no  Turks  were  near,  or 
that  any  suffered,  and  it  goes  to  show  that  the  explosion 
occurred  at  a  moment  when  it  was  not  expected  by  So- 
mers,  who  would  not  have  neglected  to  fire  this  room, 
in  any  ordinary  case.  If  the  accident  had  its  rise  on 
board  the  ketch,  it  probably  occurred  in  the  attempt  to 
take  this  preliminary  step. 

But  the  Intrepid  may  have  been  blown  up,  by  means 
of  a  shot  from  the  enemy.  This  is  the  most  probable 
solution  of  the  catastrophe,  and  the  one  which  is  the 
most  consoling  to  the  friends  of  the  sufferers, and  which 
ought  to  be  the  most  satisfactory  to  the  nation.  Com 
modore  Preble  says,  "on  entering  the  harbor  several 
shot  were  fired  at  her  (the  Intrepid)  from  the  batteries." 
The  western  entrance,  in  or  near  which  the  ketch  blew 
up,  is  within  pistol  shot  of  what  is  called  the  Spanish 
fort,  or,  indeed,  of  most  of  the  works  on  and  about  the 
mole.  Even  the  bashaw's  castle  lies  within  fair  canister 
range  of  this  spot,  and,  prepared  as  the  Turks  were  for 
any  desperate  enterprise  on  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
nothing  is  more  probable  than  that  they  jealously 


116  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

watched  the  movements  of  a  vessel  that  was  entering 
their  harbor  after  dark,  necessarily  passing  near,  if  not 
coming  directly  from  the  American  squadron.  Their 
batteries  may  even  have  been  provided  with  hot  shot, 
for  any  emergency  like  this.  Gunboat  No.  8,  Lieute 
nant  Caldwell,  was  blown  up  in  the  attack  of  the  7th 
August,  and  that  very  circumstance  would  probably 
induce  the  Turks  to  make  a  provision  for  repeating  the 
injury.  A  cold  shot,  however,  might  very  well  have 
caused  the  explosion.  The  breaking  of  one  of  the 
shells  on  deck  ;  the  collision  with  a  bolt,  a  spike  or  even 
a  nail  passing  through  the  hull,  may  have  struck  fire. 
It  is  possible  a  shot  passed  through  the  splinter-room, 
and  exposed  the  powder  of  the  train,  and  that  in  run 
ning  below  with  a  lantern  to  ascertain  what  damage  had 
been  done,  the  accident  may  have  occurred.  The  mov 
ing  light  seen  by  the  present  Commodore  Stewart, 
would  favor  such  a  supposition ;  though  it  must  be 
remembered  this  light  may  also  have  been  on  board 
some  vessel  beyond  the  ketch,  or  even  on  the  shore. 

Only  one  other  supposition  has  been  made  concerning 
this  melancholy  affair.  It  has  been  thought  that  the 
ketch  grounded  on  the  rocks,  in  the  western  entrance, 
and  was  blown  up  there,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
getting  possession  of  her  powder.  That  the  Intrepid 
may  have  touched  the  rocks  is  not  improbable,  the  pass 
being  laid  down  in  the  most  accurate  chart  of  the  har 
bor,  as  less  than  eighty  fathoms  wide,  with  shoal  water 
on  each  side,  the  visible  rocks  being  more  than  double 
that  distance  asunder ;  but  grounding  does  not  infer  the 
necessity  of  blowing  up  the  ketch's  crew.  To  suppose 
that  Somers  would  have  destroyed  himself  through 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  117 

mortification,  at  finding  his  vessel  on  shore,  is  opposed 
to  reason  and  probability  ;  while  it  is  doing  gross  injus 
tice  to  a  character  of  singular  chivalry  and  generosity 
to  believe  he  would  have  sacrificed  his  companions  to 
any  consideration  so  strictly  selfish. 

In  this  case,  as  in  all  others,  the  simplest  and  most 
natural  solution  of  the  difficulty  is  the  most  probable. 
Ah1  the  known  facts  of  tj|e  case,  too,  help  to  sustain 
this  mode  of  reasoning.  Those  who  saw  the  ketch, 
think  she  was  advancing  to  the  last  moment,  while  it 
is  agreed  she  had  not  reached,  by  several  hundred 
yards,  the  spot  to  which  it  was  the  intention  to  carry 
her.  By  the  chart  alluded  to,  one  recently  made  by 
an  English  officer  of  great  merit,  it  is  about  eleven 
hundred  yards  from  the  western  entrance  to  the 
bashaw's  castle,  and  about  five  hundred  and  fifty  to  the 
inner  harbor,  or  galley  mole.  Here,  close  to  windward 
of  the  enemy's  vessels,  Somers  intended  to  have  left 
the  ketch,  and  there  is  no  doubt  she  would  have  drifted 
into  their  midst,  when  the  destruction  must  have  been 
fearful.  God  disposed  of  the  result  differently,  for 
some  wise  purpose  of  his  own,  rendering  the  assailants 
the  sole  victims  of  the  enterprise.  It  is  only  by  con 
sidering  the  utter  insignificance  of  all  temporal  mea 
sures,  as  compared  with  what  lies  beyond,  that  we  can 
learn  to  submit  to  these  dispensations,  with  a  just  sense 
of  our  own  impotency. 

All  agree  that  the  Intrepid  blew  up,  in  or  quite  near 
to  the  western  entrance.  This  was  the  result  of  direct 
observation ;  it  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  portions  of  the 
wreck  and  some  of  the  shells  fell  on  the  rocks,  and  by 
the  positions  in  which  the  Constitution's  cutter  and  the 


118  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

bottom  of  the  ketch  were  found.  With  the  wind  at 
the  eastward,  the  wreck  could  not  have  "  grounded  on 
the  north  side  of  the  rocks  near  the  round  battery,"  as 
is  stated  in  Commodore  Bainbridge's  private  journal, 
had  the  Intrepid  been  any  distance  within  the  entrance ; 
nor  would  the  Constitution's  boat  have  drifted  past  the 
intervening  objects  to  the  westward.  The  wind  had 
probably  a  little  northing  iiuit,  following  the  line  of 
coast,  as  is  usual  with  light  airs,  and  as  is  shown  by 
the  wreck's  touching  on  the  north  side  of  the  rocks,  all 
of  which  goes  to  prove,  from  an  examination  of  the 
chart,  as  well  as  from  the  evidence  of  those  who  were 
present,  that  the  accident  occurred  quite  near  the  place 
stated.  Occurring  so  far  out,  with  nothing  near  to  en 
danger  the  party,  it  leaves  the  moral  certainty  that  the 
explosion  was  the  result  of  accident,  and  not  of  design ; 
or,  if  the  latter,  of  an  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  destroy 
the  Intrepid. 

Thus  perished  Richard  Somers,  the  subject  of  our 
memoir,  and  one  of  the  "bravest  of  the  brave."  Not 
withstanding  all  our  means  of  reasoning,  and  the  great 
est  efforts  of  human  ingenuity,  there  will  remain  a 
melancholy  interest  around  the  manner  of  his  end, 
which,  by  the  Almighty  will,  is  for  ever  veiled  from 
human  eyes  in  a  sad  and  solemn  mystery.  In  what 
ever  way  we  view  the  result,  the  service  on  which  he 
went  was  one  of  exceeding  peril.  He  is  known  to 
have  volunteered  for  it,  with  readiness  ;  to  have  made 
his  preparation's  with  steadiness  and  alacrity ;  and, 
when  last  seen,  to  have  been  entering  on  its  immediate 
execution,  with  a  calm  and  intrepid  serenity.  There 
was  an  ennobling  motive,  too,  for  undertaking  so  great  a 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  119 

risk.  In  addition  to  the  usual  inducements  of  country 
and  honour,  the  immediate  liberation  of  Bainbridge  and 
his  brave  companions  was  believed  to  depend  on  its 
success.  Exaggerated  notions  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Philadelphia's  crew  prevailed  in  the  squadron  before 
Tripoli,  as  well  as  in  the  country,  and  their  brethren 
in  arms  fought  with  the  double  incentive  of  duty  and 
friendship.  Ten  minutes,  more  would  probably  have 
realized  the  fondest  hopes  of  the  adventurers,  but  the 
providence  of  God  was  opposed  to  their  success,  and  the 
cause,  if  it  is  ever  to  be  known  to  man,  must  abide  the 
revolutions  that  await  the  end  of  time,  and  the  com 
mencement  of  eternity. 

In  person,  Somers  was  a  man  of  middle  stature — 
rather  below  than  above  it — but  stout  of  frame ;  ex 
ceedingly  active  and  muscular.  His  nose  was  inclining 
to  the  aquiline,  his  eyes  and  hair  were  dark,  and  his 
whole  face  bore  marks  of  the  cross  of  the  French  blood 
that  was  said  to  run  in  his  veins.  It  is  a  remarkable 
circumstance  in  the  career  of  this  distinguished  young 
officer,  that  no  one  has  any  thing  to  urge  against  him. 
He  was  mild,  amiable  and  affectionate,  both  in  disposi 
tion  and  deportment,  though  of  singularly  chivalrous 
notions  of  duty  and  honor.  It  has  been  said  by  a 
writer  who  has  had  every  opportunity  of  ascertaining 
the  fact,  that  when  a  very  young  man  he  fought  three 
duels  in  one  day — almost  at  the  same  time — being 
wounded  himself  in  the  two  first,  and  fighting  the  last, 
seated  on  the  ground,  sustained  by  his  friend  Decatur. 
Although  such  an  incident  could  only  have  occurred 
with  very  young  men,  and  perhaps  under  the  exagger 
ations  of  a  very  young  service,  it  was  perfectly  charac- 


120  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

teristic  of  Somers.  There  was  nothing  vindictive  in 
these  duels.  He  fired  but  once  at  each  adversary — he 
wounded  the  last  man — and  was  himself,  in  a  physical 
sense,  the  principal  sufferer.  The  quarrels  arose  from 
his  opponents  imputing  to  him  a  want  of  spirit  for  not 
resenting  some  idle  expression  of  Decatur's,  who  was 
the  last  man  living  to  intend  to  hurt  Sorners'  feelings. 
They  loved  each  other  as  brothers,  and  Decatur  proved 
it,  by  offering  to  fight  the  two  last  duels  for  his  friend, 
after  the  latter  had  received  his  first  wound.  But  So 
mers  fought  for  honor,  and  was  determined  that  the  men 
who  doubted  him,  should  be  convinced  of  their  mis 
take.  Apart  from  the  error  of  continuing  the  affairs 
after  the  first  injury,  and  the  general  moral  mistake  of 
supposing  that  a  moral  injury  can  be  repaired  in  this 
mode  at  all,  these  duels  had  the  chivalrous  character 
that  should  ever  characterize  such  meetings,  if  meetings 
of  this  nature  are  really  necessary  to  human  civilization. 

Although  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  a  warm-hearted 
young  man,  like  Somers,  should  not  have  felt  a  prefer 
ence  for  some  person  of  the  other  sex,  it  is  not  known 
that  he  had  any  serious  attachment  when  he  lost  his 
life.  Glory  appears  to  have  been  his  mistress,  for  the 
time  being  at  least,  and  he  left  no  one  of  this  nature 
behind  him  to  mourn  his  early  loss.  He  died  possessed 
of  a  respectable  landed  property,  and  one  of  increasing 
value ;  all  of  which  he  bequeathed  to  the  only  sister 
mentioned. 

Somers  was  thought  to  be  an  expert  seaman,  by 
those  who  were  good  judges  of  such  qualifications.  As 
a  commander  he  was  mild,  but  sufficiently  firm.  His 
education,  without  being  unusual  even  in  his  profession 


RICHARD     SOMERS.  121 

at  that  day,  had  not  been  neglected,  though  he  would 
not  probably  have  been  classed  among  the  reading  men 
of  the  service.  A  chivalrous  sense  of  honor,  an  un 
moved  courage,  and  perfect  devotion  to  the  service  in 
which  he  was  engaged,  formed  the  prominent  points  of 
his  character,  and  as  all  were  accompanied  by  great 
gentleness  of  manner  and  amiability  of  feeling,  he 
appears  to  have  been  equally  beloved  and  respected. 
The  attachment  which  existed  between  him  and  Decatur 
had  something  romantic  about  it.  They  were  rivals  in 
professional  daring,  while  they  were  bosom  friends.  As 
we  have  already  said,  it  is  by  no  means  improbable  that 
the  exploits  of  Decatur  induced  Somers,  through  a  gen 
erous  competition,  to  engage  in  the  perilous  enterprise 
in  which  he  perished,  and  on  which  he  entered  with  a 
known  intention  of  yielding  up  his  life,  if  necessary  to 
prevent  the  enemy's  obtaining  the  great  advantage  of 
demanding  ransom  for  his  party,  or  of  seizing  the  pow 
der  in  the  ketch. 

Congress  passed  a  resolution  of  condolence  with  the 
friends  of  the  officers  who  died  in  the  Intrepid,  as  well 
as  with  those  of  all  the  officers  who  fell  before  Tripoli. 
Of  these  brave  men,  Somers,  on  account  of  his  rank, 
the  manner  of  his  death,  and  his  previous  exploits,  has 
stood  foremost  with  the  country  and  the  service.  These 
claims  justly  entitle  him  to  this  high  distinction.  Among 
all  the  gallant  young  men  that  this  war  first  made  known 
to  the  nation,  he  has  always  maintained  a  high  place, 
and,  as  it  is  a  station  sealed  with  his  blood,  it  has  become 
sacred  to  the  entire  republic. 

It  is  a  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  this  regretted 
officer  is  held,  that  several  small  vessels  have  since  been 

VOL.  I.  11 


122  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

called  after  him.  Perry  had  a  schooner,  which  was 
thus  designated,  under  his  orders  on  the  memorable 
10th  September,  1813;  and  a  beautiful  little  brig 
has  lately  been  put  into  the  water  on  the  seaboard, 
which  is  called  the  Somers.  In  short,  his  name  has 
passed  into  a  watchword  in  the  American  navy  ;  and 
as  they  who  are  first  associated  with  the  annals  of  a  na 
tion,  whether  in  connection  with  its  institutions,  its  arms, 
its  literature,  or  its  arts,  form  the  germs  of  all  its  future 
renown,  it  is  probable  it  will  be  handed  down  to  pos 
terity,  as  one  of  the  bright  examples  which  the  aspiring 
and  daring  in  their  country's  service  will  do  well  to 
imitate. 


JOHN    SHAW. 


AMONG  the  many  brave  Irishmen  who,  first  and  last, 
have  manifested  their  courage,  and  shown  how  strong 
is  the  sympathy  between  the  people  of  their  native 
island  and  this  country,  the  subject  of  this  sketch  is 
entitled  to  occupy  a  highly  honourable  place.  There 
was  a  short  period,  indeed,  when  his  name  and  services 
stood  second  to  none  on  the  list  of  gallant  seamen  with 
which  the  present  navy  of  the  republic  commenced  its 
brilliant  career.  Those  whose  memories  extend  so  far 
back  as  the  commencement  of  the  century,  and  who  are 
familiar  with  naval  events,  will  readily  recall  how  often 
they  were  required  to  listen  to  his  successes  and  his 
deeds. 

The  family  of  John  Shaw  was  of  English  origin. 
In  1690,  however,  his  grandfather,  an  officer  in  the  com 
missariat  of  King  William's  army,  passed  into  Ireland, 
on  service,  where  he  appears  to  have  married  and  es 
tablished  himself.  The  son,  who  was  the  father  of  our 
subject,  served  as  an  officer  in  the  fourth  regiment  of 
heavy  horse,  on  the  Irish  establishment.  He  was 
actively  and  creditably  employed  with  his  regiment  in 
the  war  of  '56,  serving  no  less  than  four  years  in  Ger 
many.  During  this  time  he  was  present  at  several 
battles,  including  that  of  Minden.  In  1763,  this  gen 
tleman  returned  to  Ireland,  shortly  after  marrying  Eliza- 

123 


124  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

beth  Barton,  of  Kilkenna.  In  1779,  he  quitted  the 
army  altogether,  retiring  to  a  farm.  The  family  of 
Barton,  like  that  of  Shaw,  was  also  English,  and  had 
come  into  Ireland  with  the  army  with  which  Cromwell 
invaded  that  country,  in  1649. 

John  Shaw  was  born  at  Mt.  Mellick,  Gtueen's 
county,  Ireland,  in  the  year  1773,  or  while  his  father 
was  still  in  the  army.  There  were  several  older  chil 
dren,  and  the  family  becoming  numerous,  his  studies 
were  necessarily  limited  to  such  an  education  as  could 
be  obtained  at  a  country  school,  of  the  ordinary  character. 
The  means  of  providing  for  so  many  children  early  oc 
cupied  the  father's  thoughts,  and,  at  the  proper  time, 
the  matter  was  laid  fairly  before  two  of  the  older  sons, 
for  their  own  consideration.  One  of  these  sons  was 
John.  This  occurred  in  1790,  when  the  lad  was  in  his 
seventeenth  year.  The  father  recommended  America, 
as  the  most  promising  theatre  for  their  future  exertions ; 
and  the  advice  agreeing  with  the  inclinations  of  the 
youths,  John  and  an  elder  brother  sailed'  for  New  York, 
which  port  they  reached  in  December  of  the  same  year. 
After  remaining  a  short  time  in  New  York,  the  subject 
of  our  sketch  proceeded  to  Philadelphia,  then  the  politi 
cal  capital  and  largest  town  of  the  infant  republic.  Here 
he  delivered  various  letters  of  introduction,  and,  after 
looking  about  him  a  little,  he  determined  to  push  his 
fortunes  on  the  ocean,  of  which  he  had  a  taste  in  the 
passage  out. 

In  March,  1791,  young  Shaw  sailed  for  the  East  In 
dies,  being  then  nearly  eighteen  years  of  age.  The 
destination  of  the  ship  was,  in  truth,  China,  all  those 
distant  seas  going,  in  the  parlance  of  seamen,  under  the 


JOHN     SHAW.  125 

general  name  of  the  Indies.  The  first  voyage  appears 
to  have  produced  no  event  of  any  particular  interest. 
It  served,  however,  to  make  the  youth  familiar  with  his 
new  profession,  and  to  open  the  way  to  preferment.  In 
the  intervals  between  his  voyages  to  Canton,  of  which 
he  seems  to  have  made  four  in  the  next  six  years,  he 
was  occupied  in  improving  himself,  and  in  serving  in 
counting-houses  as  a  clerk.  On  the  second  voyage,  the 
ship  he  was  in,  the  Sampson,  was  attacked  by  a  num 
ber  of  Malay  prows,  during  a  calm.  This  occurred  in 
the  Straits  of  Banca,  and  in  the  night.  The  attack  ap 
pears  to  have  been  vigorous  and  the  situation  of  the 
vessel  critical.  Notwithstanding,  she  kept  up  so  brisk 
a  fire  from  six  four-pounders,  as  to  compel  several  of 
her  assailants  to  haul  off,  to  repair  their  damages.  A 
breeze  coming,  the  Sampson  was  brought  under  com 
mand,  and  soon  cleared  herself  from  her  enemies,  who 
ran  for  the  island  of  Borneo.  This  was  the  first  occa 
sion  on  which  Shaw  met  with  real  service. 

While  on  shore,  young  Shaw  had  joined  that  well- 
known  body  of  irregular  volunteers,  known  as  the  Mac- 
pherson  Blues.  This  corps,  when  its  size  is  considered, 
was  probably  the  most  remarkable,  as  regards  efficiency, 
discipline, appearance,  and  the  characters  of  its  members, 
that  ever  existed  in  the  country.  Several  hundreds  of 
the  most  respectable  young  men  of  Philadelphia  were 
in  its  ranks,  and  many  of  the  more  distinguished  citizens 
did  not  disdain  its  service.  It  volunteered,  in  1794.  to 
march  against  the  insurgents  in  western  Pennsylvania, 
young  Shaw  shouldering  his  kit  and  his  musket  with 
the  rest.  The  troops  did  not  return  to  Philadelphia 
11* 


126  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

until  the  close  of  the  year,  having  marched  early  in 
the  autumn.* 

In  the  third  of  his  voyages  to  Canton,  young  Shaw 
was  the  third  officer  of  the  ship,  and  the  fourth  he  made 
ns  her  first  officer.  This  was  quick  preferment,  and 
furnishes  proof  in  itself  that  his  employers  had  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  his  application  and  character. 

Four  voyages  to  China  gave  our  young  sailor  so  much 
professional  knowledge  and  reputation  as  to  procure  him 
a  vessel.  Near  the  close  of  the  year  1797,  he  sailed 
for  the  West  Indies,  as  master  of  a  brig,  returning  to 
Baltimore  the  succeeding  May.  This  was  at  a  moment 
when  the  American  trade  was  greatly  depredated  on  by 

*  An  anecdote  is  related  of  one  of  the  "  citizen  soldiers"  in  this 
expedition  which  is  worthy  of  being  recorded.  The  person  re 
ferred  to  was  a  German  by  birth,  of  the  name  of  Koch,  and  was 
well  known  in  Philadelphia,  in  his  day,  as  a  large  out-door  under 
writer.  He  died  some  ten  or  twelve  years  since,  in  Paris,  whiiher 
he  had  gone  for  the  benefit  of  the  climate,  leaving  a  fortune  esti 
mated  at  $1,200,000.  Mr.  Koch,  like  young  Shaw,  was  a  private 
in  the  M  acpherson  Blues.  It  fell  to  his  lot  one  night  to  be  sta 
tioned  sentinel  over  a  baggage-wagon.  The  weather  was  cold, 
raw,  stormy,  and  wet.  This  set  the  sentinel  musing.  After  re 
maining  on  post  half  an  hour,  he  was  heard  calling  lustily,  "  Cor 
poral  of  ter  guartz — Corporal  of  ter  guartz."  The  corporal  came, 
and  inquired  what  was  wanting.  Koch  wished  to  be  relieved 
for  a  few  minutes,  having  something  to  say  to  Macpherson.  He 
was  gratified,  and  in  a  few  minutes  he  stood  in  the  presence  of  the 
general,  "Well,  Mr.  Koch,  what  is  your  pleasure?"  asked  Mac- 
pherson.  "  Why,  yeneral,  I  wish  to  know  what  may  be  ter  value 
of  dat  d — d  wagon  over  which  I  am  shentinel !"  "  How  the  d — 1 
should  I  know,  Koch?"  "Well,  sornet'ing  approximative — not 
to  be  barticular."  "  A  thousand  dollars,  perhaps."  "  Very  well, 
Yeneral  Macpherson,  I  write  a  sheck  for  ter  money,  and  ten  1 
will  go  to  bets." 


JOHN     SHAW.  127 

the  French  privateers,  and  Mr.  Shaw  had  much  reason 
to  complain  of  the  treatment  he  received  at  their  hands. 
The  Spring  of  1798,  or  the  moment  of  his  return  to 
this  country,  was  precisely  that  when  the  armaments 
against  France  were  in  progress,  and  Mr.  Shaw  felt 
strongly  disposed,  on  more  accounts  than  one,  to  take 
service  in  the  infant  navy.  Dale  sailed  in  the 
Ganges,  the  first  vessel  out,  on  the  22d  of  May,  the 
very  month  when  the  brig  of  Mr.  Shaw  reached  Balti 
more. 

Soon  after  this  important  event,  an  application  was 
made  to  the  Navy  Department  in  behalf  of  Mr.  Shaw, 
and  being  sustained  by  the  late  Gen.  Samuel  Smith, 
and  other  men  of  influence  in  Baltimore,  he  was  com 
missioned  as  a  lieutenant.  Mr.  Shaw's  place  on  the 
list  must  have  been  about  the  thirtieth,  though  promo 
tions  soon  raised  him  much  nearer  to  the  top.  Rodgers, 
Preble,  James  Barron,  Bainbridge,  Stewart,  Hull,  and 
Sterret  were  all  above  him;  while  he  ranked  above 
Chauncy,  John  Smith,  Somers,  Decatur,  &c.  At  this 
time,  Mr.  Shaw  was  five  and  twenty  years  of  age. 

Soon  after  receiving  his  appointment,  our  subject  was 
ordered  to  join  the  Montezuma  20,  Capt.  Alexander 
Murray  ;  a  ship  bought  into  the  service,  as  one  of  the 
hasty  equipments  of  the  period.  From  the  date  of  his 
commission,  there  is  not  much  doubt  that  Mr.  Shaw  was 
the  senior  lieutenant  of  this  vessel ;  at  all  events,  if  he 
did  not  hold  this  rank  on  joining  her,  he  obtained  it  be 
fore  she  had  been  long  in  service. 

The  Montezuma  did  not  get  to  sea  until  November, 
1798,  when  she  proceeded  to  the  West  Indies,  the 
Norfolk  18,  Capt.  Williams,  and  Retaliation  12,  Lieut. 


128  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Com.  Bainbridge,  sailing  in  company.  While  cruising 
off  Guadaloupe,  the  same  month,  the  Americans  were 
chased  by  two  French  frigates,  le  Volontaire  and  1'In- 
surgente.  The  Retaliation  was  captured,  and  the  ship 
and  brig  ^escaped  only  by  the  address  of  Lieut.  Com. 
Bainbridge,  who  induced  the  French  commander  to 
recall  Tlnsurgente  by  signal,  by  exaggerating  the  force 
of  the  two  Americans.  The  Montezuma  remained  in 
the  West  Indies,  convoying  and  cruising,  until  October, 
1799,  when  she  was  compelled  to  come  home  to  get  a 
new  crew,  and  to  refit.  This  year  of  active  servi.ce  in 
a  vessel  of  war,  added  to  the  seamanship  obtained  in 
his  voyages  to  Canton,  made  Mr.  Shaw  a  good  officer ; 
Capt.  Murray  having  come  out  of  the  war  of  the  Revo 
lution,  though  only  a  lieutenant  in  rank,  with  the  repu 
tation  of  being  one  of  the  most  active  and  best  man-of- 
war's  men  of  the  service. 

Our  young  Irishman  had  no  reason  to  complain  of 
his  luck  in  the  country  of  his  adoption.  He  had  now 
been  at  sea  but  nine  years,  and  in  America  the  same 
time,  when  he  found  himself  fairly  enlisted  in  an 
honorable  service,  and  in  the  possession  of  very  re 
spectable  rank.  His  good  fortune,  however,  did  not 
stop  here.  During  the  late  cruise,  Mr.  Shaw  had  won 
the  respect  and  regard  of  his  commander,  who  was  a 
gentleman  of  highly  respectable  family,  and  who  pos 
sessed  considerable  naval  influence  in  particular,  being 
allied  to  the  Nicholsons,  and  other  families  of  mark. 
Through  the  warm  recommendations  of  Capt.  Murray, 
Mr.  Shaw  was  appointed  to  a  separate  command,  and 
was  at  once  placed  in  the  way  of  carving  out  a  name 
for  himself. 


JOHN     SHAW.  129 

The  vessel  to  which  Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  was  appoint 
ed  was  built  on  the  Eastern  Shore  of  Maryland,  and 
was  a  schooner  that  was  pierced  for  twelve  long  sixes, 
a  species  of  gun  that  preceded  the  use  of  the  light  car- 
ronade.  She  was  called  the  Enterprise,  and  subse 
quently  became  celebrated  in  the  service,  for  her  extra 
ordinary  good  fortune  and  many  captures.  A  few  years 
later,  Porter  had  her  lengthened  at  Venice,  and  pierced 
for  two  more  guns,  and  in  the  end  she  was  converted 
into  a  brig,  terminating  her  career,  under  the  late  Capt. 
Galligher,  by  shipwreck,  in  the  West  Indies.  In  the 
course  of  her  service,  the  Enterprise  fought  nine  or  ten 
actions,  in  all  of  which  she  was  either  completely  suc 
cessful,  or  came  off  with  credit.  It  was  her  officers 
and  men,  too,  in  a  great  measure,  that  carried  the  Phila 
delphia,  in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli,  and  Decatur's  own 
boat  was  manned  from  her,  in  the  desperate  hand-to- 
hand  conflict  that  occurred  under  the  rocks  before  that 
town.  In  one  sense,  she  was  more  useful  than  any 
other  craft  that  ever  sailed  under  the  flag. 

Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  got  to  sea  in  the  Enterprise,  with 
a  crew  of  seventy-six  men  on  board,  in  December,  1799. 
He  proceeded  to  the  Windward  Island  station.  In 
February,  1800,  on  his  return  from  Cura^oa,  off  the 
east  end  of  Porto  Rico,  Shaw  fell  in  with  the  Constella 
tion  38,  Com.  Truxtun,  thirty-six  hours  after  her  warm 
engagement  with  le  Vengeance,  a  ship  of  larger  size, 
heavier,  and  more  guns,  and  a  stronger  crew.  The 
Constellation,  as  is  well  known,  had  been  partly  dis 
masted  in  the  battle,  and  was  now  making  the  best  of 
her  way  to  Jamaica.  Com.  Truxtun  sent  the  Enter 
prise  to  Philadelphia  with  despatches,  where  she  arrived 


130  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

fifteen  days  later,  having  experienced  heavy  gales  on 
the  coast. 

Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  left  the  Delaware  again,  in  March, 
having  orders  to  proceed  off  Cape  Francois  with  de 
spatches  for  Com.  Talbot.  Having  delivered  his  de 
spatches,  he  proceeded  on  to  join  Com.  Truxtun  at  Ja 
maica.  Off  the  eastern  end  of  the  island,  however,  he  fell 
in  with  an  English  sloop  of  war,  and  ascertained  that  the 
Constellation  had  sailed  for  home,  when  he  immediately 
hauled  up  for  St.  Kitts,  the  rendezvous  of  the  Wind 
ward  squadron.  While  off  the  Mona  Passage,  working 
up  towards  her  station,  the  Enterprise  saw  a  large  brig 
to  the  southward  and  eastward,  to  which  she  gave  chase 
with  the  American  ensign  flying.  Gaining  on  the  chase, 
the  latter  showed  Spanish  colors,  and  opened  a  fire  on 
the  schooner,  when  about  a  mile  distant.  Lieut.  Com. 
Shaw  stood  on,  keeping  his  luff  until  he  had  got  well 
on  the  brig's  quarter,  when,  determined  not  to  be  fired 
at  without  resenting  it,  he  poured  in  a  broadside  upon 
the  Spaniard.  A  sharp  conflict  ensued,  the  brig  mount 
ing  eighteen  guns,  and  having  heavier  metal  than  her 
antagonist.  After  exchanging  their  fire  for  twenty 
minutes  the  vessels  separated,  without  any  explana 
tions,  each  being  seemingly  satisfied  of  the  national 
character  of  the  other.  This  was  the  first  affair  of  the 
gallant  little  Enterprise,  and  it  might  be  taken  as  a 
pledge  of  the  spirit  with  which  she  was  to  be  sailed  and 
fought,  during  the  twenty  succeeding  years.  Both 
vessels  suffered  materially  in  this  combat,  though  little 
was  said  of  it,  even  at  the  time,  and  it  appears  not  to 
have  led  to  any  political  dissension.  The  American 
went  into  St.  Thomas  to  refit. 


JOHN    SHAW.  131 

In  the  port  of  St.  Thomas  there  happened  to  be  lying, 
at  the  time,  a  large  French  lugger,  that  mounted  twelve 
guns,  and  is  said  to  have  had  a  crew  of  a  hundred  souls 
on  board.  The  commander  of  this  lugger  sent  a  civil 
message  to  Lieut.  Shaw,  naming  an  hour  when  he 
should  be  pleased  to  make  a  trial  of  strength  in  the  offing. 
As  soon  as  this  proposal  was  mentioned  to  the  crew  of 
the  American  schooner,  it  was  accepted  with  three 
cheers,  and  the  enemy  was  duly  apprised  of  the  fact. 

At  the  time  named  in  the  challenge,  Lieut.  Shaw  got 
under  way,  and  stood  into  the  offing.  Here  he  hove-to, 
waiting  for  his  antagonist  to  come  out.  Observing  that 
the  lugger  did  not  lift  her  anchor,  he  fired  a  shot  in  the 
direction  of  the  harbour.  This  signal  was  repeated 
several  times,  during  the  remainder  of  the  day,  without 
producing  any  effect.  After  dark,  the  Enterprise  bore 
up,  and  ran  down  to  leeward  of  St.  Croix,  where  she 
continued  cruising  for  several  days  ;  during  which  time 
she  captured  a  small  letter-of-marque,  and  carried  her 
into  St.  Kitts. 

After  filling  up  his  water  and  provisions,  Lieut. 
Com.  Shaw  sailed  again  immediatelyv  A  day  or  two 
out,  or  in  May,  1800,  he  fell  in  with,  and  brought  to 
action  a  French  privateer  schooner,  called  la  Seine, 
armed  with  four  guns,  and  having  a  complement  of 
fifty-four  men.  The  combat  was  short,  but  exceedingly 
spirited,  the  Frenchman  making  a  most  desperate  re 
sistance.  He  did  not  yield  until  he  had  twenty-four 
of  his  crew  killed  and  wounded,  and  his  sails  and  rig 
ging  cut  to  pieces.  The  Enterprise  had  a  few  men 
hurt  also.  The  prize  was  manned  and  sent  into  St. 
Kitts. 


132  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Two  weeks  later,  the  Enterprise  being  to  leeward  of 
Guadaloupe,  chased  and  engaged  another  privateer 
called  la  Citoyenne,  carrying  six  guns,  and  manned 
with  fifty-seven  men.  Like  la  Seine,  la  Citoyenne 
held  out  and  fought  to  the  last,  refusing  to  strike  so 
long  as  a  hope  of  escape  remained.  When  she  struck, 
it  was  ascertained  that  she  had  lost  four  men  killed, 
beside  having  eleven  men  wounded.  Capt.  Shaw  al 
ways  spoke  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  resistance  made  by 
these  two  gallant  Frenchmen  with  great  respect.  In 
the  two  affairs,  the  Enterprise  had  a  marine  killed  and 
seven  men  wounded.  La  Citoyenne  was  also  manned 
and  sent  into  St.  Kitts. 

The  Enterprise  next  went  off  Porto  Rico.  Here 
Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  heard  that  two  American  mariners 
were  sentenced  to  death  for  having  killed  two  French 
men  in  an  attempt  to  recapture  their  vessel.  These 
seamen  had  been  twice  taken  to  the  place  of  execution 
and  reprieved,  suffering,  in  addition  to  this  cruel  trifling, 
much  in  the  way  of  ordinary  treatment.  In  the  strug 
gle  in  which  the  Frenchmen  fell,  they  had  actually 
succeeded,  but  were  recaptured  before  they  could  reach 
a  port.  Shortly  after  the  Enterprise  went  into  St.  Kitts, 
when  Lieut.  Shaw  made  known  the  situation  of  these 
captives  to  the  American  agent  for  prisoners,  and  an 
abortive  attempt  was  made  to  obtain  their  release.  The 
affair  was  not  finally  disposed  of,  however,  before  the 
Enterprise  sailed  on  another  cruise. 

Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  now  passed  between  Antigua  and 
Desirade,  where  he  made  a  large  three-masted  French 
lugger,  which  he  immediately  recognised  as  the  vessel 
that  had  sent  him  the  challenge  at  St.  Thomas.  The 


JOHN    SHAW.  133 

Enterprise  closed  in  expectation  of  an  engagement,  but, 
after  exchanging  a  few  shot,  the  lugger  hauled  down 
her  colors.  This  vessel  proved  to  be  the  same  as  that 
which  had  sent  the  challenge,  and  from  the  feebleness 
of  her  resistance,  in  connection  with  the  other  circum 
stances,  we  are  left  to  suppose  some  artifice  led  to  her 
defiance.  On  board  the  prize  were  several  officers  of 
the  French  army,  one  of  whom  proved  to  be  of  the  rank 
of  a  major-general.  The  Enterprise  went  into  St.  Kitts 
with  the  lugger,  and  no  sooner  did  she  arrive  than 
Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  put  the  general  and  a  captain  in 
close  confinement,  as  hostages  for  the  security  of  the 
two  condemned  Americans.  Care  was  taken  to  let  this 
fact  be  known  at  Guadaloupe,  and  it  had  its  influence. 

In  the  mean  time,  Com.  Truxtun  arrived  on  the 
station,  and  he  supported  Mr.  Shaw  in  what  he  had 
done.  Matters  now  looked  so  serious  that  the  general 
asked  permission  to  be  sent,  on  his  parole,  to  Guada 
loupe,  to  arrange  the  difficulty  in  person.  His  request 
was  granted,  and,  within  the  month,  he  returned, 
bringing  back  the  liberated  Americans  in  his  company. 
Mr.  Shaw's  spirit  and  decision  obtained  for  him  much 
credit  with  the  authorities  of  the  period,  and  were 
doubtless  the  means  of  saving  two  brave  men  much  ad 
ditional  suffering,  if  not  from  ignominious  deaths. 

While  the  affair  of  the  condemned  mariners  was  in 
progress,  Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  did  not  keep  his  schooner 
idle  in  port.  She  had  now  become  a  favorite  little 
cruiser,  and  was  seldom  at  anchor  longer  than  was  ne 
cessary  to  repair  damages,  or  taken  in  supplies.  In 
June  she  was  cruising  to  leeward  of  Guadaloupe,  when 
she  fell  in  with  another  privateer  called  P Aigle  ;  a  very 

VOL.  i.  12 


134  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

fast  and  destructive  cruiser,  of  nearly  the  Enterprise's 
force,  as  she  carried  ten  guns,  and  had  seventy-eight 
men  on  board.  L'Aigle  had  cut  up  both  the  English 
and  American  trade  very  extensively,  nor  had  her  com 
mander  any  objections  to  engage,  although  the  Enter 
prise  was  so  handled  as  to  leave  her  no  choice.  The 
vessels  crossed  each  other  on  opposite  tacks,  the  Ameri 
can  to  leeward,  but  close  aboard  her  enemy.  Each 
delivered  her  broadside  in  passing,  with  considerable 
effect.  The  helm  of  the  Enterprise  was  put  down  in  the 
smoke,  and  she  shot  rapidly  up  into  the  wind,  tacking 
directly  athwart  the  Frenchman's  wake.  This  was 
done  so  quickly  as  to  enable  the  American  to  discharge 
four  of  her  six  guns  fairly  into  the  enemy's  stern,  rak 
ing  her  with  great  effect.  The  enemy  was  now  evi 
dently  in  confusion,  and  his  schooner  coming  round, 
Mr.  Shaw  laid  the  enemy  aboard  to  windward,  firing 
but  one  more  gun ;  or  eleven  in  all.  The  Americans 
met  with  no  resistance,  finding  the  crew  of  1'Aigle 
below.  At  first  this  circumstance  excited  surprise,  the 
French  commander  having  one  of  the  greatest  reputa 
tions  of  any  private ersrnan  in  the  West  Indies,  and 
being  known  to  be  as  resolute  as  he  was  skillful. 

On  examining  the  state  of  the  prize,  however,  it  was 
ascertained  that  a  round  shot  had  struck  the  French 
commander  on  the  upper  part  of  his  forehead,  tearing 
away  the  scalp,  and  he  lay  for  dead,  on  deck.  He  re 
covered  his  senses  in  the  end,  and  survived  the  injury. 
Another  shot  had  passed  directly  through  the  breast  of 
the  first  lieutenant.  Nor  was  the  fate  of  the  second 
lieutenant  much  better  than  that  of  his  commander.  A 
shot  had  also  grazed  his  head,  carrying  away  a  part  of 


JOHN     SHAW.  135 

one  ear,  and  much  of  the  skin,  throwing  him  on  the 
deck  senseless.  It  was  owing  to  these  singular  casual 
ties  that  the  men,  finding  themselves  without  leaders, 
deserted  their  quarters  when  the  Americans  boarded. 

L'Aigle  had  three  men  killed  and  nine  wounded,  in 
this  short  affair.  Three  of  the  Enterprise's  peopJe 
were  wounded,  but  no  one  was  slain.  The  prize  was 
sent  in,  as  usual,  and  Mr.  Shaw  immediately  prepared 
for  farther  service. 

In  July,  this  gallant  little  schooner,  then  cruising  to 
leeward  of  Dominico,  fell  in  with  le  Flambeau,  another 
privateer  of  note  in  those  seas.  This  vessel,  a  brig, 
was  every  way  superior  to  the  Enterprise,  mounting 
the  same  number  of  guns,  it  is  true,  but  of  heavier 
metal,  and  having  a  crew  on  board  of  one  hundred  and 
ten  souls.  She  had  also  a  reputation  for  sailing  and 
working  well,  and  was  commanded  by  a  brave  and  ex 
perienced  seaman. 

The  Flambeau  was  seen  by  the  Americans  over 
night,  but  could  not  close.  Next  morning,  she  was 
discovered  sweeping  toward  them  in  a  calm.  Lieut. 
Com.  Shaw  allowed  her  to  approach,  until  the  sea 
breeze  struck  his  schooner,  when  he  immediately  set 
every  thing,  and  crowded  sail  in  chase.  The  brig 
spread  all  her  canvas,  and  both  vessels  went  off  free, 
for  some  time,  with  studding-sails  set.  The  Flambeau 
was  apparently  disposed  to  observe  before  she  permitted 
the  Enterprise  to  come  any  nearer.  While  running,  in 
this  manner,  at  a  rapid  rate,  through  the  water,  the 
Frenchman,  who  was  then  carrying  studding-sails  on 
both  sides,  suddenly  hauled  up  close  on  a  wind,  board 
ing  his  starboard  tack.  The  Enterprise  did  the  same, 


136 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


hauling  up  nearly  in  her  wake.  In  this  manner  the 
chase  continued,  the  Enterprise  gaining,  until  the  ves 
sels  got  within  range  of  musketry,  when  the  Flambeau 
opened  a  heavy  fire  with  that  species  of  arms.  The 
Enterprise  returned  the  fire  in  the  same  manner,  until 
close  aboard  of  her  enemy,  when  Lieut.  Com.  Shaw 
edged  a  little  off,  shortened  sail,  and  received  a  broad 
side.  This  discharge  was  immediately  returned,  and  a 
spirited  fire  was  kept  up  for  about  twenty  minutes. 
Finding  himself  getting  the  worst  of  the  combat,  the 
Frenchman  hauled  all  his  sheets  flat  aft,  luffed,  and 
tacked.  The  Enterprise  endeavoured  to  imitate  this 
manoeuvre,  but  unluckily  she  missed  stays.  There  re 
mained  no  other  expedient  for  Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  but 
to  trim  every  thing  that  would  draw,  get  round  as  fast 
as  he  could,  and  endeavour  to  get  alongside  of  his 
enemy  by  his  superiority  of  sailing.  This  was  done, 
and  the  firing  re-commenced.  The  foretopmast  of  le 
Flambeau  had  been  badly  wounded,  and  men  were 
seen  aloft  endeavouring  to  secure  it,  when,  a  flaw  of 
wind  striking  the  brig,  the  spar  came  down,  carrying 
six  men  with  it  overboard.  As  the  Flambeau  was  run 
ning  away  from  the  spot  where  the  accident  happened, 
and  the  Enterprise  was  fast  coming  up  to  it,  the  latter 
lowered  a  boat,  and  saved  all  the  Frenchmen.  A  few 
minutes  later,  she  ranged  close  alongside  her  enemy, 
when  le  Flambeau  struck.*  The  action  lasted  forty 
minutes,  and  had  been  hotly  contested  on  both  sides. 

*  This  account  of  the  combat  between  the  Enterprise  and  le 
Flambeau  differs,  in  several  particulars,  from  that  given  by  the 
writer  in  his  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States.  The  ac 
count  in  the  latter  work  was  written  from  the  statements  of  an 


JOHN    SHAW.  137 

Le  Flambeau  had  forty  men  killed  and  wounded,  and 
the  Enterprise  eight  or  ten.  The  Frenchman  was 
hulled  repeatedly,  and  among  other  accidents  that  befel 
him,  a  shot  passed  through  his  medicine  chest,  while 
the  surgeon  was  busy  operating  on  the  hurt.  The 
prize  was  carried  to  St.  Kitts,  and,  in  the  end,  all  the 
proceeds  were  adjudged  to  the  officers  and  people  of 
the  Enterprise,  as  having  captured  a  vessel  of  superior 
force.  In  the  engagement,  the  Enterprise  mustered 
eighty-three  souls,  all  told. 

This  was  one  of  the  warmest  actions  of  the  war  of 
1798.  It  added  largely  to  the  reputation  of  the  schooner 
and  her  gallant  commander,  the  services  of  both  having 
been  unusually  brilliant  for  the  force  employed.  Active 
as  our  subject  had  been,  he  was  not  content  to  remain 
idle,  however,  going  to  sea  again  as  soon  as  he  had  re 
paired  damages. 

In  August,  Lieut.  Shaw,  cruising  in  the  Antigua 
passage,  fell  in  with  another  French  privateer,  in  the 
night.  The  Frenchman  endeavoured  to  escape,  but, 
after  a  chase  of  five  hours,  the  Enterprise  got  him  fairly 
under  her  guns,  when  he  struck.  This  vessel  proved 
to  be  la  Pauline,  of  six  guns  and  forty  men.  The 
French  consul  at  Porto  Rico  was  a  passenger  in  this 
vessel.  La  Pauline  was  sent  into  St.  Kitts,  like  all  her 
predecessors. 

In  September,  still  cruising  in  the  Antigua  passage, 
Lieut.  Shaw  captured,  after  firing  a  few  guns,  a  letter- 
of-marque,  called  le  Guadaloupeenne,  a  vessel  of  seven 

officer  of  the  Enterprise,  who  admitted  that  he  trusted  altogether 
to  memory.    The  present  account  is  taken  from  memoranda  made 
by  Captain  Shaw  himself,  and  is  doubtless  correct. 
12* 


138  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

guns  and  forty-five  men.  On  board  the  prize  was 
found  the  same  general  officer  who  had  been  taken  in 
the  three-masted  lugger  and  exchanged,  and  who  now 
became  a  prisoner,  the  second  time,  to  Lieut.  Com. 
Shaw,  in  the  same  season. 

How  much  longer  this  success  and  activity  would 
have  continued,  it  is  hard  to  say ;  but,  by  this  time, 
the  health  of  Mr.  Shaw  was  suffering  severely  through 
the  influence  of  the  climate,  and,  induced  to  follow  the 
advice  of  his  medical  attendants,  he  asked  to  be  relieved. 
The  malady  was  a  continued  diarrhrea,  and  was  not  to 
be  neglected  in  that  latitude.  Highly  as  the  activity 
of  Mr.  Shaw  was  appreciated,  he  was  ordered  to  trans 
fer  the  command  of  the  Enterprise  to  Lieut.  Sterret, 
late  of  the  Constellation,  and  permitted  to  sail  for  the 
United  States  in  the  Petapsco  sloop  of  war,  where  he 
arrived  late  in  November.  Lieut.  Shaw  did  not  reach 
Washington  until  early  in  January,  1801,  where  he 
was  personally  thanked  by  the  President  for  his  ser 
vices.  The  Secretary  also  paid  him  a  similar  com 
pliment.  He  was  promised  promotion,  and  actually 
received  verbal  orders  to  prepare  to  go  to  Boston,  where 
he  was  to  assume  the  charge  of  the  Berceau,  a  prize 
corvette  of  twenty-six  guns,  which  was  a  post-captain's 
command.  This  arrangement,  however,  was  defeated 
by  the  progress  of  the  negotiations,  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  was  ratified  by  the  Senate  the  following  month. 

In  March,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration  com 
menced,  and  the  peace  establishment  law,  which  had 
been  passed  under  the  government  of  his  predecessor 
in  office,  was  now  carried  into  effect.  The  Berceau 
was  restored  to  the  French  by  the  conditions  of  the 


JOHN    SHAW.  139 

treaty,  and,  so  far  from  promoting  any  of  inferior  rank, 
there  existed  the  necessity  of  disbanding  the  greater 
portion  of  the  gentlemen  already  on  the  list  of  captains. 
Of  more  than  thirty  captains  and  commanders  then  in 
service,  but  nine  of  the  former  rank  were  to  be  retained. 
The  law,  however,  directed  that  thirty-six  lieutenants 
were  to  continue  on  the  list.  This  was  a  reduction  of 
nearly  three-fourths,  arid  it  became  a  serious  question 
who  was,  and  who  was  not,  to  be  disbanded. 

Under  ordinary  circumstances,  there  is  little  question 
that  Mr.  Shaw,  a  native  of  a  foreign  country,  and  with 
out  political  support,  with  less  than  twelve  years'  resi 
dence,  and  not  yet  three  years'  service  in  the  navy, 
would  have  been  among  those  who  would  be  compelled 
to  retire.  But  the  cruise  of  the  Enterprise  had  been 
far  too  brilliant  to  suffer  this  injustice.  In  six  months 
that  schooner  had  captured  eight  privateers  and  letters- 
of-marque,  and  fought  five  spirited  actions ;  two  of  which 
were  with  vessels  of  superior  force.  In  four  of  these 
actions  she  had  actually  captured  her  antagonists,  and 
in  that  in  which  the  combatants  separated  as  not  being 
lawfully  belligerents  as  respects  each  other,  she  had 
nobly  sustained  the  honor  of  the  flag.  It  was  impossi 
ble  to  overlook  such  services,  and  Mr.  Shaw  was  re 
tained  in  his  proper  rank.  His  name  appears  as  fourth 
on  the  list  of  lieutenants,  under  the  peace  establishment 
law,  leaving  Stewart,  Hull,*and  Sterret  above  him. 

In  the  spring  of  1801,  the  government  sent  the 
George  Washington  28,  armed  en  flute.,  into  the  Medi 
terranean,  with  the  tribute  for  Algiers.  To  this  vessel 
Lieut.  Com.  Shaw  was  appointed,  as  honorable  a  com 
mand  as  could  be  connected  with  such  duty.  After 


140  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

j 

delivering  the  stores,  the  ship  remained  out,  convoying 
and  looking  after  the  interests  of  the  American  trade, 
until  the  following  year,  when  she  returned  to  America. 
The  whole  service  occupied  about  a  twelve-month ;  the 
usual  extent  of  a  cruise  in  that  day,  when  crews  were 
shipped  for  only  a  year.  On  her  return  home,-  the 
George  Washington,  which  had  been  an  Indiaman 
bought  into  the  navy,  was  sold  and  returned  to  her 
original  occupation. 

By  the  new  law  Mr.  Shaw  was  now  put  on  lieu 
tenant's  half-pay,  which,  at  that  period  of  the  history 
of  the  navy,  was  only  twenty  dollars  a  month.  Neces 
sity  compelled  him  to  ask  for  a  furlough,  on  receiving 
which  he  made  a  voyage,  as  master,  to  Canton,  touching 
at  the  Isle  of  France.  On  this  voyage  he  was  absent  about 
eighteen  months,  returning  to  the  United  States  in  Sep 
tember,  1804.  Previously  to  this,  Mr.  Shaw  had  married 
a  lady  of  Philadelphia,  of  the  name  of  Palmer.  Eliza 
beth  Palmer  was  of  a  family  of  Friends,  but  attachment 
to  the  subject  of  our  biography  induced  her  to  break 
the  rigid  laws  of  her  sect,  and,  of  course,  submit  to 
being  rejected  by  her  church.  It  was  this  marriage, 
and  the  birth  of  one  or  two  children,  that  compelled  Mr. 
Shaw  to  seek  service  in  the  Indiaman  just  mentioned. 

During  his  absence  on  the  India  voyage,  or  May  22d, 
1804,  the  rank  of  master  commandants  was  restored  to 
the  navy,  by  the  promotion  of  the  eight  oldest  lieu 
tenants.  Of  course,  Capt.  Shaw  became  the  fourth  officer 
of  that  rank  then  in  service.  This  was  at  the  moment 
when  Preble  was  carrying  on  his  brilliant  operations 
before  Tripoli,  and  the  subject  of  gunboats  was  much 
discussed  in  the  naval  circles.  Early  in  January,  1805, 


JOHN     SHAW.  141, 

Capt.  Shaw  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Secretary,  offering 
to  carry  a  flotilla  of  these  craft  into  the  Mediterranean. 
His  idea  was  to  build  them  in  time  to  sail  in  March, 
expecting  to  be  able  to  reach  the  point  of  operations  in 
the  succeeding  May.  To  this  offer,  Capt.  Shaw  an 
nexed  a  request  that  the  commodore  on  the  station  should 
be  instructed  to  give  him  the  command  of  the  gunboats 
he  should  succeed  in  navigating  in  front  of  the  enemy's 
port.  The  arrival  of  Com.  Preble,  in  this  country,  in 
duced  the  government  to  construct  the  boats,  but  Capt. 
Shaw,  himself,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
John  Adams  28,  and  in  May  he  sailed  for  the  Mediter 
ranean,  having  three  of  the  gunboats  in  company.  On 
their  arrival  on  the  station,  it  was  found  that  peace  had 
been  made,  and  shortly  after  the  John  Adams  returned 
home.  The  ship  was  now  laid  up  in  ordinary  at  Wash 
ington,  at  which  port  she  had  arrived  in  December,  after 
a  cruise  of  seven  months. 

Capt.  Shaw  received  orders  to  repair  to  New  Orleans 
in  January,  1806,  or  the  month  after  his  return  home, 
with  directions  to  construct  a  flotilla  of  gunboats,  for  the 
service  of  those  waters.  This  was  the  commencement 
of  the  great  gunboat  system  in  the  country,  those 
already  in  use  having  been  built  for  special  service 
abroad.  The  following  winter  he  was  made  acquainted 
with  the  existence  of  the  plot  of  Burr.  This  compelled 
him  to  use  extraordinary  exertions  to  equip  a  force  equal 
to  commanding  the  river,  under  circumstances  of  this 
nature.  Early  in  February,  he  appeared  off  Natchez, 
with  a  flotilla  mounting  sixty-one  guns,  and  manned 
with  four  hundred  and  forty-eight  seamen  and  soldiers. 
The  two  ketches.  ^rEtna  and  Vesuvius,  had  joined  him 


142  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

in  the  river,  composing  more  than  a  third  of  this  force. 
The  services  of  Capt.  Shaw,  on  this  occasion,  met  with 
the  approbation  of  the  government. 

After  the  dispersion  of  Burr's  force,  Capt.  Shaw  was 
ordered  to  Washington,  and  was  sent  to  Richmond,  as  a 
witness  on  the  trial  of  the  accused.  At  the  close  of  the 
year  1807,  he  was  commanded  to  sit  on  the  court  which 
tried  Com.  Barren  for  the  affair  of  the  Chesapeake, 
having  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  post-captain  the 
.  27th  August,  previously. 

After  the  court  rose,  Capt.  Shaw  received  Orders,  of 
the  date  of  May,  1808,  to  take  charge  of  the  navy  yard 
at  Norfolk.  On  this  station  he  continued  until  August, 
1810,  when  he  was  commanded  to  proceed,  once  more, 
to  New  Orleans.  On  this  occasion,  he  repaired  to  his 
station  by  land..  On  reaching  Natchez,  he  met  Gover 
nor  Claiborne,  who  had  been  directed  to  seize  Baton 
Rouge.  A  flotilla  of  gunboats  had  been  lying  off 
Natchez  some  time,  and  taking  command  of  it,  Capt. 
Shaw  covered  the  debarkation  of  the  troops  that  effected 
this  piece  of  service. 

During  the  year  1811,  Capt.  Shaw  was  principally 
engaged  in  making  preparations  to  defend  New  Orleans, 
in  the  event  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain.  He  examined 
all  the  approaches  to  the  place,  though  the  storm  blew 
over,  and  little  was  done  by  the  government  towards 
effecting  this  important  object.  These  labors,  however, 
were  of  service,  when  the  war  so  suddenly  and  unex 
pectedly  broke  out,  the  following  year.  As  the  enemy 
paid  no  great  attention  to  this  part  of  the  country  until 
late  in  the  war,  Capt.  Shaw  had  little  other  duty  to  per 
form,  while  he  remained  on  this  station,  than  to  make 


JOHN     SHAW.  143 

such  preparations  as  his  means  and  orders  allowed. 
Among  other  things,  he  commenced  the  construction  of 
a  heavy  block  ship,  that  subsequently  was  used  in  the 
defence  of  the  place.  In  1813,  Gen.  Wilkinson  seized 
Mobile,  Capt.  Shaw  commanding  the  maritime  part  of 
the  expedition.  On  this  duty  the  latter  was  employed 
about  three  months,  having  a  strong  division  of  gun 
boats  and  light  cruisers  under  his  orders.  On  this  oc 
casion,  the  navy  transported  the  guns  and  stores  to  the 
point,  where  the  troops  erected  the  work  subsequently 
rendered  distinguished  by  the  repulse  of  a  British  attack 
by  water.  The  communication  with  New  Orleans,  by 
sea,  was  also  kept  up  by  means  of  the  flotilla.  On  his 
return  to  New  Orleans,  Capt.  Shaw  was  much  engaged 
in  procuring  cannon,  ammunition  and  gun-carriages,  for 
the  defence  of  that  important  place.  To  obtain  the 
latter,  a  quantity  of  mahogany  was  purchased,  and  on 
this  material  about  forty  heavy  guns  were  mounted. 
These  guns  were  subsequently  used  by  the  army  that 
repulsed  the  enemy  in  1815. 

In  the  spring  of  1814,  Capt.  Shaw  left  the  station 
and  repaired  to  Washington,  at  which  place  he  arrived 
early  in  May.  After  settling  his  accounts,  he  obtained 
a  short  leave  of  absence  to  visit  his  friends.  After  dis 
charging  this  domestic  duty,  he  proceeded  on  to  Con 
necticut,  and  took  command  of  the  squadron  lying  in 
the  Thames,  between  New  London  and  Norwich.  This 
force  consisted  of  the  United  States  44,  Macedonian  38, 
and  Hornet  18.  As  these  ships  were  vigilantly  block 
aded  by  the  enemy,  the  Hornet  alone  was  enabled  to 
get  out.  She  effected  her  escape  under  Capt.  Biddle, 
and  subsequently  captured  the  Penguin  18,  but  the 


144  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

two  frigates  were  kept  in  the  river  until  peace ;  or 
March,  1815. 

As  soon  as  the  war  terminated,  the  United  States 
proceeded  to  Boston  under  Capt.  Shaw,  with  orders  to 
prepare  for  a  cruise  in  the  Mediterranean.  In  Sep 
tember  of  the  same  year  she  joined  the  squadron  under 
Bainbridge,  at  Malaga.  Peace  with  Algiers,  however, 
had  been  made  by  Decatur,  and,  there  being  no  neces 
sity  for  retaining  the  large  force  that  was  out  in  that 
distant  sea,  Com.  Bainbridge  came  home,  leaving  the 
station  in  command  of  Capt.  Shaw,  the  next  senior  to 
himself  in  the  Mediterranean.  The  force  left  with 
Com.  Shaw  consisted  of  his  own  ship,  the  United  States 
44,  Constellation  38,  Capt.  Crane,  Ontario  18,  Capt. 
Elliot,  and  Erie  18,  Capt.  Ridgely.  The  Java  44,  Capt. 
Perry,  joined  him  soon  after. 

Com.  Shaw  retained  this  command  until  the  follow 
ing  year,  cruising  and  visiting  the  different  ports  of  that 
sea,  when  he  was  relieved  by  Com.  Chauncy,  in  the 
Washington  74.  Capt.  Shaw  continued  out,  however, 
until  November,  1817,  when  he  exchanged  for  the 
Constellation,  and  came  home,  that  ship  requiring 
repairs.  The  Constellation  anchored  in  Hampton 
Roads,  December  26,  1817,  making  the  cruise  of  her 
commander  extend  to  about  twenty-eight  months.  Com. 
Shaw  got  leave  to  visit  his  family  in  Philadelphia,  from 
which  he  had  now  been  separated,  on  service,  nearly 
five  years. 

Com.  Shaw  never  went  to  sea  again,  in  command. 
He  was  shortly  after  put  in  charge  of  the  Boston  navy 
yard,  where  he  remained  the  usual  time.  When  re 
lieved,  he  was  placed  in  command  at  Charleston,  S. 


JOHN     SHAW.  145 

Carolina,  a  station  rather  of  honor,  however,  than  of 
active  duty.  September  17, 1823,  he  died  at  Philadel 
phia,  where  he  had  been  taken  ill ;  the  place  that  he 
considered  his  home,  and  where  he  had  first  established 
himself  on  his  arrival  in  the  country,  thirty-three  years 
before.  As  Com.  Shaw  was  born  in  1773,  he  was  just 
fifty  when  he  died. 

Com.  Shaw  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was 
Elizabeth  Palmer,  the  Quakeress  already  mentioned. 
By  this  lady  he  had  several  children,  all  of  whom,  but 
two  daughters,  died  young.  Of  the^se  two  daughters, 
Elizabeth,  the  eldest,  married  Francis  H.  Gregory,  Es 
quire,  of  Connecticut,  a  captain  in  the  navy,  and  now 
in  command  of  the  Raritan  44;  and  Virginia,  the 
youngest,  is  the  wife  of  Win.  H.  Lynch,  Esquire,  of 
Virginia,  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy  of  fifteen  years' 
standing,  and  late  commander  of  the  steamer  Poinsett. 
By  Mrs.  Gregory,  there  are  seven  grandchildren,  the 
descendants  of  Com.  Shaw ;  and  by  Mrs.  Lynch,  two. 
The  second  wife  of  Com.  Shaw  was  a  Miss  Breed,  of 
Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  and  of  the  family  that  gave 
its  name  to  the  celebrated  hill,  on  which  the  renowned 
battle  was  fought,  in  June,  1775.  By  this  lady,  who 
still  survives,  there  was  no  issue. 

Com.  Shaw  was  a  man  of  great  probity  and  sincerity 
of  character.  As  a  seaman,  he  was  active,  decided, 
and  ready.  No  man  was  braver,  or  more  willing  to 
serve  the  flag  under  which  he  sailed.  As  has  been 
said,  the  cruise  of  the  Enterprise,  in  1800,  if  not  posi 
tively  the  most  useful,  and,  considering  the  force  and 
means  employed,  the  most  brilliant,  of  any  that  ever 
occurred  in  the  American  navy,  it  was  certainly  among 

VOL.  i.  18 


146  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  most  useful  and  brilliant.  Of  itself,  it  was  sufficient 
to  give  a  commander  an  established  reputation.  His 
other  services  were  of  a  respectable  order,  though  cir 
cumstances  never  placed  him  subsequently  in  situations 
to  manifest  the  same  qualities. 

Com.  Shaw  was  a  man  of  fine  presence,  and  had  the 
manly  bearing  and  frank  demeanor  of  a  seaman.  His 
character  answered  to  his  exterior.  There  was  a  warm 
heartedness  in  his  demeanor  toward  his  friends,  that  de 
noted  good  feelings.  Few  officers  were  more  beloved 
by  those  who  served  under  him,  and  he  was  disposed 
to  deal  honorably  and  justly  by  all  mankind. 


JOHN    TEMPLER    SHUBRICK.  147 


JOHN  TEMPLER  SHUBRICK. 


THE  subject  of  our  sketch  is  the  eldest  of  four  brothers 
who  have  served  with  credit  and  reputation  in  the  navy, 
since  the  commencement  of  the  present  century.  Of 
these  brothers,  John,  the  oldest,  never  rose  higher  in 
rank  than  to  be  a  lieutenant  commandant ;  William 
Branford,  the  second  in  seniority,  is  the  present  Com 
modore  Shubrick ;  Edward  Rutledge,  the  third,  died 
quite  recently,  a  captain,  on  his  passage  between  the 
Brazil  and  the  Mediterranean  stations,  in  command  of 
the  Columbia  44 ;  while  Irvine,  the  fourth  and  young 
est,  is  a  commander  of  the  promotion  of  1841.  It  is 
seldom,  indeed,  that  so  many  members  of  a  single 
family  are  found  in  the  same  profession,  serving  equally 
with  credit  to  themselves,  and  advantage  to  their 
country. 

The  family  of  Shubrick  belongs  to  South  Carolina,  in 
which  state  it  has  long  been  connected  with  many  of 
the  most  distinguished  names.  We  have  only  to  men 
tion  those  of  Drayton,  Hayne,  Heyward,  Hamilton, 
Pinckney,  Horry,  Trapier,  &c.,  &c.,  to  show  the  cha 
racter  of  its  connections. 

Col.  Thomas  Shubrick,  the  father  of  the  four  sons 
just  mentioned,  was  an  officer  of  the  Revolution,  hav 
ing  served  with  distinction  in  the  aimy  of  Gen.  Greene 


143  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

during  the  celebrated  southern  campaign.  He  was 
with  the  latter,  in  the  capacity  of  an  aid,  at  the  battle 
of  Eutaw  Springs.  This  gentleman  was  born  late  in 
1755,  and  was  consequently  quite  young  at  the  com 
mencement  of  the  great  struggle  for  national  indepen 
dence.  He  was  the  seventh  child,  and  the  third  son 
of  Thomas  Shubrick  and  Sarah  Motte,  both  of  Charles 
ton  ;  the  latter  being  of  the  connection  of  that  noble 
woman  who  furnished  Lee  with  the  implements  to  set 
fire  to  her  own  house,  in  order  to  subdue  a  British  gar 
rison.  Col.  Thomas  Shubrick,  the  father  of  our  sub 
ject,  married  a  Miss  Branford,  in  1778.  Her  mother 
was  a  Bullein,  one  of  the  variations  of  the  name  of 
Boleyn.  John  was  the  seventh  child  and  the  fifth 
son  of  this  marriage,  having  been  born  on  Bull's  Island, 
a  valuable  estate  that  belonged  to  Col.  Shubrick,  on  the 
12th  September,  1788.  His  father  died  at  another 
estate  called  Belvedere,  March  4th,  1810;  his  mother 
survived  until  August,  1832. 

Young  Shubrick  was  taught  in  the  schools  of 
Charleston,  in  the  manner  usual  to  boys  of  his  class  in 
life,  until  the  year  1801,  when  he  was  sent  to  the  care 
of  the  Rev.  Thomas  Thacher,  of  Dedham,  Massachu 
setts,  accompanied  by  his  elder  brother,  Richard.  The 
succeeding  year,  they  were  joined  by  their  next  young 
er  brother,  William,  the  present  Commodore  Shubrick. 
Under  the  instruction  of  this  truly  kind  and  excellent 
guide  and  friend,  he  remained  until  the  spring  of  1804, 
when  he  returned  to  Charleston,  and  commenced  the 
study  of  the  law,  in  the  office  of  his  kinsman,  Col. 
Drayton,  so  well  known  to  the  country  for  his  probity 
and  public  services.  During  the  time  young  Shubrick 


JOHN    TEMPLER    SHUBRICK.  149 

remained  occupied  in  this  pursuit,  his  progress  created 
the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  his  future  success,  though 
his  disposition  strongly  tempted  him  to  engage  in  more 
active  and  stirring  scenes  than  those  likely  to  attend 
the  career  of  a  barrister.  By  the  persuasion  of  friends, 
however,  as  well  as  a  sense  of  duty,  the  young  man 
persevered  for  two  years,  when  his  father  yielded  to  the 
wishes  of  two  of  his  sons,  and  procured  for  them  mid 
shipmen's  appointments.  The  warrants  of  the  two 
Shubricks  were  of  the  same  date,  August  19th,  1806, 
though  there  were  more  than  two  years'  difference  in 
their  ages.  This  placed  John,  the  elder  of  the  two, 
and  the  subject  of  our  sketch,  in  the  navy  when  he  was 
little  more  than  eighteen  years  old.  With  many  minds 
and  temperaments,  this  would  have  been  commencing 
the  profession  somewhat  too  late,  perhaps,  though  the 
education  previously  obtained  was  of  great  advantage 
to  one  so  much  disposed  to  acquire  all  useful  know 
ledge  as  this  youth.  By  some  mistake  of  the  Depart 
ment,  the  warrants  were  ante-dated,  appearing  as  if 
issued  June  20th.  The  circumstance  was  of  little 
moment,  nor  do  we  know  that  it  had  any  influence  on 
the  subsequent  promotions  of  either  of  the  young 
gentlemen  interested. 

From  the  very  commencement  of  his  service,  John 
Shubrick's  career  was  marked  by  that  species  of  fortune 
that  seemed  ever  to  lead  him  where  hard  knocks  were 
to  be  given  and  taken.  So  marked,  indeed,  was  his 
career  in  this  respect,  that,  in  the  end,  it  began  to  be 
thought,  that  his  luck  would  give  any  ship  a  chance 
for  a  fight  on  board  which  he  might  happen  to  serve. 
The  first  vessel  to  which  the  young  man  was  attached 
13* 


150  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

was  the  Chesapeake  86,  Capt.  Gordon,  which  vessel  he 
joined  at  Washington,  while  fitting  for  the  Mediter 
ranean  station,  to  carry  the  broad  pennant  of  Commo 
dore  James  Barren.  In  this  ship  he  dropped  down  to 
Norfolk,  remained  there  until  she  sailed,  and  was  in 
her  at  the  time  of  the  memorable  attack  that  was  made 
on  her  by  the  Leopard  50,  Capt.  Humphreys.  In  this 
affair,  those  on  board  the  Chesapeake  were  probably 
more  exposed  than  had  they  been  in  a  regular  engage 
ment  in  which  both  parties  were  prepared,  and  con 
tended  under  equal  advantages. 

On  the  occasion  of  his  first  hearing  a  shot  fired  in 
anger,  Shubrick  was  one  of  the  midshipmen  in  the 
division  of  Lieut.  Wm.  H.  Allen,  he  who  was  so  long 
Decatur's  first  lieutenant,  and  who  was  subsequently 
killed  in  command  of  the  Argus.  Allen  was  third  lieu 
tenant  of  the  Chesapeake,  a  rank  that  gave  him  the 
midship  division  on  the  gun-deck,  a  berth  that  is  usually 
called  the  slaughter-house,  from  the  circumstance  that 
the  fire  is 'generally  concentrated  on  the  centre  of  the 
ship.  The  division  was  particularly  lumbered,  but  great 
activity  was  manifested  in  clearing  it.  It  is  generally 
known  that  the  Chesapeake  could  not  discharge  her  guns 
for  want  of  powder-horns  to  prime  them  with,  as  well 
as  the  want  of  matches,  or  heated  loggerheads.  But  for 
this  unprepared  condition  of  the  ship,  one  broadside 
might  have  been  fired,  though  it  is  probable  a  second 
could  not.  As  it  was,  the  only  gun  discharged  was  in 
the  division  to  which  Mr.  Shubrick  belonged.  Two 
powder-horns  were  received  from  below,  after  the  Leo 
pard  had  opened  some  time,  when  three  of  the  guns 
were  primed,  being  otherwise  ready.  Mr.  Allen  him- 


JOHN     TEMPLER    S  H  U  B  R  I  C  K.  151 

self  got  a  loggerhead  from  the  galley,  and  applied  it  to 
the  priming  of  one  of  these  guns,  but  it  was  not  yet 
warm  enough  to  cause  the  powder  to  explode.  He  then 
ran  to  the  galley,  procured  a  coal,  and  with  that  he  suc 
ceeded  in  discharging  one  gun.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
this  was  before  or  after  the  order  had  been  given  to  haul 
down  the  colors,  the  two  things  occurring  almost  at  the 
same  instant.  Allen  and  his  officers  were  about  to  dis 
charge  the  other  two  guns,  when  an  order  was  issued 
to  fire  no  more.  The  officers  worked  as  well  as  the 
men,  in  these  critical  circumstances  ;  and  the  breeching 
of  one  of  the  guns  of  the  second  division  was  middled 
principally  by  Allen  himself,  Shubrick,  and  the  present 
Commodore  Wads  worth,  who  was  the  senior  mid 
shipman  of  the  division.  But  two  of  the  crew  appear 
to  have  been  at  that  gun  in  consequence  of  the  rest  being 
wounded  or  absent.*  •  -^  ' 

*  Mr.  Wadsworth,  having  been  a  midshipman  more  than  three 
years  when  the  Leopard  attacked  the  Chesapeake,  was  one  of  the 
witnesses  examined  on  the  trial  of  Commodore  Barron,  which 
Shubrick  was  not,  most  probably  on  account  of  the  short  time  he 
had  been  in  service.  It  will  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  the  un 
prepared  state  of  the  ship,  in  the  division  whence  the  only  gun  was 
fired,  if  we  extract  some  of  the  questions  put  to  this  witness,  and 
the  answers  he  gave. 

Q.  "What  time  elapsed  before  you  received  powder-horns?" 

A.  "  About  twelve  or  fifteen  minutes,  I  suppose,  from  the  com 
mencement  of  the  attack." 

The  powder  of  these  horns  was  the  priming,  without  which  the 
guns  could  not  be  fired. 

Q.  "  Had  you  cartridges  in  your  division,  at  any  time  before 
the  surrender?" 

A.  "  Not  that  I  knew  of." 

Q.  "  Had  you  matches  or  loggerheads  in  your  division,  at  any 
time  before  the  surrender?" 


152  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

This  was  a  rude  encounter  for  so  young  an  adventurer 
to  meet,  almost  in  the  first  hour  after  he  got  to  sea. 
The  Chesapeake  suffered  much  less  than  might  have 
been  expected,  when  it  is  remembered  that  she  lay 
near  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  and  in  smooth  water,  virtually 
unresisting,  under  the  broadside  of  a  fifty  gun  ship. 
Still  she  suffered  ;  having  had  no  less  than  between 
twenty  and  thirty  of  her  people  killed  and  wounded. 
Of  this  loss,  a  fair  proportion  occurred  in  the  division  to 
which  Shubrick  belonged.* 

A.  "No  lighted  matches,  or  hot  loggerheads.  The  gun  we 
fired  was  fired  by  a  coal  of  fire." 

Q.  "If  you  had  fired  the  guns,  had  you  every  thing  necessary 
to  reload  and  to  continue  the  fire?" 

A.  "  We  had  not  in  the  division." 

Q.  "  Were  any  men  killed  or  wounded  in  your  division  ?" 

A.  "  Several  were  wounded,  how  many  I  do  not  know.  None 
were  killed  immediately,  but  one  died  a  short  time  afterward." 

Q.  "  State  to  the  court  to  what  guns  these  wounded  men  be 
longed." 

A.  "  Several  of  them  to  this  gun,  F.  I  don't  recollect  the  rest." 

This  was  the  gun  mentioned  as  that  at  which  the  three  officers 
worked: 

*  The  curious  in  such  matters  may  have  a  desire  to  know  the 
extent  of  the  damage  received  by  the  Chesapeake  in  this  celebrated 
affair.  The  firing  lasted  from  twelve  to  fifteen  minutes,  in  smooth 
water,  and  without  resistance,  the  one  gun  fired  by  Allen  ex- 
cepted  ;  viz. : 

"  In  the  foresail,  four  round-shot  holes,  twelve  grape-shot 
holes,  and  the  starboard  leech  (bolt  rope)  cut  away.  In  the  mainsail, 
(which  must  have  been  in  the  brails,  as  the  ship  was  hove-to,)  three 
round-shot  holes,  full  of  grape  do.,  and  the  footrope  cut  away." 

"Maintop-sail,  one  round-shot  hole;  foretop-mast  stay-sail 
much  injured  by  grape-shot.  In  the  spare  foretop-mast,  two  twelve- 
pound  shot  holes,  which  have  rendered  it  entirely  unfit  for  service." 

"  Main-sky-sail-mast  cut  in  two." 

"  The  second  cutter  much  injured  by  a  shot  hole,  which  went 


JOHN     TEMPLER     SHUBRICK.  153 

Shubrick  remained  in  the  Chesapeake  after  she  was 
given  to  Decatur.  Late  in  1808,  however,  he  was 
transferred  to  the  brig  Argus,  in  which  vessel  he  re 
mained,  cruising  on  the  coast,  under  three  several  com 
manders,  Capts.  Wederstrandt,  Evans,  and  Jones,  until 
early  in  1810.  As  this  was  a  very  active  little  cruiser, 
the  time  passed  in  her  was  of  great  service  to  our  young 
officer,  as,  indeed,  was  that  under  Decatur,  in  the  Chesa 
peake.  After  remaining  in  the  Argus  near  twenty 
months,  Shubrick  was  ordered  to  join  the  United  States 
44,  which  was  just  fitted  out  to  carry  Decatur's  pennant. 
He  continued  but  a  few  months,  however,  in  this  fine 
frigate,  being  compelled  to  quit  her  in  consequence  of  a 
misunderstanding  with  another  officer,  which  was  near 
producing  a  duel.  Shubrick  gave  the  challenge,  con 
ceiving  himself  the  injured  party,  and  all  the  arrange 
ments  were  made  for  the  meeting,  when  the  affair 
reached  the  ears  of  the  commodore.  Decatur  sent  for 
the  gentlemen,  and  demanded  a  pledge  from  each  that 
the  affair  should  go  no  farther.  This  pledge  Shubrick 
refused  to  give,  as  the  challenger,  and  Decatur  found 
himself  rather  awkwardly  placed  in  his  character  of  a 
mediator.  It  would  not  do  to  suffer  discipline  to  be 

through  and  through  her,  cut  both  of  her  masts,  and  three  of  her 
cars  in  two.  First  cutter  slightly  injured." 

"  Twenty-two  round-shot  in  her  hull,  that  is  to  say,  twenty-one 
on  her  starboard,  and  one  on  her  larboard  side." 

"  The  fore  and  main-masts  are  incapable  of  being  made  sea 
worthy  ;  the  mizzen  mast  badly  wounded,  but  not  incapable  of 
being  repaired  on  shore  ;  three  starboard,  and  two  larboard  main- 
ahrouds,  two  starboard  fore-shrouds,  two  starboard  mizzen-shrouds, 
main-top-mast  stay,  cap,  bob-stay,  and  starboard  main-lift  cut 
away;  likewise  the  middle  stay-sail  stay. 

"  Killed,  3;  badly  wounded,  8;  slightly  wounded,  10." 


154  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY.     * 

brow-beaten,  on  the  one  hand,  while  his  own  nature 
was  opposed  to  punishing  a  young  officer  for  having 
sensitive  feelings  on  the  subject  of  his  honor,  even 
though  those*  feelings  might  be  a  little  exaggerated.  In 
this  dilemma,  he  decided  on  ordering  young  Shubrick 
to  quit  his  ship,  taking  care  to  send  him  on  board 
another  vessel  of  his  squadron,  with  the  acting  appoint 
ment  of  lieutenant !  There  was  a  slight  semblance  of 
punishment  in  sending  a  midshipman  from  the  finest 
vessel  under  his  orders,  to  the  smallest  and  least  de 
sirable  craft  he  had  among  his  cruisers,  but  it  was  a 
punishment  any  midshipman  in  the  service  would  have 
been  rejoiced  to  receive. 

The  vessel  to  which  Shubrick  was  now  sent  was  the 
Viper,  probably  the  smallest  sea-going  craft  in  the  navy, 
at  that  time.  He  joined  her  at  midsummer,  1810,  and 
it  may  be  remarked  in  passing,  that  William  Shubrick 
was  made  acting  lieutenant  in  the  Wasp,  by  Lawrence, 
about  the  same  time.  As  John  Shubrick  was  born  in 
1788,  he  got  this  important  step  in  his  profession  when  in 
his  twenty-second  year,  and  after  having  been  only  four 
years  in  the  service.  This  seems  extraordinary  prefer 
ment  in  days  like  these,  when  a  young  gentleman  is 
compelled  to  pass  six  years  as  a  midshipman  before  he 
can  even  be  examined,  and  frequently  as  many  more  as 
a  passed  midshipman  before  he  gets  his  lieutenant's 
commission.  .The  service  requires  an  entirely  new 
arrangement  of  its  grades,  as  well  as  the  establishment 
of  some  that  are  new,  in  order  to  impart  to  it  fresh  life 
and  hope.  About  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  writ 
ing,  Commodore  Stewart  sent  a  nephew  of  his,  the  pre 
sent  Capt.  M'Cauley,  late  of  the  Delaware  80,  with  a 


JOHN  TEMPLER  SHUBRICK.      155 

letter  of  introduction  to  Decatur,  who  had  just  hoisted 
his  pennant  in  the  United  States.  Young  M'Cauley 
had  been  made  a  midshipman  a  short  time  previously, 
and  had  been  ordered  to  join  the  frigate.  As  Decatur 
and  Stewart  were  close  friends,  the  former  felt  the  pro 
priety  of  saying  a  few  encouraging  words  to  the  kinsman 
of  the  latter,  on  his  introduction  to  naval  life.  After  a 
few  general  remarks,  the  commodore  added,  "  Every 
thing  depends  on  yourself,  young  gentleman.  You  see 
my  pennant  aloft,  there  ;  well,  I  joined  this  very  ship 
myself,  only  twelve  years  since,  a  midshipman,  like 
yourself,  and  you  see  I  now  carry  a  broad  pennant  in 
her."  All  this  is  very  true,  but  Mr.  M'Cauley,  when 
he  related  to  us  this  anecdote,  had  been  a  lieutenant  as 
long  as  Decatur  had  then  been  in  the  navy.* 

In  addition  to  the  pleasure  of  receiving  this  acting 
lieutenancy,  Shubrick  had  the  satisfaction  of  being  put 
under  the  orders  of  a  townsman,  Lieut.  Com.  Gadsden, 
the  officer  who  commanded  the  Viper.  The  schooner 
cruised  along  the  coast  south,  touching  at  Charleston, 
and  passing  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  At  New  Orleans, 
Lieut.  Joseph  Bainbridge  took  charge  of  the  Viper. 

*  Decatur  entered  the  navy  as  a  midshipman  in  1798.  He  was 
made  a  lieutenant  in  1799,  and  a  captain  in  1804.  The  first  ship 
he  commanded  was  the  Constitution,  Old  Ironsides,  which  vessel 
was  turned  over  to  him  by  Preble,  on  quitting  the  Mediterranean 
command,  September,  1804,  or  about  six  years  after  he  entered  the 
navy.  In  1805,  he  exchanged  the  Constitution  for  the  Congress 
38,  with  Rodgers,  and  in  1807,  he  got  the  Chesapeake,  after  the 
affair  with  the  Leopard.  In  1810,  he  was  transferred  to  the  United 
States,  which  he  held  until  1814,  when  he  went  to  the  President, 
and  was  captured  off  New  York.  In  1815  he  got  the  Guerriere, 
and  the  Mediterranean  squadron.  This  was  the  last  ship  he  ever 
commanded. 


156  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

In  1811,  Shubrick  was  transferred  to  the  Siren  16, 
Capt.  Gordon,  one  of  the  medium  sized  brigs,  that  had 
done  so  much  service  before  the  town  of  Tripoli.  So 
attentive  had  the  young  man  been  to  his  duty,  and  so 
great  was  his  improvement  in  his  profession,  that  he 
was  soon  intrusted  with  the  duties  of  the  first  lieutenant 
of  this  brig.  It  is  true  he  was  not  commissioned  as  a 
lieutenant  at  all,  but  in  that  day  it  was  no  unusual  thing 
for  a  majority  of  the  ward-room  officers  of  even  frigates 
to  be  merely  acting. 

An  unpleasant  affair  occurred  while  Mr.  Shubrick 
was  doing  first  lieutenant's  duty  in  this  brig.  Some 
rope  was  making  for  the  vessel,  and  Shubrick  had 
occasion  to  attend  at  the  walk,  with  a  gang  of  hands. 
The  superintendent  of  the  rope-walk  was  an  English 
man,  and,  in  the  course  of  the  duty,  he  abused  the  sea 
men  and  ended  by  grossly  insulting  their  officer. 
Shubrick  was  armed,  but,  unwilling  to  draw  his  sword 
on  such  an  opponent,  he  caught  up  a  stick  and  began 
to  thresh  him  with  it.  It  seems  that  the  Englishman 
carried  a  pistol,  which  he  leveled  at  Shubrick's  head 
and  fired.  At  the  moment,  the  latter  had  the  stick 
grasped  with  both  hands,  and  was  in  the  act  of  repeating 
the  blow.  His  thumbs  were  crossed,  and  the  ball 
injured  them  so  badly  that  both  were  amputated.  Not 
withstanding  this  outrage,  and  the  fact  that  the  man  had 
provoked  and  merited  the  chastisement  he  received, 
Shubrick  refused  to  proceed  against  him,  saying  he 
could  not  take  the  satisfaction  that  was  customary  among 
gentlemen,  and  he  would  not  resort  to  any  other  mode 
of  atonement. 

Toward  the  close  of  the  year  1811,  the  Siren  came 


JOHN     TEMPLE R     SHUBRICK.  157 

north,  and  Shubrick  still  remained  in  her.  Early  in 
1812,  he  received  his  commission  as  a  lieutenant, 
having  now  been  nearly  six  years  in  the  service,  and 
having  reached  his  twenty-fourth  year. 

Lieut.  Shubrick  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  Consti 
tution  44,  Capt.  Hull,  which  ship  had  just  returned 
from  Europe,  and  was  receiving  a  new  crew,  together 
with  many  new  officers.  War  was  declared  a  few  days 
later,  and  every  nerve  was  strained  to  get  the  ship 
ready  for  sea  as  soon  as  possible.  So  hurried  were  the 
epuipments  that  one  hundred  of  the  ship's  people  joined 
her  only  the  night  previously  to  the  day  on  which  she 
sailed  from  Annapolis.  -The  Constitution  was,  exceed 
ingly  well  officered.  For  her  first  lieutenant  she  had 
Charles  Morris,  now  Commodore  Morris,  one  of  the 
very  ablest  men  the  American  marine  ever  possessed. 
Even  in  that  day,  this  gentleman  enjoyed  a  reputation 
very  unusual  for  one  of  his  rank ;  while,  at  the  present 
time,  after  filling  many  places  of  high  responsibility,  no 
officer  commands  more  of  the  confidence  and  respect 
both  of  the  service  and  the  country.  The  Constitution 
had,  for  her  second  lieutenant,  Alexander  S.  Wadsworth, 
an  officer  of  great  respectability,  a  brother  of  the  gentle 
man  who  was  blown  up  with  Somers  in  the  Intrepid, 
and  the  present  Commodore  Wadsworth.  The  third 
lieutenant  was  George  Campbell  Read,  the  present 
Commodore  Read,  who  has  always  ranked  high  in  the 
service  ;  the  fourth  lieutenant  was  Beekman  Verplank 
Hoffman,  who  died  a  captain  a  few  years  since,  and 
who  was  thought  to  be  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  very 
best  division  officer  in  the  navy ;  the  fifth  lieutenant 
was  Shubrick,  an'd  there  was  an  acting  sixth,  in  Charles 

VOL.  i.  14 


158  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Morgan,  the  present  Commodore  Morgan,  who  was 
then  young  as  an  officer,  but  of  very  excellent  materials. 

This  was  officering  a  frigate  in  an  unusual  manner, 
but  there  were  so  few  ships  at  the  time,  it  is  not  sur 
prising  as  many  young  men  crowded  in  those  that  did 
go  out,  as  could  get  on  board  them,  or  could  get  per 
mission  to  go.  Hull  experienced  the  benefit  of  possess 
ing  such  a  quarter-deck  before  he  had  been  out  long,  it 
being  probable  the  escape  of  his  ship,  a  few  days  later, 
was  owing  to  his  having  so  many  lieutenants  to  relieve 
each  other,  and  to  keep  the  duty  alive. 

The  Constitution  lifted  her  anchor  on  the  12th  of 
July,  1812.  On  the  17th,  she  fell  in  with  an  English 
squadron  of  five  vessels,  including  one  ship  of  the  line 
and  four  frigates.  The  memorable  chase  that  suc 
ceeded  will  be  related  in  detail  elsewhere,  though  it  has 
already  passed  into  history,  as  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
things  of  its  kind  on  record.  At  one  time  the  Consti 
tution  was  so  hard  pressed  as  to  escape  only  by  kedg- 
ing.  This  was  done  out  of  sight  of  land,  and  it 
occasioned  no  little  surprise  among  the  English  when 
they'  discovered  the  fact.  On  the  side  of  the  enemy, 
the  boats  of  five  ships  were  put  upon  two,  in  order  to 
tow  them  up,  in  the  calm,  and  no  alternative  remained 
to  the  Constitution  but  the  expedient  so  successfully 
adopted. 

It  will  not  be  difficult  ;to  fancy  the  fatigue  and  trials 
of  a  chase  of  this  character,  which  lasted  altogether 
three  days  and  nights.  The  officers,  as  soon  as  re 
lieved,  threw  themselves  on  the  quarter-deck,  sleeping 
in  the  best  spot  they  could  select,  no  one  thinking  of 
undressing,  or  of  quitting  duty  a  moment  longer  than 


JOHN    TEMPLER    SHUBIUCK.  159 

was  absolutely  necessary.  Shubrick  had  his  full  share 
of  the  work,  being  employed  in  the  boats  as  well  as  in 
the  ship,  as  belonged  to  his  rank.  In  a  struggle  of 
this  nature,  in  which  all  may  be  said  to  have  done 
well,  no  particular  praise,  however,  can  be  accorded  to 
any  individual.  Hull  himself  generously  attributed 
much  of  his  extraordinary  success  to  Morris  and  his 
other  officers,  which  was  probably  well  deserved, 
though  Hull  himself  was  a  prime  seaman,  and  well 
fitted  for  such  a  scene. 

The  Constitution  cruised  a  short  time  after  this 
escape,  and  went  into  Boston.  Bainbridge  had  claimed 
the  ship,  as  due  to  his  rank,  and  there  was  a  strong 
prospect  of  his  getting  her,  but  Hull  profited  by  some 
delay  and  uncertainty,  and  got  to  sea  again  on  the  2d 
of  August.  This  was  the  cruise  in  which  the  Consti 
tution  captured  the  Guerriere.  In  that  engagement^ ,,f 
Shubrick,  as  fifth  lieutenant,  commanded  the  quarter 
deck  guns,  and  was  of  course  in  the  midst  of  the  active 
scene  that  occurred  in  that  portion  of  the  ship,  when 
the  Constitution  got  a  stern  board  and  came  foul  of  her 
adversary.  He  escaped  without  a  wound,  and  had  the 
gratification  of  seeing  the  first  British  frigate  lower  her 
flag,  that  struck  in  that  war.  He  was  sent  on  board  the 
prize,  before  she  was  abandoned,  and  otherwise  was 
usefully  employed. 

Shubrick  had  now  been  in  the  navy  but  little  more 
than  six  years,  and  he  had  actually  been  present  at  the 
three  most  important  events  which  had  then  occurred, 
since  the  peace  with  Tripoli,  viz.,  the  attack  on  the 
Chesapeake,  the  chase  of  the  Constitution,  and  the 
capture  of  the  Guerriere !  But  his  good  fortune  did 


160  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

not  end  here.  Bainbridge  now  got  the  ship,  and 
Parker  succeeded  Morris  as  his  first  lieutenant.  Wads- 
worth  left  her  also,  going  with  Morris,  who  had  been 
promoted  to  the  Adams,  as  his  first  lieutenant.  Shu- 
brick  and  Hoffman  remained  in  the  frigate,  the  latter 
becoming  her  second  lieutenant,  and  the  former  her 
third.  Alwyn,  who  had  been  master  in  the  late  en 
gagement,  was  also  promoted  to  a  lieutenancy,  and 
became  the  junior  of  the  ship. 

Bainbridge  sailed  from  Boston  on  his  cruise,  October 
26th,  1812,  having  the  Hornet  18,  Capt.  Lawrence,  in 
company.  The  Essex  was  to  leave  the  Delaware  about 
the  same  time,  and  to  join  the  commodore  at  Port 
Praya.  This  junction  was  never  effected,  however, 
and  the  Constitution  stood  across  to  the  coast  of  Brazil, 
reaching  St.  Salvador,  December  13th.  Here  the  Hor 
net  was  left  to  blockade  an  English  sloop  of  war,  that 
was  carrying  specie,  while  the  Constitution  cruised  to 
the  southward.  On  the  29th  she  fell  in  with  and  cap 
tured  the  enemy's  frigate,  the  Java,  after  a  bloody  com 
bat  of  near  two  hours'  duration  ;  the  particulars  of  which 
are  to  be  found  in  our  sketch  of  Bainbridge's  Life. 
After  destroying  his  prize,  the  commodore  went  into 
Salvador,  where  he  landed  his  prisoners  on  parole. 

In  this  battle,  Shubrick  was  stationed  on  the  gun- 
deck,  where  he  did  his  duty,  as  usual.  His  customary 
good  fortune  attended  him,  for  he  was  not  injured, 
though  the  loss  of  the  ship  was  considerable.  Alwyn 
died  of  his  wounds,  and  Bainbridge  himself  was  hurt 
seriously,  though  the  danger  was  fortunately  subdued. 
This  made  the  third  of  Shubrick's  combats,  without 
speaking  of  the  celebrated  chase. 


JOHN     TEMPLER     SHUBRICK.  161 

It  would  seem,  now,  that  Shubrick's  luck  began  to  be 
rated  against  that  of  the  Constitution  herself.  Lieut., 
now  Com.  Ballard,  was  desirous  of  getting  into  the 
frigate>  in  the  hope  that  she  might  have  another  fight, 
while  Lawrence  was  willing  to  take  Shubrick  in 
exchange,  trusting  he  would  bring  his  good  fortune,  and 
certain  he  would  bring  his  good  conduct  with  him. 
The  exchange  was  effected  accordingly,  and  the  Consti 
tution  sailed  for  home,  January  6,  1813,  leaving  the 
Hornet  still  blockading  the  Bonne  Citoyenne.  After 
remaining  off'  the  port  alone,  eighteen  days,  Lawrence 
was  chased  into  the  harbor  by  the  Montagu  74,  and  then 
running  out  to  sea,  he  made  sail  to  the  northward.  On 
the  24th  of  Eebruary,  the  Hornet  fell  in  with,  engaged 
and  captured  the  British  sloop  of  war  Peacock  18,  Capt. 
Peake,-  after  a  close  arid  warrifr  combat  of  only  fifteen 
minutes.  The  result  is  well  known  ;  the  prize  sinking 
while  Lieut.,  now  Com.  Conner,  and  Midshipman,  now 
Capt.  Cooper,  were  on  board  of  her.  These  gentlemen, 
and  most  of  their  men,  were  saved  in  the  Peacock's 
launch,  but  several  of  their  companions,  as  well  as  a 
good  many  of  the  English,  went  down  in  the  brig. 

In  this  engagement  Shubrick  acted  as  the  Hornet's 
first  lieutenant.  Mr.  Walter  Stewart,  of  Philadelphia, 
was  on  board  and  his  senior,  but  that  gentleman  was  ill 
in  his  berth,  and  unable  to  do  duty.  Lawrence  com 
mended  the  conduct  of  his  new  officer,  and  every  one 
who  witnessed  it  spoke  of  it  in  the  same  terms.  Of 
course  Shubrick  remained  in  the  Hornet  until  she 
reached  home,  carrying  with  him  a  reputation  for  good 
fortune,  as  well  as  good  conduct,  that  was  very  enviable 
in  an  officer  of  his  rank.  He  had  now  been  four  times 
14* 


162  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

in  action ;  three  times  successfully  within  the  last  eight 
months,  or  within  the  seven  months  he  had  been  at  sea. 
In  addition  to  this,  he  was  in  the  Constitution's  chase, 
an  exploit  worth  a  victory  any  day.  These  were  some 
compensations  for  the  attack  of  the  Leopard,  and  so  did 
Mr.  Shubrick  not  alone  feel  them  to  be,  for  they  were 
thus  regarded  by  the  service  and  the  country. 

Shubrick  continued  attached  to  the  Hornet  for  some 
time  after  her  return,  and  sailed  in  her,  under  Capt. 
Biddle,  when  Com.  Decatur's  squadron  was  chased  into 
New  London.  Previously  to  this,  however,  an  amusing 
instance  of  the  influence  of  his  fortunes  on  the  minds  of 
his  brother  officers  occurred.  A  report  was  circulated 
that  an  enemy's  brig  was  cruising  close  in  with  the 
eastern  outlet  of  the  Sound,  and  the  Argus  went  out  to 
look  for  it.  Shubrick  went  in  her,  as  a  volunteer,  hop 
ing  that  his  usual  good  fortune  might  bring  on  a  combat. 
The  enemy's  cruiser  was  not  met,  however,  and  the 
Argus  returned  to  sail  on  her  cruise  under  Allen. 

Finding  that  there  was  little  chance  of  getting  out  in 
the  Hornet,  Shubrick  got  transferred  to  the  United 
States,  thus  joining  the  ship  of  his  old  commander, 
Decatur,  once  more.  Under  this  distinguished  officer 
he  continued  to  serve  until  near  the  close  of  his  own 
career. 

The  summer  that  Com.  Decatur's  squadron  was 
blockaded  in  the  Thames,  Lieut.  Shubrick  was  married 
to  Elizabeth  Matilda  Ludlow,  a  young  lady  of  one  of 
the  old  and  respectable  families  of  New  York.  This 
new  connection  was  formed  in  the  height  of  a  war,  but 
could  not  lead  our  young  officer  from  the  obligations  of 
duty.  When  Decatur  left  the  United  States  and  Mace- 


JOHN     T&MPLEE     SHUBRICK.  163 

(Ionian  lying  in  the  river,  where  they  continued  until 
the  peace,  in  order  to  take  the  President,  Lieut.  Shu- 
brick,  in  common  with  most  of  his  officers,  was  trans 
ferred  along  with  him.  Shubrick  ranked  as  the  second 
lieutenant  of  this  fine  frigate,  having  Warrington,  and 
subsequently  Fitz  Henry  Babbitt,  as  the  first.  Babbitt 
was  but  a  year  or  two  older  in  the  service  than  he  was 
himself,  and  they  had  already  been  shipmates  once 
before,  in  the  unfortunate  Chesapeake.  In  that  frigate, 
Babbitt  had  been  one  of  the  oldest  of  the  midshipmen, 
and  Shubrick  one  of  the  youngest. 

The  President  did  not  get  to  sea  until  January  14th, 
1815.  That  very  night  she  fell  in  with  an  English 
squadron,  consisting  of  the  Majestic,  razee,  Endymiori, 
Nymphe  and  Tenedos  frigates.  As  resisting  such  a 
force  was  out  of  the  question,  a  long  chase  ensued, 
during  which  the  Endymion,  a  heavy  frigate,  succeeded 
in  getting  so  near  as  to  compel  Decatur  to  engage,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  hazard  of  being  crippled  by  her  chase 
guns.  A  long  and  bloody  action  ensued,  during  which 
both  ships  suffered  severely,  the  American  more  particu 
larly  in  officers  and  men.  Shubrick,  as  second  lieu 
tenant,  commanded  the  forward  division  of  the  gun-deck. 
But  Mr.  Babbitt  falling  early  in  the  engagement,  by 
being  hit  in  the  knee  by  a  round-shot,  the  commodore 
sent  for  Shubrick  to  supply  his  place,  and  he  was  vir 
tually  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  ship  during  the  remain 
der  of  the  trying  scenes  of  that  day  and  night.  After 
crippling  and  quitting  the  Endymion,  the  President 
endeavoured  to  escape  from  the  remainder  of  the 
squadron,  which  now  drew  near.  The  attempt  was 
useless,  however,  and  the  Tenedos  and  Nymphe  having 


164  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

closed  and  commenced  a  fire,  the  colors  were  hauled 
down. 

This  was  the  second  time  that  Shubrick  had  seen  the 
American  ensign  lowered  to  the  English,  but  it  now 
occurred  under  circumstances  that  rather  added  lustre, 
than  the  reverse,  to  the  national  flag.  If  he  had  seen 
the  ensign  in  which  he  took  so  much  pride  twice  low 
ered,  he  had  the  consciousness  of  having  seen  it  compel 
that  of  the  enemy  to  yield  three  times,  in  actions  of  ship 
to  ship. 

In  this  bloody  battle  no  less  than  three  of  the  Presi 
dent's  lieutenants  were  killed,  viz.,  Babbitt,  Hamilton 
and  Howell.  Decatur  himself  was  injured ;  but,  as 
usual,  Shubrick  escaped  unharmed.  He  was  carried  a 
prisoner  to  Bermuda,  but  was  shortly  after  released  by 
the  peace.  Irvine  Shubrick,  the  youngest  of  the  four 
brothers,  was  on  board  the  President,  as  a  midshipman, 
on  this  occasion,  and  on  his  first  cruise. 

Although  the  country,  substantially,  had  a  release 
from  the  pains  and  penalties  of  war,  in  1815,  it  was  not 
so  with  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  Algiers  had  begun 
her  depredations  on  American  commerce  shortly  after 
the  Dey  fancied  the  English  power  would  leave  him 
without  any  grounds  of  apprehension  from  the  little 
marine  that  had  made  so  deep  an  impression  on  the 
Barbary  States,  in  its  conflict  with  Tripoli.  It  remained, 
therefore,  to  punish  this  treacherous  aggression,  which 
had  no  other  motive  than  a  wish  to  plunder.  Decatur 
was  offered  a  squadron  for  this  purpose  the  moment  he 
got  home,  and  he  hoisted  his  pennant  in  the  Guerriere 
44,  a  new  frigate  that  had  been  built  during  the  English 
war,  and  which  had  never  yet  been  to  sea.  The  com- 


JOHN     TEMPLE  R    SHUBRICK.  165 

modore  had  become  too  sensible  of  the  merits  of 
Shubrick  to  leave  him  behind,  and  the  latter  was 
immediately  attached  to  the  Guerriere,  as  her  first  lieu 
tenant. 

Decatur  sailed  from  New  York,  May  21st,  for  the 
Mediterranean,  having  under  his  orders  three  frigates, 
and  seven  sloops,  brigs  and  schooners,  or  ten  sail  in  all. 
The  Guerriere  reached  Tangiers,  June  15th,  and  com 
municated  with  the  consul.  From  this  gentleman  the 
commodore  ascertained  that  the  Algerine  admiral  had 
been  off  the  port  only  the  day  before,  and  that  he  had 
sailed  for  Carthagena,  in  Spain,  at  which  port  he 
intended  to  touch.  The  squadron  made  sail  immedi 
ately,  and,  without  touching  at  Gibraltar,  it  entered  the 
Mediterranean.  Decatur  called  out  by  signal,  however, 
in  passing,  three  of  his  vessels  that  had  separated  ir» 
heavy  weather,  and  rendezvoused  at  the  Rock,  by 
instructions.  On  the  17th,  the  Americans  came  up 
with  and  engaged  the  Algerine  admiral,  in  a  frigate, 
chasing  a  large  brig,  that  was  in  company,  on  shore  at 
the  same  time.  The  Constellation  was  the  first  to  en 
gage,  but  Decatur  soon  shoved  the  Guerriere  in  between 
the  combatants,  driving  the  enemy  from  his  guns  by  his 
broadside.  In  making  this  discharge,  one  of  the  Guer- 
riere's  guns  bursted,  blew  up  the  spar-deck,  and  killed 
or  wounded  from  thirty  to  forty-five  men.  A  larg'e 
fragment  of  the  breach  of  this  gun  passed  so  near  Shu- 
brick  as  to  hit  his  hat ;  and  still  he  escaped  without  a 
wound.  Shortly  after,  the  Algerine  struck,  after  suffer 
ing  a  fearful  loss. 

Decatur  got  off  the  brig,  which  was  also  captured, 
and  sending  his  prizes  into  Carthagena,  he  proceeded 


166  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

to  Algiers,  off  which  place  he  arrived  on  the  28th, 
Here  he  dictated  the  terms  of  a  just  treaty  with  the 
Regency,  both  parties  signing  it  on  the,  30th  June  ;  or 
just  forty  days  after  the  squadron  had  left  America ! 

This  rapid  success  put  it  in  the  power  of  Decatur  to 
give  Shubrick  a  high  proof  of  the  respect  and  confi 
dence  in  which  he  held  his  character.  Capt.  Lewis, 
of  the  Guerriere,  had  been  married  a  very  short  time 
before  he  sailed,  and,  now  the  war  was  so  soon  and 
honorably  terminated,  he  felt  a  natural  wish  to  return 
to  his  bride.  Lieut.  B.  J.  Neale,  of  the  Constellation, 
was  in  the  same  situation,  he  and  Capt.  Lewis  having 
married  sisters.  These  two  gentlemen  got  leave  of  ab 
sence,  as  soon  as  the  treaty  was  signed,  with  a  view  to 
return  to  America.  This  enabled  the  commodore  to 
qrdei  Capt.  Downes,  of  the  Epervier,  to  his  own  ship, 
and  to  give  the  former  vessel,  with  an  acting  appoint 
ment,  to  Shubrick,  who  was  directed  to  sail  immediate 
ly  for  the  nearest  American  port.  It  is  understood  that 
Shubrick  himself  was  also  selected  to  bear  the  treaty; 
a  high  distinction  under  the  circumstances. 

The  Epervier  sailed  from  Algiers  early  in  July,  1815, 
and  is  known  to  have  passed  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar, 
about  the  10th  of  the  month  ;  since  which  time  no  cer 
tain  information  lias  ever  been  heard  of  her.  There  is 
a  vague  rumour  that  she  was  seen  in  a  tremendous 
gale,  in  the  month  of  August,  not  far  from  the  American 
coast,  but  it  is  of  a  character  too  questionable  to  be  relied 
upon.  The  Enterprise,  Lieut., Kearney,  was  making 
a  passage  at  this  time,  and  she  experienced  a  heavy 
blow,  which  was  said  to  be  tremendous  a  little  farther 
to  the  eastward  of  her,  and  the  most  probable  conjecture 


JOHN     TEMPI/EH     SHUBRICK.  167 

is,  that  the  Epervier  was  lost  in  that  gale.  Near  thirty 
years  have  gone  by  since  the  melancholy  occurrence, 
and  all  that  is  certain  is  the  fact  that  no  one  belonging 
to  the  ill-fated  vessel  has  ever  appeared  to  tell  the  tale 
of  her  calamity. 

Thus  prematurely  terminated  the  career  of  one  of 
the  noblest  spirits  that  ever  served  under  the  American 
flag.  Shubrick  was  not  quite  twenty-seven  when  he 
perished,  and  was  just  attaining  a  rank  where  his  own 
name  would  become  more  intimately  connected  with 
his  services,  than  could  be  the  case  while  he  acted  in 
only  subordinate  situations.  Considering  the  duration 
of  the  peace  that  has  since  existed,  it  would  seem  as  if 
he  had  lived  just  long  enough  to  see  all  the  real  service 
the  profession  opened  to  him,  and  vanished  from  the 
scene  like  one  who,  having  well  enacted  his  part,  had 
no  longer  any  motive  for  remaining  on  the  stage. 
With  him  perished  in  the  Epervier,  Capt.  Lewis, 
Lieut.  'Neale,  Lieut.  Yarnall,  Lieut.  Drury,  and  other 
sea  officers,  besides  several  citizens  who  had  been  re 
cently  released  from  captivity  in  Algiers,  in  virtue  of 
one  of  the  conditions  of  the  treaty. 

It  is  rare,  indeed,  that  any  sea  officer  who  is  not 
called  on  to  command  a  vessel,  obtains  as  much  repu 
tation  as  fell  to  the  share  of  John  Shubrick  ;  still  rarer, 
that  any  one  so  thoroughly  deserved  it.  Entering  the 
navy  in  the  summer  of  1806,  and  perishing  in  that  of 
1815,  his  services  were  limited  to  just  nine  years  ;  one 
half  of  which  period  he  did  duty  as  a  lieutenant. 
During  these  nine  pregnant  years,  he  served  in  the 
Chesapeake  38,  the  Argus  16,  the  United  States  44, 
the  Viper  12,  the  Siren  16,  the  Constitution  44,  the 


168  .         NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Hornet  18,  the  United  States  44,  the  President  44,  the 
Guerriere  44,  and  the  Epervier  18;  ten  different 
cruisers  in  all,  without  enumerating  his  second  turn  of 
duty  in  the  United  States,  at  a  time  when  she  did  not 
get  out.  We  are  not  aware  that  he  had  a  furlough  for 
an  hour,  though  he  had  a  short  leave  of  absence  about 
the  time  of  his  marriage.  In  these  nine  years,  besides 
being  kept  thus  on  the  alert,  in  ten  different  sea-going 
craft,  he  was  present  at  six  regular  sea-fights,  five  of 
which  were  between  vessels  of  a  force  as  heavy  as  that 
of  frigates.  He  participated,  also,  in  the  glory  of  the 
celebrated  chase  off'  New  York,  and  lost  his  life  by  one 
of  those  dire  disasters  that  so  often  close  the  seaman's 
career ;  as  if  Providence  designed  for  him  a  fate  suited 
to  the  risks  and  dangers  he  had  already  run. 

One  child,  a  son,  was  the  issue  of  the  marriage  of 
Lieut.  Com.  Shubrick  with  Miss  Ludlow.  This  gen 
tleman,  Edmund  Templer  Shubrick,  still  survives,  and 
is  now  a  lieutenant  on  board  the  Raritan  44,  Capt. 
Gregory. 

Shubrick  was  a  man  .of  martial  bearing,  and  of  ex 
tremely  fine  personal  appearance.  In  these  particulars 
few  men  were  his  equals.  He  was  five  feet  eleven 
inches  in  height,  was  well  and  compactly  made,  with 
a  frame  indicating  strength  and  activity.  His  eyes 
were  of  a  bluish  gray,  with  an  expression  inclining  to 
seriousness  ;  his  hair  was  brown,  and  his  complexion 
ruddy.  In  temperament  he  was  grave,  with  little  dis 
position  to  merriment;  on  the  contrary,  a  shade  of 
melancholy  \vas  not  unfrequently  thrown  gcross  his 
countenance,  as  if  Providence  shadowed  forth  to  him, 

!wfj  ,£t  iioijirtfcano'!)  *»dJ  fOI    n-rtiS  sd?  £1  loqiY  w- 


JOHN     TEMPLER     SHUBRICK.  169 

in  mercy,  the  shortness  of  his  time,  and  the  fearful  as 
well  as  early  termination  of  his  days. 

Among  other  commendable  qualities,  Shubrick  pos 
sessed  the  gentleman-like  attention  to  personal  neat 
ness.  Without  the  least  propensity  to  dyess,  in  the 
vulgar  sense,  the  feeling  which  associates  character, 
station  and  appearance  together,  was  strong  in  him. 
An  instance  is  related  of  his  attention  to  such  matters, 
that  occurred  under  circumstances  to  render  it  charac 
teristic.  While  serving  in  the  Argus,  which  was  then 
commanded  by  Capt.  Wederstrandt,  the  brig  was  near 
being  lost  off  the  mouth  of  the  Penobscot,  in  a  tremen 
dous  gale  of  wind.  Nothing  saved  the  vessel  but  her 
own  excellent  qualities,  for  it  blew  directly  on  shore, 
and  there  was  a  common  expectation  that  the  vessel 
and  crew  would  all  go  together,  on  that  wild  coast. 
Orders  were  given  to  overhaul  ranges  of  cables,  to  an 
chor  as  a  last  resort,  though  no  one  believed  the 
ground  tackle  could  or  would  hold  on  for  five  minutes. 
Among  the  midshipmen  was  Foxhall  Parker,  of  Vir 
ginia,  now  Commodore  Parker  of  the  East  India  squad 
ron.  Parker  was  attending  to  the  cables,  when  Shu- 
brick,  who  was  also  at  the  same  duty,  quietly  remarked 
to  him,  that  their  situation  had  caused  them  to  neglect 
their  appearance  ;  that  &ey  would,  in  all  probability, 
be  soon  thrown  upon  the  beach,  where  their  bodies 
would  be  found  and  interred  with  the  rest  of  the  crew, 
without  distinction.  By  dressing  themselves  in  uniform 
they  would  be  interred  apart,  when  their  friends  might 
have  the  melancholy  gratification  of  knowing  where 
their  remains  were  to  be  found.  At  this  suggestion 

VOL.  I.  15 


170  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Shubrick  and  Parker  put  on  their  uniforms,  and  waited 
the  result  with  composure.  Providence  caused  the 
gale  to  abate,  and  the  vessel  was  saved. 

The  firmness  of  Shubrick,  on  all  occasions  of  duty, 
was  of  proof,  though  the  lamb  was  not  more  gentle  in 
the  intercourse  of  private  life.  None  served  with  him, 
without  feeling  that  he  was  a  man  fitted  for  high  des 
tinies.  His  very  character  might  be  said  to  have  been 
as  martial  as  was  his  appearance,  and  there  is  little 
doubt,  had  not  Almighty  God  called  him  away  thus 
early,  he  would  have  won,  and  decorously  worn,  the 
highest  honors  of  his  manly  profession.  Entering  the 
service  so  late,  with  an  education  so  well  and  thorough 
ly  commenced,  the  mind  of  this  young  officer  was 
more  cultivated  than  was  then  customary  with  seamen. 
In  a  word,  his  early  death  was  a  national  loss,  the  navy 
containing,  at  the  time  it  occurred,  no  officer  of  brighter 
promise,  or  one  from  whom  the  country  had  more  to 
hope  for,  than  John  Templer  Shubrick.  To  this  hour 
he  is  mentioned  with  manly  regret  by  his  old  shipmates, 
and  his  name  is  never  introduced  in  the  navy  except 
in  terms  of  commendation  and  respect. 


fcfcK  jfOr{*V7&./.>ii*  ."fl-i^*  tt"7'i  'to  a^^Hlw  staoroiv 

EDWARD   PREBLE. 


THE  family  of  Preble  is  of  long  standing  in  the 
country.  The  name  appears  in  the  records  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  is  to  be  referred  to  the  earlier 
emigrations.  Thus  it  was  that  the  subject  of  this 
sketch  and  William  P.  Preble,  the  late  charge-d'affaires 
of  this  country  in  Holland,  the  gentleman  who  was  em 
ployed  to  protect  the  interests  of  Maine  in  the  negotia 
tions  connected  with  the  north-eastern  boundary  ques 
tion,  were  the  descendants  of  a  common  ancestor, 
though  quite  distantly  related. 

The  father  of  our  subject  was  Jedediah  Preble,  who 
was  born  in  1707,  at  York,  in  the  Province  of  Maine, 
as  the  present  state  of  that  name  was  formerly  called. 
He  was  the  second  son  of  Benjamin  Preble,  who  was 
the  second  son  of  Abraham,  who  was  the  son  of  the 
emigrant.  Abraham  Preble,  the  emigrant,  was  first 
settled  at  Scituate.,  in  Massachusetts  proper,  where  his 
name  appears  as  early  as  1036.  He  is  found  in  Maine 
as  early  as  1645,  and  died  in  1663.  It  follows  that  the 
Prebles  have  been  Americans  for  more  than  two  hun 
dred  years,  and  residents  of  Maine  nearly,  if  not  quite, 
two  centuries.  In  1645,  the  name  of  this  Abraham 
Preble  appears,  in  Maine,  as  an  assistant  or  councillor 
of  the  government  of  Sir  Ferdiriando  Gorges  ;  an  office 
he  held  until  its  dissolution.  He  subsequently  held 

171 


172  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

various  offices  of  trust  under  the  sway  of  Massachusetts, 
having  been  one  of  a  commission  to  exercise  many  of 
the  powers  of  governor,  after  the  junction. 

Jedediah  Preble  appears  also  to  have  been  a  man  of 
local  note  and  influence,  having  filled  various  situations 
of  trust  and  dignity  in  his  own  section  of  the  country. 
This  gentleman  is  described  as  a  man  of  fine  presence, 
of  great  resolution,  and  of  a  fixedness  of  purpose  that  is 
still  alluded  to  among  his  descendants,  whenever  a 
similar  tendency  is  observed  among  his  posterity,  as  a 
quality  indicating  that  the  party  has  inherited  "  a  little 
of  the  brigadier  ;"  a  rank  to  which  this  gentleman  at 
tained  among  the  provincial  troops  of  his  day.  In  the 
campaign  in  which  Quebec  was  taken,  Mr.  Preble 
served  as  a  captain.  On  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  he 
was  quite  near  Wolfe  when  he  fell,  and  he  was  wound 
ed  himself  in  the  course  of  that  celebrated  battle.  In 
that  day,  waistcoats  were  worn  with  flaps  that  descend 
ed  some  distance  down  the  thigh,  and  a  bullet  struck 
Capt.  Preble,  penetrated  this  part  of  the  dress,  and 
entered  the  flesh,  carrying  with  it,  however,  so  much 
of  his  different  garments  that  the  wounded  officer  was 
enabled  to  extract  the  lead  himself,  by  pulling  upon  the 
cloth.  At  a  later  day,  this  gentleman  had  the  com 
mand  on  the  Penobscot,  occupying  a  place  called  Fort 
Pownal.  Previously  to  filling  this  trust,  Mr.  Preble 
had  risen  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  native  colony,  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  properly  Massachusetts.  He  is  said  to  have  been 
wounded  in  another  of  the  engagements  of  this  war. 
At  the  peace  of  1763,  Gen.  Preble  was  in  command  on 
the  frontier  just  mentioned.  When  the  quarrel  oc- 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  173 

curred  between  the  mother  country  and  her  North 
American  Colonies,  Gen.  Preble  took  sides  with  his 
native  land.  He  became  so  warm  a  whig  that  he  even 
abandoned  the  Episcopal  church,  to  which  he  properly 
belonged,  because  his  clergyman  continued  to  pray  for 
the  king  and  royal  family.  As  this  old  gentleman  did 
nothing  by  halves,  he  joined  a  Congregational  church 
on  that  occasion.  About  this  time  he  was  elected  a 
major-general  by  the  provincial  government,  but  de 
clined  the  appointment  on  account  of  his  advanced  age. 
General  Preble  died  the  year  peace  was  made,  or  in 
1783,  at  the  age  of  seventy-seven.  He  must,  conse 
quently,  have  been  turned  of  fifty  at  the  taking  of 
Quebec,  was  fifty-seven  at  the  peace  of  '63,  and  near, 
or  quite,  seventy  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  One  account,  however,  places  the  death  of  Gen. 
Preble  a  year  later.  He  represented  his  town  in  the 
Legislature  of  Massachusetts,  between  the  years  1753 
and  1780.  In  1773,  he  was  chosen  a  councillor,  and 
was  accepted  by  the  royal  governor,  though  of  the 
popular  party ;  several  others  of  the  same  way  of 
thinking  having  been  rejected.  Under  the  Constitu 
tion  of  '1780,  Gen.  Preble  was  elected  to  the  State 
Senate,  from  the  county  of  Cumberland,  and  he  was 
made  a  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  in  1782. 

General  Preble  appears  to  have  been  twice  married. 
By  his  first  wife  he  had  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  The 
commodore  was  the  child  of  a  second  connection,  hav 
ing  been  born  August  15th,  1761,  on  that  part  of  Fal- 
mouth  Neck,  in  the  Province  of  Maine,  which  is  the 
site  of  the  present  town  of  Portland.  Of  the  four  bro 
thers  of  Preble,  of  the  whole  blood,  two  were  older  and 
15* 


174  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

two  younger  than  himself.  Eben  seems  to  have  been 
the  eldest  son  of  Gen.  Preble  by  his  second  marriage. 
He  was  a  merchant  in  Boston,  where  he  accumulated 
a  considerable  estate.  His  residence  at  Watertown 
has  since  passed  into  the  possession  of  a  China  merchant 
of  ^he  name  of  Gushing,  and  is  much  admired  for  its 
beauties.  This  gentleman  had  two  sons,  both  of  whom 
are  dead,  and  two  daughters.  Of  the  latter,  one  mar 
ried  into  the  family  of  Amory,  and  the  other  married 
Capt.  Ralph  Wormley,  of  the  British  navy.  Joshua, 
the  next  son  of  Gen.  Preble,  married  and  settled  him 
self  in  Newburyport,  Massachusetts,  where  he  left 
issue.  Edward,  the  subject  of  our  memoir,  was  the 
third  son,  as  has  been  mentioned.  Enoch,  the  fourth, 
became  a  sailor,  making  his  first  voyage  in  1779,  and 
his  last  in  1824.  He  was  a  respected  ship-master 
thirty-seven  years,  having  passed  eight  years,  including 
the  time  he  was  at  sea  during  the 'Re volution,  in  sub 
ordinate  situations.  This  gentleman  was  the  last  sur 
vivor  of  his  generation,  in  his  own  family,  dying  in 
October,  1842,  in  the  seventy-ninth  year  of  his  age. 
He  has  left  four  children,  of  whom  the  youngest, 
George  H.  Preble,  is  now  a  passed  midshipman  in  the 
navy,  of  the  date  of  1841.  We  believe  this  last  gentle 
man  to  be  the  only  representative  of  his  distinguished 
name  in  the  service,  contrary  to  what  is  usual  in  cases 
where  one  of  the  family  has  earned  a  name,  in  times 
that  are  gone,  under  the  ensign  of  the  republic.  Henry, 
the  youngest  brother  of  the  whole  blood,  lived  a  long 
time  in  Sicily,  having  been  consul  at  Palermo.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  a  man  of  taste  and  of  cultivated  mind. 
This  gentleman  subsequently  settled  in  Pittsburg,  Penn., 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  175 

where  one  of  his  two  daughters  married  Thomas,  a  son 
of  the  celebrated  Joel  Barlow.  He  died,  in  1826,  leav 
ing  one  other  child,  a  daughter,  who  continues  single. 

Of  the  sisters  of  Preble,  of  the  whole  blood,  one  mar 
ried  a  Mr.  Codman,  and  another  a  Mr.  Oxnard.  The 
latter  gentleman  adhered  to  the  crown,  in  the  war  of 
the  Revolution.  The  sons  of  this  last  marriage,  how 
ever,  were  American,  heart  and  mind ;  one  of  them, 
Thomas  Oxnard,  having  fitted  out,  at  Marseilles,  and 
commanded  a  privateer,  during  the  last  English  war, 
that  he  called  the  True-Blooded  Yankee  ;  a  vessel  that 
became  famous  for  her  success  and  boldness.  Capt. 
Oxnard  manifested  much  of  the  enterprise  and  re 
sources  of  his  celebrated  uncle,  and  was  so  warmly 
American  in  feeling,  that,  though  expatriated,  at  his 
death  recently  he  made  a  request  that  his  shroud  should 
be  the  stars  and  stripes  ! 

Young  Preble  manifested  the  peculiarities  that 
marked  his  subsequent  career,  at  a  very  early  period 
in  life.  From  childhood  he  was  of  a  quick,  fiery  tem 
perament  ;  a  quality  that  formed  the  principal,  if  not 
the  only  serious  blot  on  his  professional  character.  It 
has  been  thought  that  this  natural  failing  was  increased 
in  after-life  by  the  disease,  dyspepsia,  that  undermined 
his  constitution.  From  childhood,  also,  he  was  dis 
tinguished  for  resolution,  undaunted  firmness,  decision, 
and  an  inflexibility  of  opinion,  that  rendered  it  very 
difficult  to  cause  him  to  swerve  from  a  purpose.  In 
this  last  particular,  he  was  thought  to  have  his  fair 
proportion  "  of  the  brigadier"  in  him. 

Many  anecdotes  are  related  of  the  boyhood  of  young 
Preble,  all  tending  to  prove  his  courage,  determination. 


176  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

and  high  temper.  On  one  occasion,  his  father  was 
about  to  go  on  an  excursion  to  the  neighbouring  islands, 
with  a  party  of  gentlemen,  and  the  boy  was  denied  a 
place  in  the  boat,  on  account  of  his  tender  years.  In 
order  to  get  rid  of  his  importunities,  his  father  gave 
Edward  a  task,  which  it  was  thought  could  not  pos 
sibly  be  completed  in  time,  with  a  promise  that  he 
should  go,  did  he  get  through  with  it.  The  boy  suc 
ceeded,  and,  to  his  father's  surprise,  appeared  on  the 
shore,  claiming  the  promised  place  in  the  boat.  This 
was  still  denied  him,  under  the  pretext  that  there  was 
not  room.  Finding  the  party  about  to  shove  off  with 
out  him,  young  Preble,  then  about  ten  years  of  age, 
commenced  hostilities  by  making  an  attack  with  stones 
picked  up  on  the  wharf,  peppering  the  party  pretty 
effectually  before  his  laughing  father  directed  a  capitu 
lation.  It  seems  the  old  general  decided  that  the  boy 
had  the  "  right  stuff"  in  him,  and  overlooked  the  gross 
impropriety  of  the  assault,  on  account  of  its  justice  and 
spirit.  This  species  of  indulgence  is  more  natural  than 
prudent,  and  it  is  probable  we  can  trace  in  it  one  of  the 
causes  why  Preble  had  so  little  command  over  himself 
in  after-life.  Still  it  was  proper  to  make  concessions 
to  the  boy,  as  he  had  right  on  his  side,  in  one  respect 
at  least ;  though  it  should  riot  have  been  a  concession 
made  under  fire. 

A  more  creditable,  and  an  equally  characteristic, 
anecdote  is  related  of  young  Preble,  while  still  a  school 
boy.  It  would  seem  that'  his  master,  a  person  of  the 
name  of  Moody,  was  a  man  of  a  temper  almost  as  quick 
and  violent  as  that  of  his  pupil.  On  one  occasion 
Preble  had  a  quarrel  with  a  boy  of  about  his  own  age, 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  177 

and  he  struck  his  competitor  a  smart  blow  in  the  face, 
causing  the  blood  to  flow  pretty  freely.  This  was  done 
out  of  school,  but  the  sufferer  appeared  in  the  presence 
of  the  master  bleeding.  The  latter  was  so  much  ex 
asperated  as  to  catch  up  the  shovel  and  aim  a  blow  at 
the  offender.  The  blow  missed  the  boy,  but  fell  heavily 
on  the  writing-desk  at  which  he  was  seated.  The  calm, 
unmoved,  and  firm  manner  in  which  the  boy  received 
this  assault,  sitting,  looking  with  a  fearless  eye  at.  his 
assailant,  caused  the  purpose  of  the  latter  to  change. 
He  laid  down  his  formidable  weapon,  exclaiming — 
"  That  fellow  will  make  a  general,  too,  one  day !" 

It  appears  to  have  been  the  intention  of  Gen.  Preble 
to  educate  his  son  Edward  for  one  of  the  liberal  profes 
sions.  The  boy  was  sent,  while  yet  quite  young,  to 
Dummer  Academy,  where  he  laid  the  foundation  of  a 
respectable  education,  having  made  some  progress  in 
the  Latin  language,  when  the  times  induced  his  parent 
to  withdraw  him  from  school.  One  version  of  the 
anecdote  just  related,  makes  it  occur  at  this  academy. 
In  the  year  1775,  young  Preble,  who  was  born  in  1761, 
was  of  course  only  fourteen  years  of  age.  This  was 
the  year  in  which  the  English  pursued  the  false  policy 
of  setting  fire  to  sundry  small  seaports  that  were  easy 
of  access  to  their  shipping,  and  substantially  without 
protection.  Much  private  misery  was  produced  by 
this  species  of  warfare,  and,  in  every  instance  probably, 
a  desire  of  personal  revenge  was  added  to  the  spirit  of 
opposition  that  had  previously  existed  in  the  country. 
Falmouth,  (now  Portland,)  Preble's  birth-place,  was 
among  the  towns  thus  assailed,  and  it  was  partly  de 
stroyed.  Gen.  Preble  thought  it  expedient,  on  account 


178  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

of  his  exposed  position  in  the  town,  to  remove  his  family 
to  a  farm  in  its  vicinity,  where  it  remained  several 
years ;  and  here  Edward  found  his  friends  on  his  re 
turn  from  school.  In  that  day  and  region,  laborers 
were  not  to  be  had  for  the  asking,  and  so  many  of  the 
young  men  of  the  country  being  absent  in  the  army,  or 
in  private  armed  vessels  of  war,  Gen.  Preble  was  com 
pelled  to  take  the  field,  at  the  head  of  all  his  sons,  in  a 
capacity  that  was  less  martial  than  had  distinguished 
his  previous  enterprises.  On  a  pressing  occasion,  he 
ordered  all  his  boys  to  handle  their  hoes,  repair  to  the 
proper  place,  and  to  begin  the  humble,  but  very  neces 
sary,  business  of  digging  potatoes.  Young  Edward 
did  his  part  of  the  duty  with  many  rebellious  repin- 
ina^s,  until  he  suddenly  threw  down  his  hoe,  declared 
he  should  do  no  more  such  work,  and  left  the  field. 
While  his  brothers  were  making  their  calculations  as 
to  what  would  be  the  consequences  of  the  next  meeting 
between  the  Brigadier  and  Ned,  the  latter  was  making 
the  best  of  his  way  towards  what  was  left  of  Falmouth. 
Here  he  shipped  in  a  letter-of-marque  that  was  bound 
to  Europe,  sailing  soon  after.  The  year  in  which  this 
occurred  does  not  appear  in  any  of  our  published  ac 
counts,  but  we  suppose  it  to  have  been  as  late  as  1777 
or  1778.  Preble  had  long  before  manifested  a  desire 
to  become  a  sailor,  but  his  father  opposed  it,  though  it 
would  seem  he  acquiesced,  now  the  lad  was  fairly 
shipped,  hoping  one  voyage  would  cure  him.  The 
voyage  was  to  Europe,  and  the  return  passage  was 
particularly  severe.  All  this  had  no  effect  on  the 
spirited  young  man,  and  Gen.  Preble,  finding  his  son 
bent  on  the  profession,  procured  the  appointment  of 


EDWARD     PREBLE,  179 

a  midshipman  for  him,  in  the  provincial  marine  of 
Massachusetts,  which  was  probably  the  most  active 
state  marine  in  the  confederation. 

This  appointment  occurred  early  in  1779,  and  Preble 
was  attached  to  a  ship  that  mounted  twenty-six  guns, 
and  which  was  called  the  Protector.  His  commanding 
officer  was  John  Foster  Williams,  who  had  done  a  very 
handsome  thing  that  very  season,  in  a  brig  called  the 
Herald,  and  who  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  in  the 
service  to  which  he  belonged.  Preble  was  in  his 
eighteenth  year  when  he  joined  this  ship,  and  all 
accounts  render  him  a  youth  of  high  promise  in 
profession.  He  must  have  gone  to  sea  originally,  when 
a  little  turned  of  sixteen. 

The  Protector  sailed  soon  after  Preble  joined  her, 
and  in  June  of  the  same  year,  she  fell  in  with,  and 
engaged  an  enemy's  letter-of-marque,  of  quite  her  own 
force,  if  not  of  superior ;  one  of  those  strongly  armed 
running  ships,  it  was  much  the  fashion  for  the  Eng 
lish  to  send  to  sea  in  that  war.  This  vessel  was  called 
the  Admiral  Duflf.  The  combat  between  the  Protector 
and  the  Duff  was  close  and  sharp,  and  it  would  probably 
have  proved  as  bloody  as  that  between  the  Trumbull 
and  the  Watt,  but  for  an  accident  that  befell  the  English 
ship,  which  blew  up  at  the  expiration  of  more  than  an 
hour.  Some  of  the  accounts  say,  however,  that  the  Duff 
had  struck  her  colors  before  the  accident  occurred,  but 
this  circumstance  may  be  questioned.  The  boats  of  the 
Protector  picked  up  fifty-five  of  her  crew,  who  had  time 
to  jump  overboard.  The  Protector  had  six  men  killed 
and  wounded  in  this  affair.  Shortly  after  the  Protector 
had  a  running  fight,  and  a  narrow  escape  from  the 


180  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Thames  32,  in  which  affair  the  English  frigate  is  said 
to  have  been  a  good  deal  cut  up  aloft. 

Capt.  Williams  had  made  several  prizes,  and  he 
returned  to  port  to  land  his  prisoners.  He  was  now 
ordered  to  join  the  expedition  against  the  enemy's  post 
on  the  Penobscot,  having  been  put  under  the  orders  of 
Com.  Saltonstall,  of  the  United  States  navy,  for  that 
purpose.  It  was  while  thus  employed,  that  an  incident 
occurred  to  Preble,  that  is  worthy  of  being  recorded, 
more  especially  since  subsequent  events  have  confirmed 
its  truth.  Preble  related  the  affair  substantially  as  fol- 
•lows :  The  Protector  was  lying  in  one  of  the  bays  on 
the  eastern  coast,  which  has  been  forgotten,  waiting  the 
slow  movements  of  the  squadron.  The  day  was  clear 
and  calm,  when  a  large  serpent  was  discovered  outside 
the  ship.  The  animal  was  lying  on  the  water  quite 
motionless.  After  inspecting  it  with  the  glasses  for 
some  time,  Capt.  Williams  ordered  Preble  to  man  and 
arm  a  large  boat,  and  endeavor  to  destroy  the  creature ; 
or  at  least  to  go  as  near  to  it  as  he  could.  The  selection 
of  Preble  for  such  a  service,  proves  the  standing  he 
occupied  among  the  hardy  and  daring.  The  boat  thus 
employed  pulled  twelve  oars,  and  carried  a  swivel  in 
its  bows,  besides  having  its  crew  armed  as  boarders. 
Preble  shoved  off,  and  pulled  directly  towards  the  mon 
ster.  As  the  boat  neared  it,  the  serpent  raised  its  head 
about  ten  feet  above  the  surface  of  the  water,  looking 
about  it.  It  then  began  to  move  slowly  away  from  the 
boat.  Preble  pushed  on,  his  men  pulling  with  all  their 
force,  and  the  animal  being  at  no  great  distance,  the 
swivel  was  discharged  loaded  with  bullets.  The  dis 
charge  produced  no  other  effect  than  to  quicken  the 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  181 

speed  of  the  serpent,  which  soon  ran  the  boat  out  of 

sight. 

There  is  no  question  that  in  after-life,  Prehle  occa 
sionally  mentioned  this  circumstance,  to  a  few  of  his 
intimates.  He  was  not  loquacious,  and  probably  saw 
that  he  was  relating  a  fact  that  most  persons  would  be 
disposed  to  doubt,  and  self-respect  prevented  his  making 
frequent  allusions  to  it.  When  it  is  remembered  that 
Preble  died  long  before  the  accounts  of  the  appearance 
of  a  similar  serpent,  that  have  been  promulgated  in  this 
country,  were  brought  to  light,  it  affords  a  singular  con 
firmation  of  the  latter.  Preble  stated  it  as  his  opinion, 
that  the  serpent  he  saw  was  from  one  hundred  to  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  long,  and  larger  than  a  barrel. 

This  account  of  the  size  of  the  serpent  undoubtedly 
seen  by  Preble,  is  in  singular  accordance  with  that  given 
to  the  writer  by  an  intelligent  officer  of  the  navy,  more 
than  twenty  years  since.  On  that  occasion  the  serpent 
was  seen  quite  near  by,  for  fully  an  hour,  and  once  was 
viewed  under  water,  as  it  passed  beneath  the  boat. 
The  writer's  informant  said  it  was  his  opinion  that  the 
animal  was  nearer  one  hundred  and  fifty  than  one  hun 
dred  feet  in  length,  and  he  supposed  him  to  be  of  the 
size  of  a  wine-pipe. 

There  appears  an  indisposition  in  the  human  mind 
to  acknowledge  that  others  have  seen  that  which  chance 
has  concealed  from  our  own  sight.  Travellers  are  dis 
credited  and  derided  merely  because  they  relate  facts 
that  lie  beyond  the  circle  of  the  common  acquisitions  ; 
and  the  term  of  "traveller's  stories"  has  its  origin  more 
in  a  narrow  jealousy,  than  in  any  prudent  wariness  of 
exaggeration.  The  provincial  distrusts  the  accounts  of 

VOL.  i.  16 


182  NATAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  inhabitant  of  the  capital,  while  self-love  induces 
even  the  former  to  deride  the  marvels  of  the  country. 
As  respects  marine  serpents,  they  are  well-known  to 
exist,  the  merest  physical  tyro  living  being  familiar 
with  the  fact  that  there  are  water-snakes.  This  being 
admitted,  the  philosopher  should  have,  no  difficulty  in 
believing,  in  their  substance,  the  accounts  that  have 
been  published  of  the  appearance  of  one  or  more  sea- 
serpents  on  the  eastern  coast  of  this  country.  The 
animals  of  the  ocean  are  known  to  exceed  those  of  the 
land  in  magnitude,  and  the  difference  in  size  between 
the  boa  constrictor,  or  the  anaconda,  and  the  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  feet  of  the  sea-serpent,  is  not  so  great  as 
that  between  the  mammoth  and  the  whale. 

There  have  been  accounts  published  which  would 
give  the  readef  reason  to  suppose  that  Preble  was  cap 
tured  in  the  Protector,  by  a  frigate  and  a  sloop  of  war, 
in  a  cruise  that  succeeded  the  one  in  which  the  action 
with  the  Duff  took  place.  We  conceive  this  to  be  true 
only  in  essentials.  The  Protector  formed  a  part  of  Sal- 
tonstali's  squadron,  as  has  been  mentioned,  and  fell  into 
the  enemy's  hands,  in  common  with  most  of  the  rest  of 
that  armament.  Tnat  Preble  was  made  a  prisoner,  is 
out  of  all  doubt,  and  we  suppose  he  was  taken  in  the 
Penobscot  on  that  occasion. 

The  young  man  was  sent  to  New  York,  and  became 
a  prisoner  on  board  the  well-known  prison-ship,  the 
Jersey.  After  a  time  he  was  placed  on  parole,  how 
ever,  and  a  letter  from  General  Preble  is  still  in  exist 
ence,  in  which  he  cautions  his  son  not  to  violate  his 
word,  "not  to  stain  his  honor  by  attempting  to  escape." 
It  would  seem  that  Preble  was  not  exchanged,  or  released 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  183 

for  a  long  time  ;  though  the  influence  of  an  old  brother 
officer  of  his  father's  had  been  exerted  in  his  behalf, 
and  contributed  to  render  his  captivity  less  irksome.* 

*  Nothing  will  give  a  better  idea  of  the  notions  that  our  young 
man  imbibed  from  his  education,  than  to  copy  a  letter  written  by 
Gen.  Preble  to  his  son,  while  the  latter  was  a  prisoner  in  New 
York. 

Falmouth,  July  11th,  1781. 

DEAR  CHILD  :  I  received  your  favor  with  great  pleasure  and 
satisfaction,  to  find  you  met  with  so  much  kindness  and  friendship 
from  Col.  Tyng  and  lady.  I  have  wrote  him  my  acknowledg 
ments  on  the  subject,  and  hope  that  your  future  conduct  will  be 
such  as  to  render  you  in  some  measure  worthy  their  further  notice. 
As  you  are  admitted  on  shore,  a  favor  denied  all  the  officers  of 
the  ship,  never  stain  your  honor  by  attempting  to  make  your 
escape.  I  shall  do  every  thing,  and  pursue  every  measure,  that 
affords  the  least  prospect  of  success,  to  get  you  exchanged  in  a  jus 
tifiable  way.  Present  your  mamma's  and  my  best  compliments  to 
Col.  Tyng  and  lady,  and  let  them  know  Madame  Ross  was  in 
good  health  yesterday.  Be  always  on  your  guard  against  tempta 
tions,  or  giving  the  least  occasion  to  any  that  has  shown  you 
favors,  to  charge  you  with  a  breach  of  trust :  be  kind  and  obliging 
to  all ;  for  no  man  ever  does  a  designed  injury  to  another,  without 
doing  a  greater  to  himself.  Let  reason  always  govern  your  thoughts 
and  actions.  Be  sure  and  write  me  at  all  opportunities.  Your 
mamma,  brothers  and  sisters  join  me  in  presenting  their  love  to 
you,  and  wishing  you  a  speedy  exchange.  I  am  your  ready  friend 
and  affectionate  father.  JEDEDIAH  PREBLE. 

This  letter  is  creditable  to  the  father,  and  contains  one  sentence 
that  is  full  of  sound  morality,  expressed  with  the  terseness  of  an 
apophthegm.  The  date  of  this  letter,  however,  throws  a  little  doubt 
over  a  portion  of  Preble's  career.  The  expedition  to  the  Penob- 
scot  occurred  in  July,  1779,  and  this  letter  is  dated  two  years  later. 
Now,  most  of  the  crews  of  the  vessels  taken  escaped  through  the 
wilderness,  and  it  is  possible  Preble  was  among  the  number;  else 
he  must  have  remained  a  captive  two  entire  years.  One  version 
of  his  life  says,  he  was  taken  at  sea  in  the  Protector,  but  that  ship 


184  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

On  being  restored  to  his  liberty,  Preble  was  received 
on  board  the  Winthrop,  another  state  cruiser,  as  her 
first  lieutenant.  This  vessel  was  commanded  by  Capt. 
George  Little,  subsequently  of  the  United  States  navy  ; 
an  officer  who  had  been  first  lieutenant  of  the  Protector, 
and  the  gentleman  who  afterwards  captured  the  Ber- 
ceau,  in  the  war  of  1798,  while  in  command  of  the 
Boston  frigate.  There  is  little  question  that  our  young 
adventurer  made  great  progress  in  his  profession  while 
under  the  orders  of  two  such  expert  seamen  and  discreet 
commanders  as  Williams  and  Little. 

The  exploit  that  gave  Preble  an  early  reputation  for 
daring  and  presence  of  mind,  occurred  in  this  his  first 
cruise  in  the  Winthrop.  The  Americans  captured  a 
sloop  off  Penobscot,  from  the  crew  of  which  they  learned 
the  position  of  an  armed  brig,  that  had  previously  taken 
the  sloop,  and  sent  her  out  manned  to  cruise  for  coast 
ers.  Capt.  Little  determined  to  carry  this  vessel  by 
surprise,  as  she  lay  at  her  anchors.  Preparations 
were  made  accordingly,  and  the  Winthrop  stood  into 
the  bay  under  favorable  circumstances.  Preble,  as  first 
lieutenant,  was  to  lead  the  boarders,  who  were  selected 
with  care.  His  party  was  to  consist  of  forty  men. 
The  enterprise  succeeded  so  well  that  the  Winthrop  ran 
alongside  of  her  enemy,  and  Preble  and  the  foremost 
of  his  party  threw  themselves  on  the  decks  of  the  Eng 
lishman  ;  but  the  Winthrop  had  so  much  way  on  her 
in  closing,  that  she  shot  clear  of  her  enemy,  leaving 

was  destroyed  in  the  Penobscot,  and  I  can  find  no  trace  of  Treble's 
having  belonged  to  more  than  three  vessels  during  the  war  of  the 
Revolution,  viz.,  the  Letter-of- Marque,  the  Protector,  and  the 
Winthrop. 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  185 

Preble  with  only  fourteen  men  among  the  enemy.  It 
is  said  that  Little  called  out  to  his  lieutenant  to  know  if 
he  should  send  him  more  men,  and  that  Preble  coolly 
answered,  "  No,  he  had  too  many  already."  At  any 
rate,  he  carried  the  brig,  securing  her  officers  before 
they  had  time  to  gain  the  deck.  In  the  exaggerated 
accounts  that  have  succeeded,  it  has  been  pretended  that 
this  prize  was  a  vessel  of  war,  and  that  she  was  supe 
rior  in  force  to  the  Winthrop.  Neither  was  probably 
the  fact,  though  the  exploit  was  sufficiently  creditable 
as  it  really  occurred.  That  Preble  was  inferior  to  the 
force  actually  opposed  to  his  small  party,  there  is  little 
question,  and  it  is  certain  the  whole  affair  was  conduct 
ed  with  great  skill  and  spirit.  As  the  prize  lay  under, 
not  only  the  guns  of  the  English  works,  but  even  within 
reach  of  musketry,  the  enemy  opened  on  her,  and  Pre- 
bie  had  to  work  out  to  sea,  with  his  small  party,  under 
a  brisk  fire.  In  this  he  succeeded,  as  ably  as  he  had 
done  in  the  attack,  without  sustaining  any  damage  of 
moment. 

The  reader  who  is  familiar  with  the  exploits  of 
Trippe,  will  find  an  incident  in  the  life  of  that  gallant 
officer,  while  serving  under  Preble's  orders,  that  sin 
gularly  resembled  this  which  occurred  to  Preble  him 
self. 

Although  there  is  now  some  obscurity  thrown  around 
the  particulars  of  this  affair,  the  name  of  the  vessel 
captured  appearing  in  none  of  the  clearer  accounts  of 
it,  there  is  no  question  that  it  was  a  very  gallant  ex 
ploit,  and  obtained  for  both  Little  and  Preble  much 
reputation  in  the  naval  circles  of  that  day.  Preble 
probably  owed  the  rank  he  subsequently  obtained  in  the 
16* 


186  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

navy  of  the  republic  to  the  cool  courage  he  manifested 
on  this  occasion,  united  to  his  conduct  and  general  good 
character.  Among  the  old  seamen  who  lived  at  the 
close  of  the  last  century,  it  was  often  mentioned  in 
terms  of  high  eulogium. 

Mr.  Preble  remained  in  the  Winthrop  until  peace 
was  made.  During  this  time  he  saw  much  service  on 
the  coast,  that  cruiser  being  actively  employed,  and 
doing  a  vast  deal  of  useful  duty.  She  captured  a  good 
many  vessels,  and  was  particularly  destructive  to  the 
small  privateers,  of  wHich  the  enemy  employed  so 
many,  more  especially  to  the  eastward.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  our  young  man's  professional  character 
was  formed  in  the  Protector  and  the  Winthrop. 

At  the  peace  of  1783  all  the  naval  armaments  of  the 
country  were  substantially  suppressed.  Some  of  the 
States,  it  is  true,  maintained  a  sort  of  guarda  costas, 
each  government  having  its  own  revenue  laws  under 
its  own  control ;  but  these  were  few  in  number,  and  of 
small  account.  Preble  was  discharged,  in  common 
with  most  of  his  brethren,  and  was  compelled  to  turn  to 
the  merchant  service  for  employment.  As  our  young 
man  was  now  in  his  twenty-second  year,  and  was  pos 
sessed  of  so  much  character  and  skill,  he  had  little  diffi 
culty  in  obtaining  a  vessel.  At  one  time  he  was  in  the 
employment  of  a  gentleman  in  North  Carolina,  though 
he  appears  to  have  passed  the  fifteen  years  that  suc 
ceeded  the  peace  in  sailing  from  and  to  different  parts 
of  the  globe. 

In  1798  the  quasi  war  with  France  commenced. 
Preble's  predilections  for  the  navy  still  remaining,  his 
wishes  to  enter  it  were  gratified  by  his  receiving  one 


. 

EDWARD     PREBLE.  187 

of  the  five  first  commissions  that  were  granted  to  lieu 
tenants.  At  the  commencement  of  the  new  marine,  it 
was  determined  that  each  lieutenant  should  be  named 
for  his  particular  rank  in  each  vessel,  and  that  the 
relative  rank  of  the  whole  service  should  be  determined 
by  those  of  the  respective  commanders  with  whom  the 
junior  officers  were  required  to  serve.  Preble  was  in 
tended  for  the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Constitution,  a  po 
sition  that  would  have  left  him  the  second  on  the  list 
of  lieutenants  in  the  entire  service,  that  being  the  place 
Com.  Nicholson  held  on  the  list  of  captains.  Fortu 
nately  for  Preble,  perhaps,  he  did  not  like  his  captain, 
and.  he  succeeded  in  keeping  out  of  his  ship,  for  he 
was  placed  in  command  of  the  Pickering,  a  brig  of  14 
guns,  which  was  first  commissioned  for  the  revenue 
service.  There  were  six  of  these  small  cruisers  em 
ployed  on  the  coast  at  this  time,  all  of  which  were 
under  the  command  of  officers  who  properly  belonged 
to  the  navy.  The  names  of  Preble,  Campbell,  Brown 
and  Leonard  were  among  them,  and  they  all  appear  to 
have  received  the  commissions  of  lieutenants  com 
mandant. 

The  Pickering  was  attached  to  what  was  called  the 
Windward  West  India  squadron,  having  its  rendezvous 
at  Prince  Rupert's  Bay,  and  cruising  as  far  south  as 
the  Island  of  Tobago.  Barry  commanded  this  force, 
which,  in  the  course  of  the  year  1798,  consisted  of 
twelve  vessels,  including  two  frigates. 

Preble  appears  to  have  made  two  cruises  in  the 
Pickering,  in  the  course  of  the  years  1798  and  1799. 
We  cannot  discover  that  any  service  worthy  of  being 
mentioned  occurred  in  either.  At  the  close  of  the  year 


188 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


1799,  our  officer  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain, 
appearing  to  have  passed  over  that  of  master  com 
mandant,  and  he  was  appointed  to  command  the  Essex 
32,  then  a  new  ship,  and  just  getting  ready  for  her  first 
cruise.  The  Pickering  was  given  to  Capt.  Hillar,  was 
sent  to  the  Guadaloupe  station,  and  was  lost  at  sea,  all 
hands  perishing.  This  appointment  of  Prehle's  is,  in 
itself,  an  evidence  of  a  just  appreciation  of  his  cha 
racter,  since  both  the  rank  and  the  ship  he  now  obtained 
were  a  little  beyond  his  claims  on  the  score  of  date  of 
commission.  Rodgers,  who  had  been  Truxtun's  first 
lieutenant,  and  who  ranked  him  one  as  a  captain,  got 
only  the  Maryland  sloop  of  war.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of 
notice,  that  Little,  Preble's  first  lieutenant  in  the  Pro 
tector,  and  his  commander  in  the  Winthrop,  ranked 
him  by  only  two  on  the  list  of  captains,  as  it  was  es 
tablished  in  1799.  Rodgers  was  the  only  name  be 
tween  them. 

The  Essex  was  destined  to  accompany  the  Congress 
38,  also  a  new  ship,  on  a  cruise  as  far  east  as  Batavia, 
to  meet  and  give  convoy  to  the  homeward-bound  India 
and  China  ships.  Capt.  Sever,  of  the  Congress,  was 
the  senior  of  the  two  captains  thus  employed.  The 
Congress  and  Essex  sailed  on  this  cruise,  then  much 
the  most  distant  that  any  American  cruiser  had  ever 
attempted,  in  the  month  of  January,  1800.  A  few 
days  out,  the  ships  encountered  a  heavy  gale,  and  lost 
sight  of  each  other.  The  Congress  was  dismasted  and 
returned  to  port,  but  the  Essex  made  better  weather, 
and  continued  on  her  course.  Preble  persevered, 
doubled  the  Cape,  and  reached  his  port  of  destination, 
where  he  proceeded  to  carry  out  the  objects  of  the  cruise. 


. 

EDWARD    PREBLE.  189 

It-  was  his  duty  to  collect  a  convoy  of  the  valuable 
homeward-bound  ships  that  were  expected  to  pass  the 
Straits  of  Sunda,  giving  notice  of  his  presence,  and 
cruising  himself,  in  the  interval,  against  the  enemy's 
rovers.  After  remaining  several  months  in  the  Indian 
seas,  he  collected  a  convoy  of  fourteen  sail,  with  which 
he  left  Batavia,  in  the  month  of  June.  No  opportunity 
occurred  for  distinguishing  himself  in  this  cruise,  be 
yond  the  accurate  and  complete  manner  in  which 
Preble  executed  his  orders.  One  small  French  cruiser, 
out  of  the  Isle  of  France,  was  chased  off  from  the  con 
voy,  but  she  escaped  under  her  sweeps  in  light  weather. 
Notwithstanding  the  magnitude  of  his  charge,  the  value 
of  which  amounted  to  many  millions,  Preble  passed 
every  thing  in  safety,  and  came  into  New  York  in  the 
autumn.  As  sailing  in  convoy  is  dull  work,  it  was 
near  the  close  of  the  year  when  the  Essex  reached 
home.  Peace  was  soon  after  made  with  France,  and 
the  ship  was  paid  off.  It  is  worthy  of  a  passing  re 
mark,  that  this  ship  was  the  first  American  man-of-war 
to  carry  the  pennant  round  both  Capes  ;  that  of  Good 
Hope,  under  Preble,  as  just  related,  and  that  of  Cape 
Horn,  under  Porter,  in  1813. 

The  health  of  Preble  had  suffered  materially  in  this 
cruise,  and  he  needed  repose.  He  was  offered  the 
Adams  28,  then  fitting  out  for  the  Mediterranean,  but 
felt  himself  bound  to  decline  service  at  the  moment. 
It  is  much  in  favor  of  the  impression  made  by  Preble 
at  Washington,  that  he  was  retained  at  the  reduction 
of  the  navy,  in  1801,  though  no  opportunity  for  distin 
guishing  himself  had  occurred,  and  notwithstanding  he 
was  absent  at  a  most  important  moment,  on  so  distant  a 


190  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

cruise.  At  that  time  there  were  twenty-eight  captains 
on  the  list,  and  seven  commanders.  The  last  were  all 
discharged  ;  but  twelve  of  the  former  were  at  first  re 
tained,  though  the  law  directed  that  the  number  should 
be  reduced  to  nine.  Preble  was  the  twenty-first  cap 
tain  before  the  reduction,  and  the  ninth  after  it  was 
actually  made.  James  Barron,  Bainbridge  and  Camp 
bell  were  his  juniors.  As  Dale  and  Truxtun  both  re 
signed  the  succeeding  year,  Barry  died  in  1803,  and 
Morris  was  dismissed,  without  a  trial,  by  Mr.  Jefferson, 
in  1804,  it  brought,  the  list  down  to  one  less  than  the 
number  contemplated  by  the  law,  and  left  Preble  the 
fifth  in  rank  in  the  service.  At  this  time  Stewart  was 
the  senior  lieutenant,  and  ought  to  have  been  promoted, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  reduction  law,  early  in 
1804,  though  he  did  not  receive  that  act  of  justice 
until  two  years  later,  having  been  made  a  commander, 
however,  without  law,  in  1804. 

There  may  have  been  an  additional  reason  for  Pre- 
ble's  declining  the  Adams,  as  he  was  married  in  1801, 
being  then  just  forty  years  of  age.  The  woman  of  his 
choice  was  Mary  Deering,  or  Dering,  the  only  daugh 
ter  of  Nathaniel  Dering,  of  Portland.  This  is  an 
ancient  and  honorable  name  in  Massachusetts,  and  we 
presume  this  lady  was  of  the  old  stock ;  at  any  rate, 
she  is  known  to  have  brought  her  husband  a  consider 
able  accession  of  fortune.  Preble  was  now  at  ease  in 
his  circumstances,  and  might  have  been  excused  for 
quitting  a  service  that  offered  so  few  inducements  to 
remain  in  it ;  but  he  loved  his  profession,  and,  fortu 
nately  for  his  own  reputation,  he  determined  to  con 
tinue  in  service.  In  1803,  believing  his  health  to  be 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  191 

sufficiently  re-established,  he  reported  himself  as  fit  for 
duty,  and  asked  for  service.  In  May  he  was  attached 
to  the  Constitution  44,  Old  Ironsides,  as  the  ship  is  now 
affectionately  called,  which  was  then  lying  at  Boston, 
and  was  about  to  be  fitted  out  for  the  Mediterranean 
station. 

The  Tripolitan  war  had  been  miserably  mismanaged 
since  the  peace  with  France.  This  was  partly  owing 
to  the  narrow  policy  that  reigned  in  the  national  legis 
lation  ;  in  some  slight  degree,  perhaps,  to  the  inexpe 
rience  of  certain  officers  employed  ;  but  most  of  all  to 
the  extraordinary  instructions  with  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  sent  his  cruisers  to  sea.  As  the  Constitution  vests 
the  power  to  declare  war  in  Congress,  and  that  body 
had  not  directly  exercised  this  authority  in  connection 
with  Tripoli,  the  government  chose  to  act,  in  its  legal 
relations,  as  if  America  were  not  at  war  with  the  Ba 
shaw,  though  everybody  was  willing  to  allow  that  the 
Bashaw  was  at  war  with  America  !  In  consequence  of 
these  peculiar  views  of  the  restrictions  imposed  by  the 
Constitution,  Dale  had  left  home  with  instructions  that 
compelled  one  of  his  small  vessels  to  release  an  enemy's 
cruiser,  after  she  had  handsomely  captured  her  in  a 
warm  and  bloody  action.  According  to  the  earliest 
notions  of  international  rights,  as  limited  by  the  Federal 
Constitution,  an  American  man-of-wrar  possessed  the 
natural  right  to  defend  herself,  but  not  the  conventional 
right  to  bring  her  assailant,  when  fairly  overcome,  into 
port,  unless  by  Act  of  Congress  !  Had  Mr.  Jefferson 
exercised  the  reasoning  faculties  he  certainly  possessed 
in  no  small  degree,  he  might  have  seen  that  the  right 
to  capture  ships  on  the  high  seas  is  purely  an  inter- 


192  NA\AL    BIOGRAPHY. 

national,  and  not  a  mere  national  right,  and  that  one 
nation  can,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  make  war, 
though  the  consent  of  two  may  he  necessary  to  re 
establish  peace.  He  made  the  capital  mistake  of  sup 
posing  that  the  Constitution,  in  prescribing  restraints 
on  the  powers  of  the  servants  of  the  public,  also  con 
templated  restrictions  on  the  rights  of  the  nation ;  it 
being  material  for  every  people  to  possess  the  privilege 
of  defending  themselves  on  equal  terms,  when  assailed. 

The  indecision  and  uncertainty  that  such  feeble  and 
unstatesman-like  constructions  of  public  law  threw  over 
the  operations  of  Dale,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  over 
those  of  Morris,  had  emboldened  the  enemy,  and  left 
matters  very  much,  in  1803,  where  they  had  been 
found  in  1801.  A  better  feeling,  however,  began  to 
prevail  at  Washington ;  and  it  was  now  resolved  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  more  of  spirit  and  decision  than 
had  hitherto  been  manifested.  With  this  view,  Preble 
was  ordered  to  hoist  a  broad  pennant,  and  to  take 
charge  of  the  squadron  intended  to  assemble  for  duty  in 
the  Mediterranean.  This  was  a  happy  selection,  and 
might  be  taken  as  a  pledge  of  the  success  that  was  to 
follow. 

But  it  was  a  far  easier  thing  for  the  republic,  in 
1803,  to  resolve  bravely  in  a  matter  of  this  sort,  than  to 
carry  out  its  resolutions  with  military  promptitude. 
The  equipment  of  a  single  frigate  was  not  always  an 
easy  thing,  and  the  collection  of  a  squadron,  though  it 
were  even  small,  was  a  measure  of  serious  moment. 
In  some  respects,  however,  the  service,  was  on  the  ad 
vance,  and  care  had  been  taken  to  construct  several 
small  cruisers,  a  species  of  vessel  of  which  there  had  been 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  193 

but  one  in  the  navy  since  its  last  reduction,  and  which 
was  particularly  needed  for  the  purposes  of  blockading 
close  in.  The  force  that  was  put  under  the  orders  of 
Preble,  on  this  occasion,  consisted  of  the  following  ves 
sels,  viz : — 

Constitution  44 — Com.  Preble. 

Philadelphia  38— Capt.  Bainbridge. 

Argus  16 — Lt.  Com.  Decatur. 

Siren  16 — Lt.  Com,  Stewart. 

Enterprise  12 — Lt.  Com.  Hull. 

Nautilus  12 — Lt.  Com.  Somers. 

Vixen  12 — Lt.  Com.  Smith. 

These  were  all  fine  vessels  of  their  respective  classes, 
and  they  were  singularly  well  commanded.  It  is  true, 
the  five  last  were  of  little  use  for  serious  attacks,  but 
they  were  the  best  craft  that  could  be  constructed  for 
the  blockade  of  a  town  like  Tripoli.  As  was  usual  in 
that  day,  and  in  that  service,  they  sailed  from  home  as 
each  got  ready.  The  Enterprise  was  already  out  on 
the  station,  where  she  had  been  kept  for  some  time, 
being  a  vessel  not  to  be  spared.  Hull  was  in  charge 
of  her,  but  he  being  the  second  lieutenant  in  the  navy, 
as  respects  rank,  Decatur  was  to  carry  the  Argus,  a 
much  heavier  vessel,  out  to  that  officer,  and  to  take  the 
Enterprise  in  exchange  ;  an  arrangement  that  was  sub 
sequently  effected. 

Of  the  vessels  belonging  to  Preble's  squadron  that 
sailed  from  home,  the  Nautilus  was  the  first  that  got  to 
sea.  The  schooner  arrived  at  Gibraltar,  July  27th, 
1803.  The  Philadelphia  reached  the  same  place  Au 
gust  24th.  The  Constitution,  wearing  Pretye's  pen 
nant,  left  Boston,  August  13th,  and  she  anchored  off  the 
VOL.  i.  17 


194  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Rock,  September  12th,  The  Vixen  came  in  two  days 
later;  the  Siren  October  1st,  and  the  Argus  was  detained 
until  November  1st. 

As  the  Philadelphia  preceded  the  commodore  by 
nearly  three  weeks,  Bainbridge,  acting  under  his  orders, 
lost  no  time  at  the  Rock,  but  commenced  operations  by 
capturing  a  Moorish  cruiser  that  he  fell  in  with  off  Cape 
de  Gatt,  and  which  had  begun  to  commit  depredations 
on  the  American  trade.  Returning  first  to  Gibraltar 
with  his  prize,  this  officer  proceeded  aloft,  after  cruising 
a  short  time  in  quest  of  a  Moorish  frigate  that  was  said 
to  be  just  without  the  Straits.  On  her  passage  up  the 
Mediterranean,  the  Philadelphia  must  have  passed  the 
New  York  36,  Com.  Rodgers,  and  Adams  28,  Capf. 
Campbell,  coming  down  to  meet  the  relief  squadron  at 
Gibraltar.  This  left  nothing  before  Tripoli  but  the  En 
terprise,  Lt.  Com.  Hull.  Soon  after  the  Vixen  got 
there,  and  was  joined  by  Bainbridge  in  the  Phila 
delphia. 

A  little  incident  occurred,  shortly  after  the  arrival  of 
the  Constitution  at  the  Rock,  that  it  may  be  well  to 
relate.  The  strict  discipline  of  Preble,  and  his  occa 
sionally  ungovernable  temper,  had  made  him  any  thing 
but  personally  a  favorite  with  his  officers.  While  all 
admitted  his  abilities  as  a  commander,  there  were  few 
who  did  not  complain  of  his  temper,  which,  beyond  a 
question,  was  rendered  worse  by  the  peculiar  disease 
of  wrhich  he  was  the  victim.  One  dark  night,  as  the 
ship  was  near  the  Straits,  she  was  suddenly  found  to  be 
quite  close  to  a  strange  vessel  of  war.  The  Constitu 
tion  mi^t  have  seen  the  stranger  first,  for  she  went  to 
quarters,  and  was  ready  to  engage  by  the  time  she  had 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  195 

closed.  The  hailing  now  commenced,  both  vessels 
appearing  £>  be  more  anxious  to  ask  questions  than  to 
answer  them.  Vexed  with  this  delay,  Preble  ordered 
the  name  of  his  ship  and  of  his  country  to  be  commu 
nicated  to  the  other  vesseJ,  and  to  demand  those  of  the 
stranger,  under  the  penalty  of  getting  a  shot,  if  the  de 
mand  were  refused.  The  stranger  answered  that  he 
would  return  a  broadside  for  a  shot.  This  was  more 
than  Preble  could  bear ;  he  sprang  up  into  the  mizen 
rigging  himself,  took  a  trumpet,  and  called  out  in  a 
clear,  strong  voice,  "This  is  the  United  States  ship 
Constitution  44,  Com.  Edward  Preble.  I  am  about  to 
hail  you  for  the  last  time ;  if  you  do  not  answer,  I  shall 
give  you  a  broadside.  What  ship  is  that  ?  Blow  your 
matches,  boys  I"  The  stranger  now  answered — "  This 
is  his  Britannic  Majesty's  ship  Donnegal,  a  razee  of  60 
guns."  Preble  declared  he  did  not  believe  him,  and  that 
he  should  stick  by  him  until  morning,  to  make  certain  of 
his  character.  A  boat,  however,  soon  came  from  the 
other  vessel  to  explain.  The  stranger  was  the  Maid- 
stone  frigate,  and  the  Constitution  had  got  alongside  of 
her  so  unexpectedly,  that  the  delay  in  answering  and 
the  false  name  had  been  given  to  gain  time  to  clear 
ship,  and  to  get  the  people  to  their  guns. 

The  spirit  and  firmness  manifested  by  Preble,  on  this 
occasion,  produced  a  great  revolution  in  his  favor,  among 
the  younger  officers  in  particular.  They  saw  he  could 
be  as  prompt  with  an  English  ship  of  war  as  he  was 
with  them,  and  they  had  a  saying,  "  If  the  old  man's 
temper  is  wrong,  his  heart  is  right."  Such  an  incident, 
in  that  day,  when  England  was  nearly  what  she  claimed 
to  be,  "mistress  of  the  seas,"  would  make  a  strong  im- 


196 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


pression.  It  was  not  considered  a  trifle  "  to  beard  the 
lion  in  his  den."  But  Preble  had  served  irfrthe  Revo 
lution,  and,  while  he  knew  that  an  English  ship  was 
usually  to  be  respected,  he  also  knew  that  she  was  far 
from  being  invincible.  It  is  a  proof  of  the  influence  of 
the  current  literature  and  newspaper  opinions  of  the 
day,  that  all  the  old  officers  of  the  Revolution  had  a  far 
less  exalted  idea  of  English  prowess,  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war  of  1812,  than  the  bulk  of  the  population. 

Preble  met  Rodgers  at  the  Rock,  as  has  been  men 
tioned,  with  two  frigates  under  his  orders.  The 
Nautilus,  Lieut.  Com.  Somers,  which  had  been  giving 
convoy  aloft,  also  came  in  and  joined.  The  state  of 
things  with  Morocco  was  such  as  to  demand  immediate 
attention.  There  is  little  question  that  the  Barbary 
powers  played  into  each  other's  hands,  in  their  wars 
with  Christian  states.  In  all  their  previous  operations 
against  Tripoli,  the  Americans  had  been  diverted  from 
the  main  object  by  the  movements  of  the  Moors,  and 
the  Adams  had  been  kept  below,  a  long  time,  cruising 
in  the  Straits,  to  watch  the  cruisers  of  the  Emperor, 
and  two  Tunisians  that  were  lying  at  the  Rock.  Pre 
ble  resolved  to  leave  every  thing  in  his  rear  in  a  settled 
state,  and  he  made  his  dispositions  accordingly. 

Although  Com.  Rodgers  was  the  senior  officer,  he 
placed  his  ships  at  his  successor's  disposal,  in  the 
handsomest  manner.  The  Constitution,  New  York, 
Adams  and  Nautilus  went  into  the  Bay  of  Tangiers, 
accordingly,  October  6th,  and  Preble  immediately  pre 
sented  his  demands.  He  had  an  interview  with  the 
Emperor,  in  person,  and  the  negotiations,  conducted 
with  moderation  and  firmness,  resulted  in  a  renewal  of 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  197 

the  treaty  of  1786.  It  is  no  more  than  justice  toRodgers, 
to  say  that  his  agency  in  this  prompt  demonstration  was 
both  liberal  and  important.  He  was  consulted,  and 
joined  heart  and  hand  in  all  that  was  negotiated  and 
done. 

This  important  duty  performed,  Rodgers  sailed  for 
home,  and  Preble  gave  all  his  attention  to  his  important 
duties  up  the  Mediterranean.  While  he  had  been  at 
Tangiers,  and  during  the  time  occupied  about  the 
Straits,  several  of  his  small  vessels  had  arrived. 
JVearly  his  whole  force,  inde-ed,  was  collected  at  Gib 
raltar,  with  the  exception  of  the  Philadelphia  and 
Enterprise.  As  the  vessels  aloft  were  commanded  by 
Bainbridge  and  Hull,  not  only  was  the  single  officer  of 
his  own  rank  absent,  but  the  two  oldest  men  of  his 
squadron  also.  It  was  under  such  circumstances  that 
Preble  caused  his  commanding  officers  to  meet  him,  to 
deliberate  on  future  operations.  This  council,  conse 
quently,  consisted  of  Preble  himself,  Stewart,  Decatur, 
Smith  .and  Somers.  To  these  was  added  Col.  Lear, 
who  had  long  been  employed  in  Africa,  and  who  had 
certain  powers  to  treat,  at  the  proper  moment.  The 
four  gentlemen  of  the  service,  who  thus  met  Preble, 
almost  for  the  first  time,  were  all  young  in  years,  and 
they  held  a  rank  no  higher  than  that  of  lieutenants. 
Preble  had  been  very  little  known  to  the  service,  during 
its  brief  existence  of  five  years,  which  was  all  it  then 
possessed,  his  East  India  cruise  having  kept  him  much 
out  of  sight  in  the  French  war,  and  his  want  of  health 
since.  Of  his  six  commanders,  four,  yiz.,  Bainbridge, 
Somers,  Decatur  and  Stewart,  \yere  all  Philadelphia 
seamen  ;  Smith  was  from  South  Carolina,  and  Hu.ll 
17* 


198  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

alone  was  from  New  England.  In  addition  to  these 
circumstances,  the  commodore's  reputation  for  severity 
of  discipline  and  a  hot  temper,  was  so  well  established, 
as  to  produce  little  confidence  and  sympathy  between 
these  young  men  and  himself.  The  former  fought  shy 
at  the  council,  therefore,  letting  the  commodore  have 
things  very  much  in  his  own  way.  They  fancied  it 
was  their  office  to  obey,  and  his  to  plan. 

After  his  lieutenants  commandant  had  withdrawn, 
Preble  and  Lear  remained  alone  together  in  the  Con 
stitution's  cabin.  The  former  seemed  thoughtful  and 
melancholy,  leaning  his  head  on  his  arm,  the  latter 
resting  on  a  table.  Lear,  observing  this,  inquired  if  he 
were  unwell.  "  I  have  been  indiscreet,  Col.  Lear," 
answered  Preble,  raising  himself  up  to  answer,  "in 
accepting  this  command.  Had  I  known  how  I  was 
to  be  supported,  I  certainly  should  have  declined  it. 
Government  has  sent  me  here  a  parcel  of  children,  as 
commanders  of  all  my  light  craft."  A  year  later,  Lear 
reminded  Preble  of  this  speech,  and  asked  him  if  he 
remembered  it.  "  Perfectly  well,' '  said  Preble,  smiling, 
"but  the  children  turned  out  to  be  good  children." 

Preble  now  sent  off  some  of  his  small  vessels,  the 
Vixen  going  up  the  Mediterranean  to  relieve  the  Enter 
prise.  He  visited  Cadiz  in  the  Constitution  on  duty, 
and  returned  to  the  Rock.  On  the  12th  November  he 
gave  a  formal  notification  of  the  blockade  of  Tripoli,  off 
which  town  he  supposed  Bainbridge  then  to  be,  having 
the  Philadelphia,  Vixen,  &c.,  with  him.  On  the  13th 
he  sailed  for  Algiers,  where  he  put  a  consul  on  shore. 
He  then  proceeded  to  Malta,  which  port  he  reached  on 
the  27th  of  the  same  month.  Here  he  was  met  by 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  199 

letters  from  Bainbridge,  communicating  the  dishearten 
ing  intelligence  of  the  loss  of  the  Philadelphia.  Some 
rumors  of  this  disaster  had  been  heard  lower  down  the 
Mediterranean,  but  it  was  hoped  they  would  prove  not 
to  be  true.  This  ship  had  run  on  a  reef  in  chase,  and 
had  been  compelled  to  haul  down  her  colors  to  the  Tri- 
politan  gunboats.  To  render  the  calamity  still  more 
poignant,  the  enemy  succeeded  in  getting  the  frigate 
off,  and  had  carried  her  in  triumph  into  their  harbor, 
where  she  now  lay  safely  at  anchor. 

Preble  keenly  felt  this  loss  in  several  points  of  view. 
It  was  commencing  his  operations  against  the  Bashaw 
M'ith  much  the  most  serious  reverse  the  infant  navy  of 
the  republic  had  then  experienced.  Although  he  could 
have  no  direct  personal  connection  with  the  affair,  it  had 
occurred  within  his  command,  and  more  or  less  of  the 
misfortunes,  as  well  as  of  the  success  of  military  opera 
tions,  is  given  by  the  world  to  him  who  is  at  the  head 
of  affairs.  Then,  in  losing  Bainbridge,  he  lost  his  only 
captain,  and  the  man  of  all  others  to  whom  he  would 
naturally  turn  for  counsel  and  support.  The  frigate, 
moreover,  was  a  very  important  part  of  his  force,  and 
her  loss  was,  in  fact,  the  one  thing  that  most  impeded 
his  attaining  complete  success  in  his  future  operations. 
Under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  the  kind  and 
considerate  manner  with  which  he  treated  Bainbridge 
does  his  heart  much  honor.  Had  his  unfortunate  bro 
ther  in  arms  been  his  brother  in  blood,  Preble's  letters 
and  conduct,  in  all  respects,  could  riot  have  been  more 
friendly  or  delicate.  That  Bainbridge  felt  this,  is  ap 
parent  in  his  own  correspondence,  and  it  is  probable 
these  two  brave  men  had  a  just  appreciation  of  each 


200  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

other's  intrinsic  worth,  in  consequence  of  this  common 
misfortune.  Every  thing  that  lay  in  Treble's  power 
was  done  to  alleviate  the  sufferings  of  the  captives,  and 
the  utmost  attention  appears  to  have  been  bestowed  on 
all  their  wants,  so  far  as  the  command  of  funds  and  the 
exercise  of  a  distant  authority  could  go.  In  a  word,  no 
thing  was  omitted  that  it  lay  in  the  commodore's  power 
to  perform. 

Preble,  however,  was  not  a  man  to  waste  his  time  in 
useless  regrets.  He  sailed  immediately  for  Syracuse, 
which  port  he  reached  on  the  28th.  His  object  in  go 
ing  into  Sicily  was  to  establish  a  point  of  rendezvous, 
and  to  open  negotiations  with  the  authorities  of  that 
island  for  certain  aids  that  he  now  felt  would  be  neces 
sary  for  executing  his  plans.  While  these  preliminary 
steps  were  in  progress,  the  commodore  disposed  of  his 
force  in  the  best  manner  to  protect  the  trade,  and  sailed 
for  Tripoli  in  the  Constitution,  having  the  Enterprise 
in  company.  The  vessels  quitted  Syracuse  on  the  17th 
December,  and  on  the  23d  the  schooner,  which  was  now 
commanded  by  Decatur,  captured  a  ketch  that  was  car 
rying  female  slaves  from  the  Bashaw  as  a  present  to  the 
Porte. 

Preble  had  a  double  object  in  going  off  Tripoli,  on 
that  occasion.  By  showing  his  force  before  the  town 
he  encouraged  the  captives,  and  he  gave  his  enemies 
reason  to  respect  him.  But  the  principal  motive  was 
to  reconnoitre  the  place  in  person,  in  order  to  direct  his 
future  movements  with  a  greater  degree  of  intelligence. 
An  active  correspondence  was  kept  up  with  Bainbridge, 
who  suggested  many  useful  hints  as  to  different  modes 
of  annoying  the  enemy.  One  letter  of  Bainbridge, 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  201 

bearing  date  December  5th,  certainly  suggested  the 
practicability  of  destroying  the  Philadelphia,  as  she  lay 
at  her  anchor,  in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli.  Preble  bore  all 
these  things  in  mind,  and  he  examined  the  position  of 
the  ship,  the  castle,  batteries,  &c.,  for  himself.  When 
he  had  been  off  the  port  a  few  days,  it  came  on  to  blow 
heavily  from  the  north-east,  and  he  was  admonished 
of  the  necessity  of  quitting  that  inhospitable  coast,  in 
that  which  was  the  worst  month  in  the  year.  The 
Constitution  and  Enterprise  accordingly  returned  to 
Syracuse. 

It  is  probable  that  the  thought  of  destroying  the  Phil 
adelphia  was  first  suggested  by  Bainbridge,  though  it 
has  been  claimed  for  both  Preble  and  Decatur.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  such  an  idea  should  suggest  itself  to 
different  minds  simultaneously.  It  is  certain  that  Pre 
ble  did  not  risk  any  of  his  officers  and  men  in  such  an 
enterprise,  without  calculating  all  its  chances.  One  of 
Preble's  characteristic  traits  was  the  great  care  he  be 
stowed  on  all  his  preparations  to  insure  success.  It 
Will  be  seen,  as  we  proceed,  that  he  wasted  no  ti$ne  in 
useless  parade,  but,  on  the  contrary,  having  taken  a 
look  at  his  enemy,  he  paid  him  no  unnecessary  visits 
until  he  was  ready  to  go  to  work  in  earnest.  Twice 
more  only  did  he  see  Tripoli,  until  he  came  with  his 
whole  force  to  bombard  the  place.  All  the  previous 
commanders  had  cruised,  more  or  less,  in  front  of  the- 
town,  occasionally  engaging  a  battery?  or  assaulting 
small  convoys,  and,  in  one  instance,  in  making  an 
abortive  attempt  at  cannonading ;  but  Preble  did  none 
of  this.  He  ascertained  his  wants,  supplied  the  defi 
ciencies  in  the  best  manner  he  could,  and  when  the 


202  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

moment  arrived,  he  applied  his  means  with  an  intelli 
gence  and  activity  that  showed  he  possessed  the  quali 
ties  of  a  great  commander.  The  world,  which  sees 
little  beyond  victory  or  defeat,  seldom  fully  appreciates 
the  care,  forethought  and  labor  with  which  armaments 
are  made,  particularly  at  distant  points  and  with  im 
perfect  means. 

To  whomsoever  may  belong  the  credit  of  suggesting 
the  plan  of  burning  the  Philadelphia,  to  Preble  belongs 
the  merit  of  assuming  the  responsibility  of  ordering  it, 
as  well  as  of  pointing  out  as  many  of  the  details  as  was 
consistent  with  a  discreet  exercise  of  authority,  in  an 
affair  of  such  a  nature.  When  the  scheme  was  origi 
nally  agitated  between  him  and  Decatur,  as  was  pro 
bably  the  case  while  they  were,  for  the  first  time,  off 
Tripoli  in  company,  the  latter  offered  to  make  the  at 
tempt  with  his  own  schooner.  This  Preble  thought  too 
hazardous,  and  he  turned  his  attention  to  the  ketch 
which  had  fallen  into  his  hands  in  the  late  cruise. 
The  advantages  offered  by  the  possession  of  this  vessel 
were^not  to  be  thrown  away.  She  was  of  Mediter 
ranean  rig,  and  Mediterranean  construction  throughout, 
and  might  appear  in  the  offing  without  exciting  any 
distrust  as  to  her  intentions.  All  this  was  foreseen  by 
Preble,  and  his  instructions  to  his  subordinates  met, 
with  great  precision,  the  very  contingency  which  oc 
curred  when  this  nicely  arranged  plan  was  carried  into 
execution. 

When  every  thing  was  ready,  Preble  issued  his 
orders,  February  3d,  to  Stewart  and  Decatur,  and  those 
two  gallant  officers  sailed  immediately.  If  it  were  a 
trait  in  Preble  to  make  every  provision  to  insure  sue- 


EDWARD     PREBLE,  203 

cess,  it  was  another  to  enter  into  all  the  hopes  and 
anxieties  of  those  who  were  embarked  in  the  enter 
prises  he  had  directed.  He  was  calm  to  the  eye,  but 
he  felt  the  anxiety  natural  to  his  temperament,  while 
the  brig  and  ketch  were  absent.  The  delay  was  much 
greater  than  had  been  anticipated,  in  consequence  of  a 
gale  of  wind,  which  drove  the  adventurers  from  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor  itself,  where  they  had  anchored, 
and  where  Decatur  had  sent  a  boat  to  examine  the  lit 
tle  entrance  to  the  port.  The  uncertainty  lasted  more 
than  a  fortnight,  the  two  vessels  being  absent  fifteen 
days.  At  length  the  long-expected  craft  hove  in  sight, 
and  Preble  soon  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  the  signal 
of  success  flying  on  board  the  Siren.  The  Sicilians, 
who  were  also  at  war  with  Tripoli,  received  the  con 
querors  with  as  much  delight  as  the  Americans  them 
selves,  firing  salutes  and  rending  the  air  with  shouts. 

This  success  was  of  great  moment  to  the  future  pros 
pects  of  Preble.  The  Turks,  though  known  to  be  in 
different  gunners,  and  no  very  excellent  seamen,  were 
of  sturdy  frame,  bold  enough  in  battle,  and  had  fearful 
reputations  for  their  prowess  in  hand-to-hand  conflicts. 
Every  sea  officer  was  cautious  about  letting  these 
bloody-minded  sabrcurs  get  over  his  plank  sheer ;  but 
here  had  Decatur  met  him  at  his  own  play,  and  proved 
that  the  Christian  was  the  better  man.  Then  the 
stigma  of  the  frigate's  loss  (for  in  war  misfortune  ever 
leaves  a  reproach)  was  wiped  out  by  the  gallant  man 
ner  of  her  re-capture,  and  her  subsequent  destruction. 
Among  those  who  understand  that  it  takes  a  man  of  a 
certain  degree  of  military  resolution  even  to  order  an 
enterprise  of  this  daring,  Preble's  connection  with  the 


204  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

attack  on  the  Philadelphia  was  fully  appreciated.  It 
is  highly  probable  that  his  own  equally  gallant  exploit 
in  the  Penobscot  was  present  to  his  mind  when  he  first 
thought  of  this  enterprise,  and  influenced  him  to  decide 
in  its  favor. 

As  the  season  was  advancing,  and  the  important 
point  of  the  destruction  of  the  Philadelphia  was  dis 
posed  of,  Preble  now  began  to  turn  his  attention  still 
more  earnestly  toward  making  his  preparations  for  the 
approaching  summer.  He  sent  Stewart,  in  the  Siren, 
again  off  Tripoli  to  blockade,  having  Somers  in  the 
Nautilus  under  his  orders  ;  and  these  vessels  were,  in 
due  time,  relieved  by  others,  so  as  to  maintain  a  force 
at  all  times  before  the  town.  On  the  2d  of  March  the 
commodore  took  the  Constitution  to  Malta,  where  he 
had  business  of  importance,  and,  the  run  being  short, 
on  the  21st  he  went  off  Tripoli  the  second  time.  While 
he  was  there,  the  Nautilus  captured  a  man-of-war  built 
brig,  that  pretended  to  be  an  English  privateer,  but 
which  in  truth  was  a  Tripolitan,  and  was  intended  to 
cruise  against  Americans.  Preble  sent  her  to  Syra 
cuse,  where  she  was  appraised,  manned,  and  put  into 
the  service,  by  the  name  of  the  Scourge.  She  was 
given  to  Lt.  Dent,  who  had  been  acting  captain  of 
Preble's  own  ship.  On  the  27th,  a  flag  was  sent 
ashore  with  letters  for  the  prisoners. 

After  remaining  a  few  days  before  Tripoli,  again  re- 
connoitering,  Preble  sailed  for  Tunis,  though  not  with 
out  experiencing  another  very  heavy  gale  of  wind, 
anchoring  before  that  town,  with  the  Siren  in  company, 
April  4th.  The  reader  will  better  understand  the  ar 
duous  nature  of  Preble's  duties,  when  he  is  reminded 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  205 

that  he  was  now  left  with  a  single  frigate  and  six  small 
vessels,  his  prize  included,  to  hold  in  check  all  the 
Barbary  powers,  which  were  more  or  less  leagued  to 
gether,  and  to  carry  on  the  war  with  Tripoli.  He  had 
awed  Morocco  by  his  early  course,  but  Tunis  was  very 
troublesome,  and  menaced  a  war  from  day  to  day. 
His  immediate  predecessor  in  command  had  been  given 
a  force  of  no  less  than  five  frigates  and  one  small  ves 
sel  to  perform  the  same  duty.  No  better  idea  can  be 
formed  of  the  nature  of  the  commodore's  duties,  and  of 
the  energy  with  which  he  discharged  them,  however, 
than  to  give  a  brief  summary  of  his  movements  at  this 
juncture,  as  well  as  of  their  objects. 

It  has  been  seen  that  Preble  reached  Tunis  on  the 
4th  of  April.  On  the  7th  he  sailed,  in  a  gale  of  wind, 
and  reached  Malta  on  the  12th.  On  the  14th  he  left 
Malta,  and  next  day  went  into  Syracuse.  Here  he 
was  detained  five  days,  sailing  again  on  the  20th.  He 
touched  at  Malta  on  the  29th ;  anchored  once  more  at 
Tunis,  May  2d ;  left  it  next  day  for  Naples,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  9th.  His  business  at  this  place  was  to 
obtain  gun-boats  for  attacking  Tripoli ;  the  negotiation 
being  successful.  Preble  procuring  an  order  from  the 
King  of  the  Two  Sicilies  for  both  bomb  vessels  and 
gun-boats,  on  the  19th  he  sailed  for  Messina,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  25th.  Here  he  selected  two  bomb  ves 
sels  and  six  gun-boats.  The  latter  he  manned  imme 
diately,  and,  on  the  30th,  he  sailed  with  them  for  Syra 
cuse,  getting  in  next  day.  Leaving  the  Sicilian  vessels 
to  be  altered  and  equipped,  Preble  sailed  again  from 
Syracuse  on  the  4th  of  June,  and  anchored  at  Malta  on  the 
5th ;  on  the  9th  he  again  sailed  for  Tripoli.  The  ob- 

VOL.  i.  18 


206  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

ject  of  this  third  visit  was  to  treat  for  the  liberation  of 
the  prisoners,  previously  to  commencing  serious  opera 
tions,  it  being  uncertain  what  might  otherwise  be  the 
influence  on  their  fate.  The  effort  was  fruitless,  but 
supplies  were  sent  to  Bainbridge,  whose  condition  was 
much  alleviated  in  consequence. 

Mr.  O'Brien  had  been  sent  ashore,  to  treat  for  ran 
som,  on  the  13th  June,  and  on  the  14th  Preble  sailed 
once  more  for  Tunis,  with  the  Argus  and  Enterprise  in 
company.  The  consul  had  sent  him  information  that 
the  Bey  was  in  an  ill  humor,  and  required  looking  after. 
The  vessels  reached  Tunis  Bay  on  the  19th.  On  the 
22d,  Preble,  satisfied  his  visit  would  produce  its  effect, 
sailed  for  Syracuse,  touching  at  Malta  on  the  24th,  and 
arriving  on  the  25th.  The  28th  was  employed  in 
sending  money  and  clothing  to  Bainbridge,  and  on  the 
29th  he  sailed  for  Messina,  arriving  July  1st.  On  the 
8th  the  Nautilus  left  Messina  for  Syracuse,  with  the 
two  bomb  vessels  under  convoy,  and  on  the  9th  the 
commodore  followed,  in  the  Constitution,  which  ship 
got  in  the  day  she  sailed.  July  14th,  Preble  sailed 
from  Syracuse  for  Malta,  with  the  bomb  vessels  and 
gun-boats  in  company  ;  where  he  anchored  on  the  16th. 
Here  he  completed  his  arrangements,  and  sailed  with 
every  thing  he  could  collect  for  Tripoli,  on  the  21st, 
arriving  in  sight  of  the  place  on  the  25th  July,  1S04. 

By  recurring  to  this  brief  account,  the  following  re 
sults  will  be  discovered.  Between  the  2d  of  March 
and  the  25th  of  July  are  one  hundred  and  forty-five 
days  ;  in  this  interval  Preble  put  to  sea  nineteen  differ 
ent  times,  as  often  reaching  his  point  of  destination, 
besides  calling  off  Malta  once,  without  anchoring. 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  207 

Although  he  actually  brought  up  on  every  one  of  these 
entrances  into  harbors,  his  visits  to  Tripoli  excepted, 
on  which  occasion  the  ship  was  usually  kept  free  of  the 
ground,  he  passed  seventy-four  days  at  anchor,  and 
nearly  as  many  under  his  canvas.  The  average  time 
of  his  stops  in  port  was  less  than  four  days ;  his  long 
est  detention  was  at  Malta,  fourteen  days,  where  he 
went  for  supplies,  and  when  he  was  not  the  master  of 
his  own  time.  Deduct  this  detention,  as  in  fact  ought 
to  be  done,  to  form  a  proper  estimate  of  the  character 
we  wish  to  exhibit,  with  ten  days  passed  at  Naples, 
negotiating  for  the  gun-boats,  when  he  had  to  wait  for 
the  movements  of  royalty,  and  but  fifty  days  will  re 
main  for  nineteen  visits  to  port,  or  less  than  three  days 
for  each  visit.  It  may  be  questioned  if  any  ship  of  the 
Constitution's  size  was  ever  more  actively  employed 
on  duty  of  a  similar  nature.  We  know  of  no  better 
illustration  of  Preble's  real  character,  than  this  history 
of  the  movements  of  his  ship  for  those  four  months  and 
a  half.  Decision,  combination,  energy,  unwearied  ac 
tivity,  and  a  clear  comprehension  of  every  one  of  his 
duties,  are  apparent  in  all  he  did.  Nor  was  the  main 
object,  of  holding  the  Tripoli  tans  completely  in  check 
the  while,  forgotten.  Their  town  was  vigorously 
blockaded  the  whole  time,  and  when  Preble  arrived 
with  his  assembled  force,  the  people  were  already  be 
ginning  to  feel  the  effects  of  having  their  commerce 
destroyed. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Preble  resorted  to  no 
spurious  warfare,  in  all  his  preliminary  measures.  On 
his  several  calls  off  Tripoli,  he  had  specific  objects  in 
view,  and  these  he  accomplished  without  any  menaces 


208 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


or  parade.  We  cannot  find  that  the  Constitution  even 
scaled  her  guns  against  the  place,  or  that  Preble  fired 
a  single  shot  at  the  enemy,  from  his  own  ship,  until  he 
came  prepared  to  make  war  on  a  scale  as  large  as  the 
means  furnished  by  his  own  government  would  at  all 
permit.  It  might  be  added,  even  larger,  as  he  had 
materially  increased  those  means  by  his  own  resources, 
while  he  was  on  the  station. 

Preble  found  himself,  on  the  25th  July,  before  Tri 
poli,  with  fifteen  sail,  including  every  thing  he  could 
collect,  viz.,  one  frigate,  three  brigs,  three  schooners, 
two  bomb  vessels  and  six  gun-boats.  On  estimating 
this  force,  it  will  be  found  that  the  Americans  had  at 
command  six  long  26s,  twenty-two  long  24s,  a  few  long 
12-pounders  on  the  Constitution's  quarter-deck  and  fore 
castle,  with  something  like  twenty  light  chase  guns, 
counting  all  in  broadside.  In  other  words,  it  was  in 
Preble's  power  to  bring  about  twenty-eight  long  heavy 
guns  to  bear  on  the  castle,  batteries,  &c.,  at  once,  with 
something  like  twenty  long  light  guns,  6s,  9s  and  12s. 
The  carronades  could  only  be  of  use  as  against  the 
enemy's  gunboats  and  other  craft.  The  long  26s  men 
tioned  were  guns  procured  by  Preble  in  Sicily,  and 
were  mounted  in  the  Constitution's  waist,  three  of  a 
side.  Altogether,  the  Americans  had  1060  souls  pre 
sent. 

The  means  of  the  Bashaw  were  infinitely  more  for 
midable.  In  addition  to  the  advantage  of  fighting  be 
hind  solid  masonry,  he  had  118  guns  in  battery,  most 
of  which  were  heavy,  and  nineteen  gun-boats,  that  of 
themselves  threw  a  weight  of  shot  almost  equal  to  the 
frigate's  broadside.  In  addition,  he  had  a  brig,  two 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  209 

schooners  and  two  large  galleys  in  the  port,  all  of  which 
were  armed  and  fully  manned.  As  for  men,  however, 
there  was  no  want  of  them ;  the  Bashaw's  troops,  in 
cluding  all  sorts,  amounting,  as  was  thought,  to  a  num 
ber  between  twenty  and  thirty  thousand ;  a  large  force 
having  been  collected  from  the  interior  for  the  defence 
of  the  place. 

Preble  was  not  able  to  come  to  an  anchor  until  the 
28th.  This  was  hardly  done  before  it  came  on  to  blow 
fresh  from  the  northward,  and  the  whole  squadron  was 
compelled  to  weigh,  and  to  claw  off  shore.  It  was 
thought  at  one  time  the  gun-boats  would  have  been 
towed  under,  but  luckily  the  wind  hauled,  a  circum 
stance  which  allowed  less  sail  to  be  carried.  The  wind 
continued  to  freshen,  proving  how  wisely  Preble  had 
acted,  and,  on  the  31st,  it  blew  fearfully;  so  violently, 
indeed,  as  to  take  the  frigate's  reefed  courses  out  of  the 
bolt-ropes.  There  would  have  been  no  hopes  for  the 
miserable  little  craft  that  had  been  obtained  in  Sicily, 
had  not  the  wind  continued  to  haul,  until  it  made  the 
coast  a  weather-shore,  which  gave  them  smooth  water. 
On  the  31st,  the  weather  moderated,  and  the  commo 
dore  was  enabled  to  collect  his  scattered  vessels. 

Owing  to  all  these  disadvantages,  it  was  August  3d, 
before  Preble  got  again  in  front  of  Tripoli.  By  that 
time  the  enemy  had  sent  two  divisions  of  his  gun-boats 
outside  of  a  line  of  rocks  that  stretches  from  the  little 
entrance  of  the  harbor  quite  near  the  galley-mole,  for  a 
mile  diagonally  to  seaward.  No  part  of  this  reef,  how 
ever,  lay  beyond  complete  protection  from  the  fire  of  all 
the  works,  so  far  as  that  fire  was  efficient  in  itself.  As 
18* 


210  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

has  been  mentioned,  these  craft  were  separated  in  two 
divisions,  one  lying  near  the  eastern,  or  main  entrance 
into  the  harbor,  which  was  in  a  great  measure  formed 
by  these  rocks,  aided  by  a  natural  indentation  in  the 
coast,  and  the  other  near  the  western  or  little  entrance, 
so  often  mentioned,  and  which  has  since  become  memo 
rable  from  the  explosion  of  the  ketch  Intrepid,  which 
subsequently  occurred  at,  or  near,  this  point.  A  third 
division  lay  just  within  the  rocks,  as  a  reserve,  but  so 
placed  as  to  be  able  to  fire  through  their  openings.  The 
galleys  were  there  also.  These  two  divisions  lay  about 
half  a  mile  asunder.  There  is  no  question  that  the 
Tripolitans,  judging  of  the  future  by  the  past,  fancied 
that  this  disposition  of  their  floating  force  would  keep 
their  vessels  inside  from  suffering  by  the  fire  of  the 
Amerkan  shipping.  Their  galleys  and  remaining  gun 
boats  lay  just  within  the  reef,  quite  within  supporting 
distance.  Preble  did  not  anchor,  but  a  little  after  noon 
he  laid  his  own  ship's  head  off  shore,  distant  about  a 
league  from  the  town,  and  showed  a  signal  for  every 
thing  to  pass  within  hail.  Each  commander  received 
his  orders  according  to  previous  instructions,  the  whole 
duty  being  conducted  with  singular  regularity  and  pre 
cision.  The  small  vessels  manned  the  gun-boats  and 
bomb  vessels,  and  in  one  hour  every  thing  and  every 
body  were  reported  ready.  The  Constitution  then 
wore  round,  and  stood  in  toward  the  town,  leading  the 
whole  squadron.  Half  an  hour  later  the  gun-boats  cast 
off,  and  formed  in  front  of  the  sea-going  craft.  This 
was  no  sooner  done  than  Preble  made  the  signal  to  en 
gage.  Every  thing  advanced,  the  gun-boats  covered 
by  the  light  cruisers,  and  the  bomb  vessels  began  to 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  211 

throw  shells.  The  batteries  replied,  and  then  the 
smaller  shipping  on  both  sides  joined  in. 

Preble  had  ordered  Decatur  and'  Somers,  who  com 
manded  the  American  gun-boats,  to  attack  the  division 
of  the  enemy  that  lay  near  the  main  or  eastern  entrance 
to  the  harbor.  There  were  six  large  gun-boats  at  this 
point,  and  they  were  the  farthest  to  windward  as  well 
as  the  most  remote  from  support,  though  quite  within 
range  of  shot  from  all  parts  of  the  works. 

Decatur's  division  of  boats,  three  in  number,  being 
to  windward  in  the  American  line,  could  fetch  into  the 
point  aimed,  while  one  boat  belonging  to  Somers's  divi 
sion  did  the  same  ;  but  Somers  himself  in  one  boat,  and 
Lt.  Bainbridge  in  another,  both  of  the  leeward  division, 
were  not  able  to  close  to  windward,  and  they  turned  on 
the  enemy  to  leeward.  One  of  Decatur's  divisions, 
however,  did  not  close  in  consequence  of  some  mistake 
in  a  signal.  The  desperate  and  remarkable  conflict 
that  followed  among  these  gun-boats  has  been  already 
described  by  us,  and  will  be  again  in  our  sketch  of 
Decatur's  life,  with  farther  details,  and  we  shall  conse 
quently  pass  over  it  here.  It  is  known  that  three  of  the 
Tripolitans  were  boarded,  and  brought  out  of  their  line, 
while  the  remaining  boats  were  driven  in  behind  the 
rocks  under  the  cover  of  their  own  batteries. 

While  this  bloody  hand-to-hand  conflict  was  going 
on  close  in  with  the  rocks,  the  brigs  and  schooners  en 
gaged  the  division  to  leeward,  and  the  division  inside 
the  rocks,  assisted  by  Somers  in  his  single  boat,  who 
had  no  other  means  to  prevent  his  vessel  from  drifting 
in  among  the  enemy,  than  to  keep  a  few  sweeps  back 
ing  her  off,  throwing  grape,  canister  and  musket-balls 


212 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


The  accompanying  plate  will  give  a  tolerably  accurate  notion  of 
this  day's  work.  No.  1  is  the  Constitution  hove  to ;  No.  2  are  the 
American  brigs  and  schooners ;  No.  3  is  Somers ;  No.  4,  Bain- 
bridge  ;  No.  5,  Decatur  attacking  the  enemy ;  No.  6,  Tripolitan 
gun-boats;  No.  7,  Tripolitan  galleys,  &c.  The  bomb  ketches 
were  too  far  to  the  westward  to  be  brought  into  the  plate. 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  213 

the  whole  time,  in  showers,  upon  the  Turks.  Once  or 
twice  the  division  inside  manifested  an  intention  to  pass 
through  the  opening,  and  come  out  to  the  assistance  of 
their  brethren,  but  the  grape  and  canister  of  the  brigs 
and  schooners  as  often  drove  them  back.  These  move 
ments  were  distinct  and  methodical,  and  each  time  the 
repulse  was  the' result  of  signals  from  Preble  himself, 
who  did  his  duty  nobly  that  day  as  a  commander-in- 
chief,  having  his  eye  on  all  parts  of  the  line,  and 
neglecting  nothing.  The  Constitution  was  engaged 
early,  and  her  own  fire  was  kept  up  with  a  vigor  that 
has  often  been  the  subject  of  praise.  She  seemed  to 
control  the  fight,  moving  along  just  within  range  of 
grape,  as  the  deity  of  the  combat.  She  silenced  all  the 
nearer  batteries  as  she  passed  them,  though  they  opened 
again  as  soon  as  she  was  out  of  range.  We  have  heard 
a  gentleman,  who  was  then  one  of  the  prisoners  in  Tri 
poli,  describe  the  enthusiasm  excited  among  them  by 
the  daring  and  cool  manner  in  which  Preble  handled 
his  own  ship  on  this  occasion.  They  had  but  a  single 
window,  in  the  castle  where  they  were  confined,  which 
commanded  a  view  of  only  a  part  of  the  scene  of  action, 
the  end  of  the  rocks  where  Decatur  engaged  being  out 
of  sight;  but  they  beheld  enough  to  fill  them  all  with 
exultation  and  delight.  When  the  Constitution  was  seen 
standing  in,  she  was  deliberately  shortening  sail,  with 
the  men  on  the  yards,  and  every  thing  going  on  as  re 
gularly  as  if  about  to  anchor  in  a  friendly  port.  Then 
she  edged  off  and  let  the  Turks  have  it.  In  the  course 
of  the  action,  the  ship  suffered  a  good  deal,  principally 
aloft.  Preble  himself  bad  a  very  narrow  escape,  a  shot 
coming  in  through  a  stern-port  as  the  frigate  was  waring, 


214  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

for  this  was  the  time  when  the  Turks  vented  all  their 
spite  on  her,  and  there' is  little  doubt  it  would  have  cut 
the  commodore  in  two,  had  it  not  struck  the  breech  of  a 
quarter-deck  gun,  and  broken  into  fragments.  Luckily 
it  did  no  other  damage  than  to  wound  a  marine,  though 
the  fragments  flew  about  a  quarter-deck  that  was  filled 
with  men.  The  ship  had  a  heavy  shot  through  her 
mainmast,  and  her  main-royal  yard  shot  away.  She 
met  with  a  good  deal  of  other  damage,  though  it  was 
principally  aloft. 

After  covering  the  retreat  of  his  bomb-vessels,  gun 
boats  and  prizes,  with  the  Constitution,  Preble  hauled 
off  among  the  Jast,  and  rendezvoused,  with  all  his  force, 
beyond  the  range  of  shot.  His  commanders  then  re 
paired  on  board  the  flag-ship  to  make  their  reports, 
receive  their  orders,  and  to  learn,  in  that  centre  of  in 
telligence,  the  incidents  and  casualties  of  the  day.  It 
was  now  that  a  scene  occurred  which  it  will  not  do  to 
pass  over  in  silence,  inasmuch  as  it  is  closely  connected 
with  the  personal  character  of  the  subject  of  this  me 
moir,  delineating  his  good,  as  well  as  his  bad  qualities. 
Preble  had  made  his  disposition  for  this  attack  with  great 
care  and  preparation,  and  he  anticipated  from  it  even 
more  important  results  than  it  had  actually  produced. 
In  placing  six  of  his  gun-boats  so  near  the  eastern  en 
trance  of  the  harbor,  while  the  rest  were  either  within 
the  reef,  or  half  a  mile  distant,  his  enemy  had  made  a 
very  judicious  disposition  of  his  force,  to  contend  against 
attacks  similar  to  those  which  had  hitherto  been  made 
on  the  place  in  the  course  of  this  war ;  but  one  that  was 
very  injudicious,  when  operations  directed  by  Preble 
and  executed  by  Decatur  were  to  be  resisted.  The 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  215 

commodore  felt  sure  of  seizing  all  these  boats,  and  there 
is  little  question  that  his  hopes  would  have  heen  realized 
but  for  unforeseen  accidents.  Somers  had  got  a  little 
too  far  to  leeward,  his  boat  was  an  indifferent  sailer,  and 
he  and  Bainbridge  were  prevented  from  fetching  into 
this  division,  and  were  compelled  to  engage  to  leeward, 
as  has  been  seen,  which  they  did  in  the  most  gallant 
manner.  A  third  boat,  one  that  belonged  to  Decatur's 
own  division,  did  not  close  at  all,  engaging  at  a  distance  ; 
her  commander  justifying  his  course  on  a  subsequent 
inquiry,  by  showing  that  a  signal  of  recall  had  been 
made  from  the  frigate.  Such  a  signal  had  actually 
been  hoisted  by  mistake,  though  it  was  only  for  a 
moment,  and  it  is  probable  the  fact  served  to'  increase 
Treble's  dissatisfaction.  The  six  gun-boats  procured 
from  the  Neapolitans  were  of  only  twenty-five  tons  each, 
and  were  fit  for  nothing  but  harbor  duty,  while  those  of 
the  Tripolitans  were  much -larger,  and  were  built  to  be 
used  on  the  coast.  Thus,  those  that  were  compelled 
to  remain  in  the  offing  were  built  principally  to  remain 
inside,  while  those  that  were  compelled  to  remain  inside 
would  have  done  perfectly  well  in  the  offing.  The  six 
boats  mentioned  would,  consequently,  have  been  a  very 
important  acquisition  to  the  blockading  and  assaulting 
force ;  and  Preble,  properly  appreciating  the  daring 
and  enterprise  of  Decatur  and  his  companions,  believed 
that  in  sending  his  six  small  boats  against  this  division 
he  would  become  master  of  the  whole  of  it.  These 
boats,  too,  were  the  only  trophies  of  his  victory,  the 
effect  of  his  attack  on  the  batteries,  and  the  rest  of  the 
shipping,  being  less  apparent  and  less  captivating  to  the 
public  eye. 


216  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Decatur's  exploit,  in  itself,  was  one  of  the  most  extra 
ordinary  and  brilliant  in  naval  annals,  but  it  had  obtained 
only  half  of  the  anticipated  success.  As  a  commander- 
in-chief  Preble  looked  to  results,  and  in  these  he  had 
been  keenly  disappointed.  It  is  probable,  moreover, 
that  his  mind  and  senses  had  been  too  much  occupied 
with  the  other  portions  of  the  stirring  scene  of  that  day, 
to  leave  him  master,  by  means  of  his  own  observations, 
of  the  precise  difficulties  with  which  Decatur  had  to 
contend,  or  the  supremely  gallant  manner  in  which  he 
had  overcome  them. 

Preble  was  in  the  frame  of  mind  that  such  circum 
stances  would  be  likely  to  produce  on  a  temperament 
naturally  so  fiery,  and  with  that  temperament  undoubt 
edly  much  aggravated  by  the  disease  which  so  soon 
after  terminated  his  life,  when  Decatur  appeared  on  the 
quarter-deck  of  the  Constitution  to  report  his  acts,  and 
to  learn  the  news,  like  most  of  the  rest  of  the  command 
ers.  The  young  man  was  in  a  roundabout,  or  in  his 
fighting  gear,  just  as  he  had  come  out  of  the  combat ; 
his  face  begrimed  with  powder,  armed  to  the  teeth,  and 
with  his  breast  covered  with  the  blood  that  had  flown 
from  a  wound  received  in  his  celebrated  encounter  with 
the  captain  of  one  of  the  two  boats  he  had  taken,  almost 
as  it  might  be  with  his  own  hand.  At  such  a  moment, 
Decatur  was  the  centre  of  observation  of  all  on  the  quar 
ter-deck  of  Old  Ironsides.  He  approached  Preble  in  a 
quiet  way,  and  said,  "  Well,  commodore,  I  have  brought 
you  out  three  of  the  gun-boats."  To  Decatur's  astonish 
ment,  and  doubtless  to  that  of  all  who  witnessed  this 
extraordinary  scene,  Preble  seized  his  young  subordi 
nate  with  both  hands  by  the  collar,  shook  him  violently, 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  217 

as  one  would  shake  an  offending  boy,  and  cried  bitterly — 
"Ay,  sir,  why  did  you  not  bring  me  more?"  At  the 
next  instant  Preble  turned,  and  disappeared  in  his  own 
cabin. 

The  whole  thing  had  been  so  sudden,  was  so  very 
different  from  what  everybody  had  anticipated,  and  was 
of  a  character  so  very  unusual  for  the  quarter-deck  of 
a  ship  of  war,  that  all  who  witnessed  it  were  astounded. 
Decatur  himself  was  strongly  excited  and  indignant,  and 
it  is  said  he  made  a  spontaneous  movement  with  one 
hand  for  the  dirk  he  wore  in  his  bosom.  Then  he 
ordered  his  boat,  and  was  about  to  quit  the  ship.  Had 
he  been  permitted  to  leave  the  Constitution  in  that 
frame  of  mind,  it  is  probable  that  consequences  of  a  very 
unpleasant  character  would  have  followed.  Decatur 
was  then  a  captain  in  rank,  though  he  did  not  learn  the 
fact  until  four  days  later,  and  his  equality  of  commission 
would  have  been  very  likely  to  render  the  difficulty 
more  serious.  Down  to  that  moment,  however,  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  regard  Preble  as  one  much  his 
superior  in  degree ;  and  it  is  not  easy  to  impress  on 
laymen  the  influence  that  rank  possesses  in  the  military 
professions. 

The  older  officers  present  crowded  around  Decatur, 
and  entreated  him  to  pause,  and  above  all  not  to  leave 
the  Constitution  at  that  moment.  They  reminded  him 
of  the  notoriously  fiery  temper  of  the  commodore,  and 
assured  him  that  no  one  would  be  more  sorry  for  what 
had  just  occurred  than  Preble  himself,  as  soon  as  he  re 
covered  his  self-possession.  They  called  to  his  recol 
lection  that,  to  use  their  own  expression,  while  they 
"  despised  him  for  his  temper,"  they  all  respected  the 

VOL.  I.  19 


218 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


commodore's  qualities  as  a  commander,  and  even  his 
justice  in  his  cooler  moments.  Decatur  was  still  in 
suspense  surrounded  by  his  friends  and  old  messmates, 
when  the  cabin  steward  came  to  say,  "  Com.  Preble 
wished  to  see  Capt.  Decatur  below."  After  a  mo 
ment's  hesitation,  Decatur  complied,  as  indeed  he  was 
bound  to  do ;  such  a  request  being  usually  considered 
as  an  order  on  board  a  man-of-war,  coming  from  a  su 
perior  to  an  inferior.  In  a  few  minutes,  an  officer  who 
could  presume  on  his  rank,  and  who  felt  uneasy  at 
leaving  the  two  together,  descended  also  to  the  cabin.  He 
found  Preble  and  Decatur  seated  very  amicably,  within 
a  few  feet  of  each  other,  both  silent,  and  both  in  tears  ! 
Explanations  and  apologies  had  doubtless  been  made 
by  Preble,  and  from  that  moment  all  was  forgotten.  It 
is  to  the  credit  of  both  parties,  that  the  occurrence  ap 
pears  to  have  left  no  rankling  in  the  breast  of  either, 
each  ever  after  doing  full  justice  to  the  merit  of  the  other. 
Decatur,  indeed,  was  one  of  Preble's  warmest  friends, 
and  so  continued  to  the  hour  of  the  latter's  death. 
:  Notwithstanding  the  attack  of  the  3d  August  fell 
short  in  its  results  of  Preble's  expectations,  there  is  lit 
tle  doubt  that  it  produced  a  deep  impression  on  the 
Turks.  The  gun-boats  of  the  latter  trusted  themselves 
no  more  outside  of  the  reef,  and  they  got  to  be  so  shy 
that  they  would  retire  as  soon  as  they  found  the  Ameri- 
'dan  boats  coming  within  the  range  of  musket-balls. 
The  Bashaw  perceived  that  he  had  a  vigorous  leader 
1b  oppose,  and  his  notions  of  impunity,  living  where  he 
did  in  his  castle  within  massive  walls,  were  materially 
impaired. 
1  As  for  Preble,  he  pursued  his  operations  with  cha- 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  219 

racteristic  vigor.  The  4th,  5th  and  6th,  were  em* 
ployed  in  altering  the  rig-  of  the  captured  boats,  and  in 
preparing  them  to  be  brought  into  line  for  future  ser 
vice.  They  were  numbered  7,  8  and  9,  and  given  to 
Lts.  Crane,  Caldweli  and  Thorn.*  Early  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  7th,  Preble  made  a  signal  for  all  the  light 
vessels  to  weigh,  when  they  proceeded  to  take  stations 
that  had  been  pointed  out  to  them  respectively.  The 
action  did  not  commence  until  half-past  two,  when  the 
mortar  vessels  and  the  gun-boats  opened  on  the  bat 
teries  and  town  ;  the  latter  with  good  effect,  though  the 
bombs,  from  some  defect  in  their  filling,  as  well  as  from 
the  bad  qualities  of  the  vessels,  never  appeared  to  be 
of  much  service.  The  Tripolitan  galleys  and  gun 
boats  made  a  demonstration  toward  passing  the  rocks  to 
come  out  and  attack  the  American  gun-boats,  but  the 
latter  were  covered  by  the  Siren  and  Vixen,  while  the 
frigate,  with  one  or  two  of  the  other  vessels,  lay  to 
windward  in  a  position  to  overawe  them.  On  one  oc 
casion  this  day.  Stewart  in  the  Siren  manifested  an  in 
tention  to  close  with  the  enemy's  galleys  without  a 
signal,  for  which  he  afterward  received  a  stern  rebuke 
from  the  commodore,  who  was  disposed  to  hold  his 
whole  command  in  hand,  like  a  skilful  coachman  ma 
naging  his  team.  It  was  almost  as  unsafe  to  rush  into 
the  fight  without  orders  from  Preble,  as  it  would  have 
been  to  run  away.  In  a  word,  he  was  a  comrnander-in- 
chief,  and  did  all  the  duties  of  that  responsible  station 
as  much  in  battle  as  at  any  other  time. 

It  was  in  this  attack  that  No.  8,  Lt.  Caldweli,  blew 

*  It  is  singular  that  the  two  last  of  these  officers  were  blown  up, 
at  an  interval  of  six  years  between  the  events. 


220  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

up.  The  calamity  occurred  when  the  cannonading 
had  lasted  only  an  hour,  but  it  had  no  effect  whatever 
on  Preble's  operations.  Every  thing  proceeded  as  if 
no  such  calamity  had  occurred,  and  it  did  not  in  the 
least  lessen  the  weight  of  the  American  fire.  He  al 
lowed  the  action  to  continue  two  hours  longer,  when, 
their  ammunition  being  expended,  he  called  the  gun 
boats  off  by  signal.  This  was  a  hard  day's  work  for 
those  who  were  in  the  gun-boats,  the  latter  suffering 
considerably,  besides  losing  one  of  their  number  by  the 
explosion.  That  evening  Preble  was  joined  by  the 
John  Adams  28,  Capt.  Chauncy,  direct  from  home. 
This  ship,  however,  could  not  be  brought  within  range 
of  the  batteries,  having  placed  her  guns  in  her  hold, 
and  the  carriages  in  other  vessels,  in  order  to  convey 
stores  to  the  squadron  already  on  the  station. 

The  arrival  of  the  John  Adams  produced  a  short 
pause  in  Preble's  activity.  Since  the  two  attacks,  the 
Bashaw  had  become  more  disposed  to  treat,  and  Preble, 
in  consequence  of  learning  through  his  despatches,  that 
a  strong  squadron  would  be  likely  to  appear  in  a  few 
days,  thought  it  would  be  more  in  conformity  with  his 
duty  to  renew  the  negotiations.  The  result,  however, 
was  not  fortunate.  The  Bashaw  had  commenced  by 
demanding  a  thousand  dollars  a  man,  ransom,  and  the 
customary  tribute  in  future.  He  now  fell  in  his  de 
mands  to  five  hundred  dollars  a  man,  ransom,  and 
waived  the  claim  to  future  tribute  altogether.  Preble 
would  not  accede  to  even  these  terms,  as  he  hoped  the 
appearance  of  the  relief  squadron  would  compel  the 
Tripolitans  to  make  peace  on  the  conditions  usually  re 
cognised  by  civilized  nations. 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  221 

During  this  informal  truce,  Preble  had  a  very  nar 
row  escape.  On  the  night  of  the  9th,  he  went  on 
board  the  Argus,  and  directed  Capt.  Hull  to  run  close 
in  with  the  rocks,  in  order  that  he  might  reconnoitre 
the  state  of  the  port.  This  was  done,  but  the  vessel 
being  seen,  was  fired  at  by  the  batteries,  and  a  heavy 
shot  raked  her  bottom  for  several  feet,  glancing  under 
water,  and  ripping  the  plank  out  for  half  its  thickness. 
An  inch  or  two  of  variation  in  the  direction  of  this 
shot,  would  have  sent  the  brig  to  the  bottom  in  a  very 
few  minutes  ;  the  injury  having  been  between  wind 
and  water,  and  of  a  nature  that  scarcely  admitted  of  any 
remedy  at  the  moment. 

Preble  waited  in  vain  for  the  appearance  of  the 
squadron,  which  Chauncy  had  told  him  he  might 
hourly  expect,  until  the  16th,  when  he  determined  to 
renew  his  operations  with  the  means  he  possessed. 
Despatching  the  Enterprise  to  Malta,  with  directions  to 
have  water  sent  to  the  squadron,  he  ordered  Decatur 
and  Chauucy  to  reconnoitre  as  close  in  as  was  prudent, 
in  boats.  These  officers  found  that  the  gun-boats  and 
galleys  of  the  enemy  were  moored  in  a  line  between 
the  mole  and  the  castle,  so  as  to  form  a  defence  to  the 
inner  harbor,  or  galley-mole,  being  flanked  and  other 
wise  supported  themselves  by  the  works.  An  attack 
would  have  been  made  the  day  that  succeeded  this  re- 
connoitering,  but  a  gale  of  wind  coming  on  from  the 
northward,  the  squadron  was  obliged  to  quit  its  anchors. 
When  it  had  obtained  an  offing  and  was  ]yi«g-to,  it 
fell  in  with  the  supplies  from  Malta,  and  learned  that 
no  intelligence  had  been  received  from  the  expected 
reinforcement.  This  last  information  caused  Preble  to 
19* 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

decide  that  he  would  continue  his  operations  with  his 
own  limited  means. 

It  was  the  24th,  however,  before  the  weather  per 
mitted  the  squadron  to  stand  in  again  toward  the  town. 
The  Constitution  anchored  in  the  evening  just  without 
the  drop  of  the  enemy's  shot,  and  sent  her  boats  to  tow 
the  bomb-vessels  to  their  stations.  Shells  were  thrown 
most  of  the  night,  the  enemy  not  returning  a  gun. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  vessels  were  anchored  too 
far  off'  from  their  object,  and  that  few  of  their  missiles 
reached  the  points  aimed  at. 

On  the  28th,  Preble  issued  his  orders  for  a  combined 
attack  by  his  whole  force.  On  this  occasion,  the  com 
modore  determined  to  leave  his  bomb-vessels  out  of  the 
affair,  and  to  go  to  work  with  solid  shot,  and  as  close 
aboard  as  he  could  get.  The  gun-boats  proceeded  to 
their  stations  by  midnight,  so  that  they  were  soon  close 
in  with  the  rocks  at  the  eastern  entrance,  where  they 
had  a  partial  protection  under  the  reef,  well  assured 
the  enemy's  small  craft  would  not  dare  to  come  near 
them,  after  the  lesson  they  had  received  in  the  affair 
of  the  3d.  The  gun-boats  were  covered  by  the  Argus, 
Siren,  Enterprise,  Vixen,  and  Nautilus.  Here  the 
former  anchored,  and  opened  a  heavy  fire  on  the  ship 
ping  and  works.  At  daylight  the  Constitution  weighed 
and  stood  in,  the  enemy's  batteries  immediately  turning 
most  of  their  attention  on  her,  as  the  largest  and  most 
formidable  of  their  assailants.  Preble  found  his  own 
eight  gun-boats  quite  closely  engaged  with  the  sixteen 
that  were  left  to  the  enemy,  as  well  as  with  their  gal 
leys,  and  apprised  that  little  ammunition  remained  in 
his  own  flotilla,  he  ordered  it,  by  signal,  to  withdraw, 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  223 

while  he  occupied  the  attention  of  its  foes  with  his  own 
ship.  The  frigate  soon  sank  one  gun-boat,  drove  two 
on  shore  and  scattered  the  rest. 

Preble  did  not  haul  off  when  this  important  service 
was  rendered,  but  stood  on  until  he  was  within  musket- 
shot  of  the  mole,  where  he  backed  his  top-sail  and  lay 
near  an  hour,  giving  and  taking,  until  all  his  small  craft 
were  safely  out  of  harm's  way.  This  was  probably 
the  hottest  affair  that  had  yet  occurred.  All  the  ves 
sels  were  more  or  less  injured  aloft,  and  many  grape 
struck  the  frigate  ;  still  the  latter  had  not  a  man  hurt ! 
The  Constitution  lost  shrouds,  back-stays,  trusses, 
spring-stays,  lifts,  and  a  great  deal  of  running  rigging 
was  cut,  while  her  hull  received  very  little  damage. 
The  Tripolitans  suffered  a  good  deal,  and,  among  other 
accidents  that  happened  on  shore,  Capt.  Bainbridge  was 
near  being  killed  by  one  of  the  shot  of  his  countrymen, 
which  penetrated  his  prison,  covering  him  with  stones 
and  debris. 

No  further  attack  occurred  until  the  3d  September, 
the  interval  having  been  employed  in  preparations. 
The  enemy  had  not  been  idle,  but  had  got  up  three  of 
their  boats  which  had  been  sunk  in  the  previous  affairs, 
and  had  added  to  their  means  of  defence  in  other  re 
spects.  They  had  also  learned  some  lessons  from  ex 
perience.  Instead  of  remaining  in  front  of  the  town 
to  await  the  assault,  a  position  which  took  every  shot 
that  missed  them  into  the  place  itself,  they  got  under 
way  the  moment  they  saw  the  Americans  in  motion, 
and  worked  up  to  the  weather  side  of  their  own  harbor, 
under  Fort  English  and  another  battery  in  its  neigh 
borhood,  where  they  had  also  the  benefit  of  some  ex- 


224  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

tensive  shoals  to  protect  them  against  the  brigs  and 
schooners. 

This  new  disposition  of  the  enemy's  force  compelled 
Preble  to  make  a  corresponding  change  in  the  dispo 
sition  of  his  own.  The  only  point  favorable  for  bom 
barding  was  more  to  the  westward,  while  the  enemy's 
flotilla  lay  to  the  eastward.  The  commodore  deter 
mined,  therefore,  to  send  all  his  light  vessels  to  engage 
the  Tripolitan  flotilla,  while  he  undertook  the  office  of 
covering  the  bomb-vessels  on  himself.  It  having  been 
ascertained  that  the  range  of  the  mortars  was  less  than 
had  been  supposed,  the  two  vessels  were  anchored 
nearer  than  on  the  former  occasions,  which  left  them  a 
good  deal  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  batteries. 

Decatur,  who  was  now  a  captain,  commanded  to 
windward  and  pressed  the  enemy  closely.  The  Tripo- 
litans  stood  his  assault  until  the  musketry  began  to  tell, 
when  they  retired  more  up  the  harbor.  A  part  of  the 
American  boats  pressed  the  retreating  flotilla,  while  the 
rest,  covered  by  the  brigs  and  schooners,  engaged  the 
works  to  windward. 

Preble  now  stood  in  with  the  frigate  to  cover  his 
mortar  vessels,  and  running  quite  near  the  rocks  he 
hove  to,  at  a  point  whence  he  could  bring  his  broad 
side  to  bear  on  all  the  principal  works  ;  but,  at  a  point 
also  where  no  less  than  seventy  guns,  principally  those 
that  were  heavy,  could,  and  did  bear  on  him.  The 
fire  of  Old  Ironsides  on  this  occasion  greatly  surpassed 
that  of  any  previous  attack,  and  was  quite,  in  propor 
tion  to  the  exposed  position  she  was  compelled  to  oc 
cupy.  Preble  threw  more  than  three  hundred  round 
shot  at  the  enemy,  besides  quantities  of  grape  and 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  225 

canister,  before  he  left  his  position,  having  previously 
directed  the  small  vessels  to  retire. 

In  the  affair  of  the  3d,  the  gun-boats  were  an  hour 
in  action,  during  which  time  they  threw  four  hundred 
round  shot  at  the  enemy ;  averaging  among  the  eight 
the  large  number  of  fifty  shot  for  each  gun.  When 
the  American  squadron  returned  home,  a  Spanish 
nominal  six-and-twenty,  that  belonged  to  one  of  the 
Tripolitan  prizes,  was  shown,  which  was  said  to  have 
been  loaded  and  fired  in  this  action  near  seventy  times, 
as  fast  as  it  could  be  spunged,  rammed  home,  and 
touched  off.  The  small  vessels  all  suffered  more  or 
less  aloft,  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  the  Argus  received 
some  damage  in  her  hull.  The  bomb- vessels  were 
much  crippled  :  one  of  them  was  near  sinking,  and  she 
had  all  her  rigging  cut  away.  Preble  was  much 
pleased  with  the  conduct  of  the  whole  squadron  in  this 
affair. 

The  Constitution  was  much  exposed  in  the  affair  of 
the  3d  September,  and  she  did  not  escape  altogether 
with  impunity,  though  it  was  wonderful  that  she  was 
so  little  injured.  Her  own  heavy  fire  probably  alone 
protected  her  from  very  serious  damage.  When  it  is 
remembered  that  she  was  opposed  to  quite  double  the 
number  of  guns  she  could  herself  bring  to  bear  in  broad 
side,  and  that  these  guns  were  fought  behind  masonry, 
the  reader  will  at  once  understand  the  odds  with  which 
she  had  to  contend.  Although  some  recent  events  that 
have  occurred  in  conflicts  between  the  fleets  of  the  most 
civilized  nations  of  Europe  and  the  water  batteries  of 
semi-civilized,  if  not  of  semi-barbarous  nations,  may 
lead  the  public  mind  astray  on  such  matters,  no  truths 


226  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  this  nature  are  better  established  than  the  facts  that 
ships  cannot  fight  forts  where  there  is  a  just  proportion 
between  their  respective  forces,  as  well  as  equality  in 
other  respects,  and  that  forts  cannot  stop  ships  under 
similar  circumstances. 

In  addition  to  this  general  truth,  Preble  was  obliged 
to  fight  his  ship  under  marked  disadvantages.  The 
power  of  a  ship  in  conflicts  with  batteries  on  the  shore, 
is  best  exhibited  when  she  can  lie  so  close  as  to  enable 
her  concentrated  fire  to  tell,  and  it  is  for  this  reason  that 
the  seaman  always  wishes  to  get  his  vessel  as  near  to 
the  work  he  is  to  attack,  as  possible.  Could  the  Con 
stitution  have  been  placed  in  close  contact  with  any 
single  work  in  Tripoli,  there  is  little  question  that  the 
close  discharge  of  the  thirty  guns  she  then  carried  in 
broadside,  would  have  soon  demolished  that  particular 
work,  while  the  enemy  could  have  brought  only  some 
eight  or  ten  guns,  at  most,  to  bear  on  her.  But  several 
reasons  existed  why  Preble  could  not  profit  by  this 
peculiar  mode  of  securing  advantages  to  vessels.  It 
would  not  have  done  to  risk  his  single  ship,  situated  as 
he  was  at  such  a  distance  from  home,  in  so  close  a 
struggle  with  an  enemy  so  powerful.  Then  the  reef 
so  often  mentioned,  reduced  him  to  the  necessity  either 
of  coming  to  very  close  quarters  within  it,  or  of  giving 
the  castle,  Fort  English,  and  the  other  batteries  of  the 
Tripolitans,  the  great  advantage  of  cannonading  him  at 
the  distance  of  about  a  mile ;  the  very  range  for  shot 
that  such  works  would  choose  in  repelling  an  attack 
from  a  ship,  since  their  own  missiles  would  penetrate 
wood,  while  those  of  the  vessel  would  produce  a  very 
diminished  effect  on  stone  walls.  In  addition,  a  vessel 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  227 

at  that  distance,  lying  in  front,  would  probably  be  ex 
posed  to  most  of  the  fire  of  the  place,  at  the  same 
moment. 

On  the  3d  September,  the  Constitution  received  the 
whole  fire  of  Tripoli,  while  the  small  vessels  were  re 
tiring,  and  it  is  good  cause  of  surprise  that  she  hauled 
off  herself  with  so  little  loss.  As  it  was,  three  shells 
passed  through  her  canvas,  one  of  which  hit  the  bolt- 
rope  of  the  maintop-sail,  and  nearly  tore  the  sail  in  two. 
Her  rigging,  both  standing  and  running,  was  much  cut 
by  shot,  as  were  her  sails  generally.  Most  of  the 
damages,  however,  were  temporarily  repaired  during 
the  height  of  the  action. 

Preble  had  now  been  just  a  month  before  Tripoli, 
with  his  whole  force.  During  this  brief  space  he  had 
made  no  less  than  five  attacks  on  the  place,,  four  of 
which  produced  serious  impressions.  His  own  ship 
had  been  three  times  hotly  engaged,  rendering  the  most 
material  service.  Under  ordinary  men,  this  would 
have  been  thought  sufficiently  active  service  of  itself, 
but  it  would  never  have  satisfied  Preble,  had  it  been  in 
his  power  to  do  more.  The  time  between  the  7th  and 
the  24th  August,  rather  more  than  .one-half  of  this 
month,  was  lost  in  fruitless  expectation  of  the  squadron 
under  Com.  Barron,  and  by  the  occurrence  of  a  gale 
of  wind.  Thus,  in  point  of  fact,  so  far  as  the  energies 
of  the  man  were  concerned,  these  five  attacks  should  be 
considered  as  having  occurred  in  fourteen  working 
days.  Even  allowing  time  to  repair  damages,  after  the 
attack  of  the  7th,  seventeen  or  eighteen  of  these  busy 
days  would  be  a  liberal  allowance.  We  dwell  on  these 
circumstances,  as  they  are  closely  connected  with 


228  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Treble's  character,  and  demonstrate  its  energy.  That 
it  belonged  to  his  true  character,  is  further  proved  by 
the  pause  he  made  when  Capt.  Chauncy's  arrival  gave 
him  reason  to  suppose  a  strong  reinforcement  was  near, 
for  which  he  waited  with  patience,  as  most  conducive 
to  the  true  interests  of  his  country.  Many  officers 
would  have  been  aroused  to  renewed  exertions,  by  the 
wish  of  earning  all  the  laurels  they  could,  previously  to 
being  superseded  ;  but  no  such  motive  influenced  Pre- 
ble.  On  the  contrary,  he  restrained  his  natural  dispo 
sition  to  act,  for  the  good  of  all,  and  only  resumed  the 
offensive  when  he  found  that  the  fine  season  was  fast 
passing  away  in  idleness.  We  see  much  to  admire  in 
Preble's  short  career  as  a  commander,  but  we  see  no 
trait  which  so  distinctly  shows  that  he  was  governed 
purely  by  high  and  noble  motives,  as  this  pause  in  this 
otherwise  ceaseless  activity  of  mind  and  movement. 

By  reference  to  our  dates,  the  reader  will  see  that 
the  two  first  attacks  on  Tripoli  occurred  within  four 
days  of  each  other,  and  the  three  last  within  ten. 
Even  while  making  these  last  assaults  on  the  place, 
Preble  was  meditating  the  bold  and  serious  project  of 
sending  in  the  Infernal,  as  the  ketch  Intrepid  was  not 
unaptly  termed.  We  shall  not  go  over  again  the  de 
tails  of  this  melancholy  enterprise,  which  have  already 
been  given  in  our  sketch  of  Somers,  but  confine  our 
selves  in  the  present  article  to  the  more  immediate  con 
nection  of  our  subject  with  the  event. 

The  project  of  sending  in  a  vessel  like  the  Intrepid, 
to  explode  in  the  inner  harbor  of  Tripoli,  in  the  midst 
of  all  the  shipping,  was  doubtless  Preble's  own.  It 
was  admirably  conceived,  and  the  preparations  for  it 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  229 

were  made  with  the  utmost  care.  The  ketch  had 
arrived  from  Malta  with  a  cargo  of  fresh  water,  while 
the  squadron  was  blown  into  the  offing,  and  she  was 
no  sooner  discharged  than  arrangements  were  com 
menced  for  this  important  service. 

Preble  gave  much  of  his  own  time  and  attention  to 
the  equipment  of  the  ketch.  Somers  was  with  him 
repeatedly  on  the  business,  and  not  only  did  Preble  use 
much  caution  in  issuing  his  instructions,  but  he  experi 
mented  personally,  with  port-fires  and  other  'means  of 
firing  the  train,  in  order  to  make  sure  that  all  the  cal 
culations  were  strictly  accurate. 

Even  in  recording  this,  the  saddest  of  all  the  exploits 
as  yet  connected  with  American  naval  enterprise,  we 
shall  be  excused  for  directing  the  attention  of  the  reader 
to  Treble's  untiring  activity.  The  last  assault  on  the 
town  had  been  made  on  the  3d  of  September  ;  the  In 
trepid  was  sent  in  on  the  night  of  the  5th,  making,  in 
truth,  six  attacks  in  a  month  and  one  day.  The 
country  knows,  that  it  was  hoped  the  result  of  this  at 
tempt  would  be  to  coerce  the  bashaw  to  treat  as  with 
an  equal.  During  the  forty  years  that  have  since  rolled 
by,  no  new  light  has  been  thrown  on  the  cause  of  the 
disaster.  It  is  a  secret  with  the  brave  thirteen  who 
volunteered  to  man  the  ketch,  and  who  perished  to  a 
man  in  the  catastrophe. 

It  is  certain  that  Preble,  in  his  officiqj  narrative  of 
the  events  before  Tripoli,  a  well-written,  manly,  and 
seaman-like  communication,  it  may  be  said  in  passing, 
gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  Somers  and  his  party  blew 
themselves  up,  in  order  to  prevent  falling  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  He  thought  that  one  of  the 
VOL.  i.  20 


230  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

largest  Tripolitan  gun-boats  was  missing  next  morning, 
and  the  people  of  the  port  were  seen  hauling  on  shore 
three  others  that  appeared  to  be  much  shattered.  From 
these  circumstances,  Preble  inferred  that  the  large  boat 
had  boarded  the  ketch,  and  that  the  others  were  ap 
proaching  to  sustain  her,  when  Somers,  in  conformity 
with  a  resolution  previously  expressed,  blew  himself 
up.  Preble  left  the  station  so  soon  after  the  occurrence 
of  the  event  itself,  as  to  leave  him  little  opportunity  to 
ascertain  the  facts,  and  his  report  was  made  out  as  soon 
as  he  got  to  Malta. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  explosion  of  the  Intrepid 
was  the  result  of  an  accident,  or  was  produced  by  the 
shot  of  the  enemy.  The  batteries  were  firing  at  the 
time,  and  the  Constitution  keeping  well  in  the  offing, 
to  prevent  suspicion,  the  shot  from  a  gun  inside  the 
ketch  might  very  well  have  hit  its  object  before  its  re 
port  reached  the  frigate,  not  having  a  tenth  of  the  dis 
tance  to  go.  These  circumstances  may  have  blended 
the  two  reports,  that  of  the  explosion  and  that  of  the 
gun,  in  one.  Some  untoward  accident  may  have  oc 
curred  inboard.  Had  a  shot  passed  through  the  ketch 
and  hit  a  nail,  or  a  bolt,  it  might  very  well  have  pro 
duced  an  explosion  on  board  a  vessel  into  which  powder 
had  been  started  in  bulk.  The  gun-boat  that  blew  up 
in  the  action  of  the  7th  August  was  probably  struck  by 
a  cold  shot,  although  Preble  naturally  enough  supposed 
it,  at  the  time,  to  have  been  a  hot  shot ;  there  being  no 
other  proof  that  the  Tripolitans  used  hot  shot  at  all. 

But  the  journal  of  Bainbridge  sets  at  rest  the  ques 
tion,  so  far  as  the  loss  of  the  enemy  was  concerned. 
He  says  distinctly  that  the  explosion  did  no  injury 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  231 

whatever.  He  then  enumerates  the  number  of  the 
dead,  and  the  places  where  they  were  found.  The 
dead  were  just  thirteen,  corresponding  exactly  with 
the  number  of  persons  in  the  ketch.  Preble  had  in 
tended  that  number  to  be  only  twelve,  viz.,  two  officers 
and  ten  men  ;  but  a  third  officer,  Lieut.  Israel,  smug 
gled  himself  on  board  the  ketch,  increasing  the  party 
by  one.  Now  Bainbridge  recorded  all  these  particu 
lars  at  the  time,  and  before  he  knew  any  thing  of  the 
character  of  the  ketch,  who  were  in  her,  or  any  thing 
beyond  the  facts  of  the  loss,  and  the  finding  of  the 
bodies.  Had  any  Turks  been  killed,  their  bodies  would 
also  have  been  found  ;  but  thirteen  alone  were  ascer 
tained  to  have  been  destroyed.  It  is  true  that  the 
bodies  could  not  be  distinguished,  some  of  them  scarce 
retaining  the  vestiges  of  humanity,  rendering  it  diffi 
cult,  in  some  of  the  cases,  to  say  whether  the  sufferer 
were  a  Christian  or  a  Mahommedan  ;  but  the  exact  cor 
respondence  of  the  number  found,  with  the  number 
known  to  have  been  in  the  ketch,  and  the  well  ascer 
tained  fact  that  the  Intrepid  had  hot  reached  her  point 
of  destination  by  several  hundred  yards,  would  seem  to 
dispose  of  the  question  entirely.  Preble  was  mistaken, 
beyond  a  doubt.  No  Turk  was  injured,  nor  was  any 
damage  done  to  the  shipping  of  the  port.  The  gun 
boats  that  were  seen  hauling  up,  were  probably 
damaged  in  the  attack  of  the  previous  day,  and  the  one 
that  had  disappeared  may  have  shifted  her  berth,  as  one 
locks  the  stable  after  the  horse  has  been  stolen.  It  is 
possible  that  one  of  the  boats  nearest  the  ketch  may 
have  been  sunk,  but  none  of  the  prisoners  in  Tripoli 
appear  to  have  heard  of  any  damage  whatever,  that 


232 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


was  done  the  enemy.  As  Dr.  Cowdery,  in  particular, 
was  permitted  to  go  a  good  deal  at  large,  and  even 
Bainbridge  got  very  accurate  information  through  the 
Danish  Consul,  it  is  hardly  possible  any  serious  damage 
could  have  been  done,  and  they  not  learn  it. 

Preble's  anxiety  was  intense,  the  whole  of  the  night 
of  the  4th.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th,  however,  his 
narrative-journal  commences  with  the  following  cha 
racteristic  paragraph :  "  We  were  employed  in  sup 
plying  the  gun-boats  with  ammunition,  &c.,  and 
repairing  the  bomb-vessels  for  another  attack,"  &c. 
The  weather  compelled  him  to  relinquish  thjs  design; 
and  on  the  7th,  the  season  showed  so  many  evidences 
of  its  character,  that  he  ordered  the  guns,  mortars,  shot 
and  shells  to  be  taken  out  of  the  Neapolitan  craft  and 
his  prizes,  and  sent  the  vessels  themselves  to  Syracuse, 
thus  effectually  bringing  the  attacking  system  to  a  close 
for  that  year.  The  John  Adams,  Siren,  Nautilus,  and 
Enterprise,  were  sent  to  tow  these  craft  into  port,  leav 
ing  Preble,  in  the  Constitution,  with  the  Argus  and 
Vixen  in  company,  to  -maintain  the  blockade. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  the  resources  and  energy 
of  a  mind  like  that  of  Preble's  might  have  dictated,  had 
he  remained  long,  with  even  this  diminished  force,  near 
his  enemy.  Something  he  would  have  attempted,  be 
yond  a  question,  though  we  have  no  clue  to  his  inten 
tions,  nor  do  we  know  that  any  were  yet  formed.  On 
the  10th  September,  or  quite  a  month  later  than  Preble 
had  been  induced  to  expect  him,  Com.  Barren  hove  in 
sight,  in  the  President  44,  having  the  Constellation  38, 
Capt.  Campbell,  in  company.  There  being  now  a 
senior  officer  present,  Preble  sailed  on  the  12th  for 


EDWARD     PREBLE. 


233 


Malta,  where  he  soon  after  relinquished  the  command 
of  the  Constitution. 

Had  the  arrangements  for  sending  the  reinforcement 
been  made  after  the  government  was  apprised  of  Preble's 
spirited  operations  before  Tripoli,  it  is  probable  some 
means  would  have  been  devised  to  leave  him  still  in 
command.  The  thing  might  have  been  done,  easily 
enough,  though  the  excuse  for  sending  a  senior  captain 
was  the  smallness  of  the  list.  It  is  more  probable  that 
the  solicitations  of  officers  at  home,  and  the  influence  of 
that  principle  which  is  so  active  in  the  country,  rotation 
in  office,  and  which  is  sufficiently  vicious  as  practised 
in  civil  affairs,  but  which  is  fatal  to  any  thing  like  mili 
tary  success,  on  a  scale  large  enough  to  meet  the  wants 
or  to  satisfy  the  pride  of  a  great  nation,  were  at  the 
bottom  of  the  change.  When  Rodgers  assembled  his 
whole  force  in  the  bay  of  Tunis,  the  succeeding  year, 
then  the  largest  squadron  that  was  ever  collected  under 
the  flag,  he  had  but  four  captains  present,  including  him 
self;  and  by  substituting  the  name  of  Preble  for  that 
of  Rodgers,  this  force  could  have  been  commanded  by 
one  of  these  officers  as  well  as  by  the  other.  The  three 
junior  captains,  James  Barren,  Campbell  and  Decatur, 
were  all  younger  than  Preble.  But  these  things  were 
not  thought  of  at  the  time,  and  two  seniors  were  sent 
•*out  to  the  station,  a  circumstance  that  induced  Preble 
to  come  home.  He  accordingly  sailed  for  Syracuse,  in 
the  Argus,  which  place  he  reached  on  the  24th  Sep 
tember.  Finding  Decatur  here,  he  ordered  him  to 
Malta,  to  take  charge  of  his  own  frigate,  feeling  a  deep 
gratification  in  being  able  to  bestow  so  fine  a  ship  on  an 
officer  who  had  so  brilliantly  distinguished  himself. 
20* 


234  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Preble  had  still  a  great  deal  to  do  before  he  left  the 
Mediterranean,  though  relieved  from  his  command. 
His  accounts  were  to  be  settled,  and  they  occupied  him 
several  weeks ;  especially  as  the  duty  carried  him  to 
Malta,  Syracuse,  Messina,  and  Palermo.  Barron,  too, 
had  occasion  for  his  services.  Preble  had  gone  on 
board  the  John  Adams  28,  Captain  Chauncy,  late  in 
October,  and  having  closed  up  his  affairs  at  Palermo, 
he  sailed  for  Naples,  December  2d,  in  order  to  ascertain 
if  he  could  not  obtain  additional  and  better  vessels,  from 
the  Neapolitan  government,  for  the  ensuing  season. 
The  negotiation  failed,  and  he  sailed  for  home,  Decem 
ber  23d.  The  ship  called  in  at  Gibraltar,  and  visited 
Tangiers,  in  order  to  see  if  all  remained  tranquil  in  that 
quarter.  Finding  nothing  to  detain  him,  the  commo 
dore  proceeded  on,  anchoring  at  New  York,  February 
26th,  1805.  He  repaired  to  Washington,  with  as  little 
delay  as  possible,  which  place  he  reached  the  day  of 
Mr.  Jefferson's  second  inauguration,  or  March  4th,  1805. 

Thus  terminated  the  celebrated  cruise  of  Preble,  after 
an  absence  from  home  of  only -one  year,  six  months  and 
twelve  days.  Its  operations  having  been  stated  already, 
with  sufficient  minuteness,  it  remains  only  to  add  a  few 
particulars,  and  to  speak  of  its  effects,  not  only  on  the 
country,  and  on  the  Barbary  Powers,  but  on  the  civi 
lized  world.  On  the  country,  the  effect  was  to  induce 
it  to  love  and  cherish  its  marine,  of  which  it  now  became 
justly  proud.  It  was  something  for  a  nation,  whose 
political  independence  had  not  been  acknowledged  but 
one-and-twenty  years,  to  carry  on  a  war  four  thousand 
miles  from  home,  and  to  make  so  deep  an  inroad  upon 
what  had  been  the  settled  policy  of  Europe  for  ages. 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  235 

Previously  to  Preble's  quitting  his  command,  the  ba 
shaw  was  willing  to  relinquish  all  claims  to  tribute,  for 
ever,  and,  in  the  peace  that  shortly  succeeded,  this  relic 
of  a  barbarous  policy  was  totally  abandoned.  Tunis 
submitted  to  a  similar  provision  the  same  year,  and 
Algiers  followed  on  the  first  occasion.  There  is  no 
question  that  the  general  abolition  of  tribute,  and  of  the 
system  of  making  slaves  of  Christians  captured  in  war, 
was  but  the  direct  consequence  of  the  vigor  and  spirit 
manifested  by  Preble  before  the  town  of  Tripoli.  The 
Pope,  whose  coasts  were  peculiarly  exposed  to  ravages 
from  the  corsairs  of  Africa,  and  are  lined  by  towers 
built  expressly  to  repel  their  inroads,  publicly  declared 
that  the  Americans  had  done  more  to  suppress  the  law 
lessness  of  the  Barbarians,  than  all  the  rest  of  Christen 
dom  united ! 

The  effect  of  Preble's  discipline  on  the  navy  was  in 
the  highest  degree  beneficial.  No  complaints  were 
made  of  vessels  not  doing  their  duty,  in  presence  of 
the  enemy,  as  so  often  happens  in  naval  warfare.  His 
squadron  got  into  no  confusion,  and  no  excuses  were 
heard  of  a  want  of  preparation.  He  had  inspired  his 
subordinates  with  such  a  spirit,  that  the  signal  for  battle 
was  looked  for  with  eagerness ;  and,  once  flying,  every 
man  knew  his  station,  and  he  occupied  it  with  certainty 
and  despatch.  Preble  commanded  his  squadron  ;  and 
so  thoroughly  was  every  man  in  it  sensible  of  this  fact, 
that  his  overseeing  eye  was  sufficient  to  ensure  obe 
dience.  In  this  particular,  no  naval  force  was  probably 
ever  in  better  condition  than  the  little  squadron  under 
his  orders.  When  Preble  left  it,  it  was  like  a  band  of 
brothers  ;  but,  in  a  few  months,  it  was  torn  to  pieces  by 


236  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

factions.  It' is  true  that  a  portion  of  these  dissensions 
might  have  been  the  natural  consequence  of  bringing 
together  men  from  different  squadrons,  but  there  is  no 
question  that  Preble  had  the  faculty  of  imparting  to  his 
inferiors  such  a  sympathy  in  his  own  ardent  desire  to 
advance  the  duty  on  which  he  was  employed,  as  to 
place  country  before  self.  Nothing  could  be  less  alike, 
in  this  respect,  than  the  squadron  Preble  left  behind 
him,  on  quitting  Tripoli,  and  that  which  was  to  be  found 
there  six  months  later. 

The  effect  produced  on  the  Barbary  Powers,  by  Pre- 
ble's  service  before  Tripoli,  as  it  was  connected  with 
the  treaties  that  succeeded,  has  already  been  incident 
ally  mentioned.  Since  the  year  1804,  a  trifling  instance 
to  the  contrary  during  the  war  with  England  excepted, 
the  American  name  and  American  rights  have  been 
respected  on  all  of  that  inhospitable  coast.  The  ice 
was  broken,  and  the  Turk  had  learned  to  respect  the 
prowess  of  a  distant,  and,  as  he  had  imagined,  a  feeble 
people.  England  herself  had  not  so  great  a  name  among 
these  semi-barbarians,  as  that  Preble  had  purchased  for 
his  country. 

It  is  proper  to  mention  the  loss  with  which  Preble 
effected  so  much.  Between  the  3d  August,  when  he 
fired  the  first  gun  at  the  Tripolitans,  and  the  4th  Sep 
tember,  when  he  may  be  said  to  have  fired  the  last,  the 
Americans  had  only  thirty  men  killed,  and  twenty-four 
wounded ;  making  a  total  of  fifty-four  casualties. 
Among  the  slain  were  one  master  and  commander, 
four  lieutenants,  and  one  midshipman.  Among  the 
wounded,  one  captain  and  one  lieutenant.  Compared 
to  the  magnitude  of  the  services  performed,  and  the  re- 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  237 

suits  obtained,  this  may  be  taken  as  a  demonstration  of 
the  prudence  and  judgment  manifested  in  conducting 
the  different  attacks. 

When  Preble  left  the  station,  the  officers  who  had 
served  under  him  addressed  to  him  a  letter,  that  was 
intended  to  convey  their  high  sense  of  his  character  and 
services.  Such  letters  are  usually  improper,  and,  in 
deed,  ought  not  to  be  received ;  but  this  originated  in  a 
generous  motive — the  fact  that  Preble  had  been  super 
seded  in  command  appearing  to  call  for  some  testimony 
from  that  quarter.  The  communication  was  short,  but 
it  said  all  that  such  a  document  could  well  say.  Preble 
was  not  only  not  liked  at  the  commencement  of  the 
cruise,  he  was  almost  hated,  by  many  under  his  orders, 
on  account  of  the  hotness  of  his  temper,  and  the  tight 
ness  of  the  hand  he  held  over  them.  But  if  Preble  were 
passionate,  he  was  just.  The  merit  of  every  man  was 
observed,  appreciated,  and  rewarded.  Coupling  this 
high  feeling  with  his  military  qualities,  respect  had 
ripened  into  esteem,  and  it  may  be  questioned  if  the 
commodore  left  an  enemy  behind  him  when  he  sailed 
from  Syracuse,  the  Tripolitans  excepted.  The  letter 
in  question  was  signed  by  one  captain,  (Decatur,)  four 
commanders,  two  lieutenants  commandant,  twenty-four 
lieutenants,  five  masters,  eight  surgeons,  five  pursers, 
three  marine  officers,  and  the  only  chaplain  there  was.* 

*  The  names  of  the  senior  officers  have  appeared  sufficiently  often 
in  this  sketch  to  render  them  familiar,  but  the  reader  may  like  to 
know  who  were  the  younger  lieutenants  that  served  under  Preble 
in  this  war.  They  and  their  subsequent  fates  were  as  follows,  viz. : 

Gordon,  died  a  captain,  1817. 

Tarbell,  do.          do.  1815. 

Elbert,  died  a  lieutenant,  1812. 

Morris,  now  a  commodore. 

Reed,  died  a  lieutenant,  1812. 


238  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

At  Washington,  Preble  was  consulted  by  the  govern 
ment,  and  he  recommended  it  to  build  suitable  bomb- 
ketches,  and  to  cause  some  heavy  gun-boats  to  be  con 
structed,  especially  in  reference  to  the  present  war. 
Both  were  done  ;  the  duty  of  superintending  the  build 
ing  of  the  ketches  being  assigned  to  himself.  On  in 
quiry,  finding  he  could  not  get  the  ketches  ready  in 
time  for  the  expected  operations  before  Tripoli,  he  was 
authorized  to  purchase  two  substantial  vessels,  and  have 
them  fitted  with  mortars ;  thus  extending  his  duty  against 
the  enemy  to  this  country.  The  bomb-vessels  and  gun 
boats  were  sent  out  in  the  spring  of  1805,  and  all  but 
one  arrived  in  safety ;  though  peace  was  concluded 
previously  to  their  reaching  the  station.  This  peace, 

Dexter,  died  a  commander,  1818. 

Bennet,  died  a  lieutenant,  1810. 

Nicholson,  resigned,  1810. 

Lawrence,  killed  a  captain,  1813. 

Bainbridge,  died  a  captain,  1824. 

Thorn,  blown  up,  1810. 
M'Donough  died  a  commodore,  1825. 
Carroll,  resigned  a  commander. 

Maxwell,  died  a  lieutenant,  1806. 

Burrows,  killed  a  master  com.  1813. 

Spence,  died  a  captain,  1827. 

Van  Schaick.  resigned,  1807. 

Trippe,  died  a  lieutenant  com.  1810. 
Crane,  now  a  commodore. 

Reed,  died  a  master  com.  1813. 
Ridgely,  now  a  commodore. 

Izard,  resigned,  1810. 

Has  well,  do.  1810. 

Marcellin,  died,  1810. 

Thus,  of  these  twenty-four  lieutenants,  who  served  under  Pre 
ble,  between  the  3d  August  and  the  4th  September,  1804,  only 
three  remain  in  the  navy,  and  only  three  are  believed  to  be  living. 
Among  the  list  of  names  that  signed  the  letter  to  Preble,  we  can 
discover  but  one  more  (Stewart)  that  has  not  departed  for  the  other 
world.  It  is  much  the  same  even  with  the  midshipmen,  not  one 
now  remaining  in  service,  unless  it  be  the  present  Commodore 
Cassin,  who  was  then  an  acting  master. 


EDWARD    PREBLE.  239 

it  should  never  be  forgotten,  was  the  consequence  of  the 
spirited  operations  of  the  summer  of  1804  ;  the  Tripo- 
litans  not  deeming  it  prudent  to  await  the  results  of  the 
operations  of  a  force  so  much  larger,  in  the  summer  of 
1805. 

Preble  had  received  much  kindness  from  Sir  Alex 
ander  Ball,  one  of  Nelson's  captains,  who  had  been 
made  governor  of  Malta.  This  excellent  officer,  and 
amiable  man,  had  expressed  a  wish  to  procure  two 
fishing-smacks,  of  the  American  build,  and  Preble  took 
this  occasion  to  purchase  two,  which  were  carried  to 
Malta,  and  delivered  to  the  admiral,  who  received  them, 
not  as  presents,  but  by  paying  for  them,  at  their  original 
cost. 

Preble  had  a  proper  sensibility  on  the  subject  of  his 
being  superseded,  as  well  as  a  just  appreciation  of  the 
worth  of  Sir  Alexander  Ball's  good  opinion.  He 
accordingly  sent  to  that  officer  a  copy  of  the  letter  he 
had  received  from  the  secretary  of  the  Navy,  wherein 
that  high  functionary  explained  the  necessity,  or  what 
he  conceived  to  be  the  necessity,  of  sending  to  the  Me 
diterranean  two  captains  senior  to  himself.  In  reply  to 
Preble's  letter,  Ball  says — "I  have  communicated  this 
to  all  I  know.  They  join  me  in  regretting  that  an  of 
ficer  whose  talents  and  professional  abilities  have  been 
justly  appreciated,  and  whose  manners  and  conduct 
eminently  fit  him  for  so  high  a  command,  should  be 
removed  from  it." 

In  another  letter,  in  reply  to  a  communication  of  his 
thanks  for  services  received  from  Preble,  Ball  says — 
"I  beg  to  repeat  my  congratulations  on  the  services 
you  have  rendered  your  country,"  &c. — "If  I  were  to 
offer  my  humble  opinion,  it  would  be  that  you  have 


240  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

done  well  in  not  purchasing  a  peace  with  money — a 
few  brave  men  have  been  sacrificed,  but  they  could  not 
have  fallen  in  a  better  cause ;  and  I  conceive  it  better 
to  risk  more  lives,  than  to  submit  to  terms  that  might 
encourage  the  Barbary  States  to  add  fresh  demands  and 
insults." 

Preble's  exertions  and  services  were  not  forgotten  by 
the  nation.  Congress  voted  him,  and,  through  him,  to 
the  officers  and  men  who  had  served  under  his  orders, 
their  solemn  thanks.  It  also  voted  a  suitable  medal  in 
gold  to  the  commodore,  and  swords  to  various  officers, 
who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the  different 
affairs.  As  this  resolution  was  approved  by  the  Presi 
dent,  March  5th,  1805,  on  the  day  after  Preble  reached 
Washington,  it  must  have  been  so  timed  in  order  to 
give  him  a  suitable,  and  no  doubt  a  most  gratifying, 
greeting  on  reaching  the  seat  of  government. 

As  for  the  nation  itself,  its  reception  of  Preble  par 
took  of  none  of  those  noisy  demonstrations  of  joy  that 
have  attended  the  return  of  other  successful  officers ; 
but  his  services  made  a  very  deep  impression.  The 
character  he  had  acquired,  through  deeds  that  demanded 
more  of  intellect  than  is  usual  in  the  mere  combats  of 
ships,  partook  of  its  own  peculiarity,  and  he  was  re 
garded  as  an  officer  who  had  manifested  some  of  the 
higher  qualities  of  his  profession,  rather  than  simply  as 
a  bold  and  skilful  sea-captain. 

The  impression  made  by  Preble  at  Washington 
would  seem  to  have  been  particularly  favorable.  In 
1806,  if  not  earlier,  Jefferson  offered  him  a  seat  in  his 
cabinet,  by  wishing  to  place  him  at  the  head  of  the 
Navy  Department.  It  would  seem  that  there  is  no 
doubt  of  this  fact,  as  well  as  that  the  offer  was  subse- 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  241 

quently  renewed.  The  President  had  become  sensible 
of  the  necessity  of  a  considerable  navy,  and  wished  to 
reorganize  that  of  this  country  under  the  advice  of  an 
officer  of  whom  he  had  formed  so  favorable  an  opinion. 
Preble,  at  first,  declined  ;  but  several  officers  of  rank 
urging  him  to  accept,  among  the  foremost  of  whom  was 
Decatur,  he  felt  disposed  to  comply.  Had  it  not  been 
for  the  state  of  his  health,  which  now  began  to  give 
way  seriously,  under  the  derangement  of  the  digestive 
organs,  it  is  supposed  he  would  have  been  put  at  the 
head  of  the  department  in  question.  In  making  up  his 
mind  to  accept  this  civil  appointment,  we  have  no 
means  of  knowing  whether  it  was,  or  was  not,  the  in 
tention  of  Preble  to  lay  down  his  commission  as  a  sea- 
officer.  As  he  always  manifested  a  strong  attachment 
to  his  original  profession,  it  is  probable  he  would  have 
retained  his  rank  in  the  navy,  there  being  nothing  con 
trary  to  law,  or  nothing  incompatible  in  the  duties,  in 
placing  a  soldier,  or  a  sailor,  at  the  head  of  his  own 
particular  branch  of  civil  control,  but  much  that  is  to 
the  contrary.  Carnot,  when  only  a  captain  of  engi 
neers,  directed  the  movements  and  organization  of  all 
the  armies  of  France,  returning  to  his  modest  rank, 
after  the  duty  had  been  admirably  performed.  It  is  to 
the  credit  of  both  Jefferson  and  Preble,  that  when  the 
former  offered,  and  the  latter  consented  to  accept  a  seat 
in  the  cabinet,  the  two  were  opposed  to  each  other  in 
their  politics.  The  good  of  the  navy  was  their  common 
object. 

Ill  health,  however,  prevented  Preble  from  rendering 
this  additional  service  to  his  country.  His  malady  as 
sumed  the  character  of  a  wasting  consumption,  and  in 

VOL.  I.  21 


242  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

the  summer  of  1807,  the  symptoms  became  so  alarming 
as  to  give  cause  to  apprehend  an  early  and  a  fatal 
termination.  His  last  remedy  appears  to  have  been  a 
short  trip  to  sea,  but  it  proved  of  no  avail,  and  in  August 
he  returned  to  his  native  place,  Portland,  to  die.  The 
brother  next  him-  in  years,  who  was  also  a  seaman, 
though  in  the  merchant  service,  was  the  closest  in  feel 
ing  of  all  Preble's  blood  relations.  This  brother  at 
tended  him  much  in  his  last  illness,  and  to  this  brother 
were  Preble's  last  words  addressed.  They  were — 
"Give  me  your  hand,  Enoch — I'm  going — give  me 
your  hand."  His  death  occurred  August  the  25th, 
1807 ;  and,  consequently,  when  he  was  just  turned  of 
forty-six  years  of  age. 

Commodore  Preble  left  a  widow,  who  still  survives, 
and  an  only  child,  a  son.  This  child  was  a  mere 
infant  at  his  father's  death.  He  was  subsequently 
educated  at  one  of  the  Eastern  colleges,  and  at  Gottingen 
in  Germany.  When  he  reached  the  proper  age,  go 
vernment  sent  him  the  appointment  of  a  midshipman, 
but  it  was  declined  for  him,  by  his  mother.  This  son 
still  survives,  and  may  perpetuate  the  line  of  his  dis 
tinguished  parent. 

In  person,  Preble,  like  his  father  and  most  of  his 
family,  was  a  man  of  imposing  presence.  He  was 
about  six  feet  in  height,  though  rather  of  an  active  than 
of  a  large  frame.  Still  he  was  sufficiently  muscular, 
and  the  style  of  his  personal  appearance  was  a  union 
of  gentleman-like  outline,  with  size  and  force.  In  uni 
form,  he  was  a  striking  figure.  His  countenance  varied 
with  his  feelings,  and  altogether  he  would  be  consi 
dered,  in  any  part  of  the  world,  a  man  of  mark. 

Much  has  been  said  of  the  temper  of  Preble,  and 


EDWARD     P  R  E  B  L  E.  243 

some  allusion  has  been  made  to  it  here.  Certainly  it 
was  bad,  in  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  term ;  though 
disease  had  probably  a  full  share  in  producing  it.  By 
nature,  he  was  quick,  and  in  early  life  impetuous  even  ; 
but  he  was  said  to  be  affectionate  and  kind  in  all  the 
domestic  relations.  His  friends  were  much  attached  to 
him,  and  no  man  of  a  bad  heart  can  secure  the  love  of 
intimates.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  in  connection  with 
this  quickness  of  temper,  one  of  which  was  circulated 
with  much  gusto  by  the  young  men  of  his  squadron, 
who  had  suffered  themselves,  from  time  to  time,  by  his 
bursts  of  passion.  The  vessels  had  not  a  sufficient 
number  of  medical  men,  and  Preble  was  induced  to 
engage  a  Sicilian,  to  whom  he  gave  a  temporary  acting 
appointment,  as  a  surgeon's  mate.  This  person  was  to 
assist  in,  or  to  take  charge  of,  the  hospital  established 
at  Syracuse.  When  the  preliminaries  were  settled, 
the  doctor  inquired  if  it  would  be  proper  for  him  to 
wear  a  uniform.  To  this  Preble  answered,  certainly  ; 
it  was  expected  that  every  officer  should  appear  in  the 
livery  prescribed  by  law.  It  was  understood  the  doctor 
would  equip  himself,  and  return  next  day  to  receive  his 
orders.  At  the  appointed  hour,  and  while  Preble  was 
in  his  dressing-gown  shaving,  an  officer  was  ushered 
in,  wearing  a  richly  laced  coat,  a  cocked  hat,  and  tivo 
epaulettes.  At  first  the  commodore  could  not  recognise 
this  personage.  He  saw  the  American  button,  but  he 
himself  was  the  only  man  on  the  station  authorized  to 
wear  two  epaulettes.  Commanders  then  only  wore 
one,  on  the  right  shoulder  ;  and  lieutenants,  one  on  the. 
left.  After  bowing,  and  looking  his  surprise,  Preble 
recognised  his  Sicilian  surgeon's  mate  in  this  exag 
gerated  guise.  Terrible  was  the  burst  of  passion  that 


244  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

followed !  Preble  profoundly  deferred  to  military  rank, 
and  was  very  particular  in  respecting  all  its  claims. 
To  have  a  Sicilian  surgeon's  mate  thus  desecrate  a 
captain's  uniform  was  more  than  he  could  stand ;  and 
the  very  first  outbreak  of  his  passion  set  the  poor  Si 
cilian  on  the  jump.  Preble  gave  chase,  in  the  hope  of 
helping  him  down  stairs,  by  a  posterior  application,  and 
the  scene  is  said  to  have  come  to  its  climax  in  the  street. 
The  man  was  so  frightened  as  never  to  return. 

But  these  were  infirmities  that  sink  into  insignifi 
cance  when  we  come  to  consider  the  higher  qualities 
of  Preble.  His  career  in  the  present  navy  was  so 
short,  and  the  greater  portion  of  it  kept  him  so  much 
aloof  from  the  body  of  his  brother  officers,  that  we  must 
look  to  some  unusual  cause  for  the  great  influence  he 
obtained  while  living,  and  the  lasting  renown  he  has 
left  attached  to  his  name,  now  he  is  dead.  If  the  few 
days  passed  in  visits,  during  which  nothing  ostensible 
was  done,  be  excepted,  Preble  was  only  forty-two  days 
before  Tripoli,  altogether.  In  that  time  he  captured 
nothing,  excluding  the  three  gun-boats  taken  in  the  first 
attack,  nor  did  he  meet  with  any  of  that  brilliant  suc 
cess  which  carries  away  men's  imaginations,  making 
the  result  the  sole  test  of  merit,  without  regard  to  the 
means  by  which  it  was  obtained.  Still  it  may  be 
questioned  if  any  other  name  in  American  naval  annals 
has  as  high  a  place  in  the  estimation  of  the  better  class 
of  judges,  as  that  of  Preble.  Decatur  performed  many 
more  brilliant  personal  exploits ;  the  victory  of  M'Do- 
nough,  besides  standing  first  on  the  score  of  odds  and 
magnitude,  possesses  the  advantage  of  bringing  in  its 
train  far  more  important  immediate  consequences  than 
any  other  naval  achievement  of  the  country  ;  yet  it  may 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  245 

be  doubted  if  the  intelligent  do  not  give  to  Preble  a 
place  in  the  scale  of  renown,  still  higher  than  that  oc 
cupied  by  either   of  these    heroes.     Hull  broke   the 
charm  of  a  long-established  and  imposing  invincibility, 
}'et  no  man  competent  to  judge  of  merit  of  this  nature, 
would  think  of  comparing  Hull  to  Preble,  though  the 
latter  virtually  never  took   a   ship.     The   names   of 
neither  Lawrence,  Bainbridge,  nor  Perry,  will  ever  be 
placed  by  the  discriminating  at  the  side  of  that  of  Pre 
ble,  though  tenfold  more  has  been  written  to  exalt  the 
renown  of  either,  than  has  been  written  in  behalf  of 
Preble.     They,  themselves,  would  have  deferred  to  the 
superiority  of  the  old  Mediterranean  commodore,  and 
neither  would  probably  dream  of  placing  his  own  name 
on  a  level  with  that  of  Preble's.     Chauricy,  out  of  all 
question,  occupied  the  most  arduous  and  responsible 
station  ever  yet  filled  by  an  American    naval   com 
mander,  and  Preble  never  performed  more  gallant  per 
sonal  deeds  than  Chauncy,  or  showed  higher  resolution 
in  face  of  his  enemy ;  yet  Chauncy  always  spoke  of 
Preble  as  men  name  their  admitted  superiors  !     Paul 
Jones  alone  can  claim  to  be  placed  on  the  same  eleva 
tion  as  to  resources  and  combinations,  but  few  who  are 
familiar  with  the  details  of  the  events  connected  with 
both,  would  think  of  placing  even  Jones  fairly  at  Pre 
ble's  side.     There  was  a  compactness,  a  power  of  com 
bination,  an  integrity  of  command,  and  a  distinctness 
of  operations  about  Preble's  memorable    month,  that 
Jones'  justly  renowned  cruise  did  not  exhibit.  .  It  will 
be  vain  to  contend  that  Jones'  materials  were  bad,  and 
that  his  inferiors  could  scarcely  be  called  his  subordi 
nates.     There  may  have  been  much  truth  in  this,  but 
21* 


246  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Jones'  cruise  showed  high  resolution  and  far-reaching 
views,  rather  than  the  ability  to  control,  combine  and 
influence,  the  qualities  that  Preble  so  eminently  pos 
sessed.  Landais  would  never  have  deserted  Preble 
twice  ;  he  would  have  had  him  out  of  his  ship  and 
Dale  in  his  place,  for  the  first  offence.  Stewart,  who, 
with  a  singularly  equal  temper,  has  caught  his  old 
commander's  tact  at  making  himself  obeyed,  would 
have  managed  to  get  the  Frenchman  out  of  the  Alliance 
before  he  had  effected  one  half  of  the  mischief  of  which 
he  was  the  cause. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  some  portion  of  Pre- 
ble's  reputation  is  owing  to  the  place  he  filled  in  the 
order  of  time,  as  connected  with  the  formation  of  the 
present  marine.  This  of  itself,  however,  would  not 
have  built  up  a  permanent  name,  and  the  subsequent 
exploits  of  M'Donough,  Decatur,  Lawrence,  Biddle, 
Blakely,  &c.,  would  have  been  certain  to  throw  it  in 
the  shade.  We  must  look  to  something  more  than  this 
priority  as  to  time,  for  the  credit  our  subject  has  ob 
tained.  We  think  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  will  be 
found  by  making  the  brief  analysis  of  his  services,  with 
which  we  shall  conclude  this  sketch. 

Preble  was  sent  into  a  distant  sea  to  act  against  an 
enemy  who  was  but  little  understood  at  home,  and 
under  instructions  from  a  cabinet  that  gave  itself 
scarcely  any  concern  about  naval  operations  of  any 
sort.  The  most  that  can  be  said  of  the  naval  adminis 
tration  of  this  country  for  the  first  ten  years  of  the 
century,  is  to  admit  that  it  was  liberal  to  the  officers, 
and  sufficiently  well  disposed  to  carry  out  the  laws ; 
but,  as  a  directing  spirit  capable  of  wielding  the  force 
committed  to  its  care  with  activity  and  intelligence,  it 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  247 

did  not  then,  nor  has  it  since  existed  in  any  emergency. 
In  an  intellectual,  professional  sense,  the  navy  has 
scarcely  had  a  head,  nor  is  it  likely  to  possess  one 
while  the  selections  of  its  chiefs  are  made  from  among 
state-court  lawyers,  ex-masters  of  merchant  vessels,  and 
politicians  by  trade. 

Under  such  circumstances,  an  officer  is  sent  with  a 
very  insufficient  force  to  compel  a  prince  of  Barbary  to 
conclude  a  peace  on  honorable  and  equal  terms.  The 
small  vessels  placed  under  his  orders,  though  admirably 
adapted  to  blockading  Tripoli,  were  of  very  little  ser 
vice  in  making  attacks  on  the  place.  Had  Decatur 
never  quitted  his  six  pounder  schooner,  the  Enterprise, 
we  probably  should  not  have  heard  of  her  name  in  con 
nection  with  this  war.  The  same  is  true  of  Somers 
and  the  Nautilus.  In  a  word,  the  use  that  could  alone 
be  made  of  five  of  the  six  vessels  Preble  possessed  in 
the  moment  of  action,  was  to  blockade  the  port,  to  cover 
his  flotilla,  a  power  created  solely  by  himself,  and  to 
employ  their  officers  and  people  in  such  service  as  he 
could  create  for  them  in  emergencies.  Useful  as  these 
little  cruisers  might  be,  and  were,  in  certain  portions 
of  the  duty,  they  were  of  very  little  account  as  part  of 
the  assailing  force. 

Insufficient  as  were  his  means  originally.  Preble  was 
met,  even  before  he  had  reached  the  scene  of  action, 
by  the  unpleasant  tidings  that  these  means  were  di 
minished  quite  one-third,  through  the  accidental  loss 
of  one  of  his  frigates.  Not  only  did  this  loss  subtract 
from  his  own  force,  but  it  added  almost  in  an  equal 
degree  to  that  of  the  enemy.  The  Philadelphia  was  a 
stout  eighteen  pounder  frigate,  and  used  as  a  floating 
battery  only,  and  equally  well  fought,  she  would  have 


248 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


proven  almost  a  counterpoise  to  the  only  battering  ship 
Preble  now  had.  This  he  saw,  and  he  took  his  mea 
sures  early  to  destroy  her.  The  instructions  given  to 
Decatur  on  that  occasion,  prove  how  fully  Preble's 
mind  was  impressed  with  all  the  contingencies  of  such 
an  enterprise;  how  clearly  he  foresaw  success,  and 
how  far  he  wished  to  improve  it.  The  possibility  of 
converting  the  Intrepid  into  a  fire-ship,  was  calculated,* 
and  orders  given  accordingly.  The  sudden  shifting  of 
the  wind  rendered  it  impossible  to  profit  by  this  hint ; 
but  the  order  itself  shows  how  fully  and  comprehen 
sively  Preble  understood  the  matters  he  had  in  hand. 
Decatur  was  ordered  to  take  fixed  ammunition  for  the 
Philadelphia's  guns,  and  to  use  them  against  the  town, 
should  it  be  in  his  power.  He  found  these  guns  loaded, 
and  the  flames  drove  him  out  of  the  ship  ;  but  they  did 
a  part  of  the  duty  of  gunners  for  him.  On  the  destruc 
tion  of  this  ship  depended  the  success  of  the  approach 
ing  season,  in  a  word,  and  Preble  laid  his  plan  and 
chose  his  agent  accordingly.  The  success  was  as  much 
his,  as  success  ever  belongs  to  the  head  that  conceives  and 
combines,  when  the  hand  is  not  employed  to  execute. 

This  accomplished,  Preble  commenced  that  scene  of 
active  preparation  of  which  we  have  already  endeavored 
to  give  the  reader  some  idea.  Nearly  all  the  available 
force  that  could  be  employed  against  Tripoli,  was  to  be 
created  four  thousand  miles  from  home,  with  one  hand, 

*  In  his  instructions  to  Decatur,  Preble  uses  these  words,  viz  : — 
"  Make  your  reireat  good  with  the  Intrepid,  if  possible,  unless  you 
can  make  her  the  means  of  destroying  the  tnemy's  vessels  in  the 
harbor,  by  converting  her  into  a  fire-ship  for  that,  purpose,  and  re 
treating  in  your  boats  and  those  of  the  Siren.  You  must  take 
fixed  ammunition  and  apparatus  for  the  frigate1  s  eighteen  pound 
ers  ;  nnd  if  you  can,  without  risking  too  much,  you  may  endeavor  to 
make  them  the  instruments  of  destruction  to  the  shipping  and  ba 
shaw's  castle.1' 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  249 

while  the  dissatisfied  Barbary  States  were  to  be  held  in 
check  with  the  other. 

This  scene  of  preparatory  activity  ended,  the  new 
one  began,  of  attacking  stone  wails  and  a  strong  flotilla, 
with  a  single  frigate  ;  a  twenty-four  pounder  ship,  it  is 
true,  but  supported  only  by  six  very  badly  constructed 
gun-boats.  The  batteries  had  many  heavy  pieces,  and 
the  three  boats  captured  on  the  3d  August,  mounted 
nominal  twenty-sixes,  which  threw  shot  that  weighed 
twenty-nine  pounds.  At  this  time  all  the  heavy  Ame 
rican  shot  fell  two  or  three  pounds  short  of  their  nominal 
weight.  Against  these  odds,  then,  Preble  had  to  con 
tend.  Nevertheless  he  had  his  advantages.  His  enemy 
possessed  no  accurate  gunners,  and  were  otherwise 
deficient  in  the  resources  of  an  advanced  civilization. 
Under  these  circumstances,  Preble  risked  just  as  much 
as  was  prudent.  So  nicely  balanced  were  his  move 
ments  between  extreme  audacity  and  the  most  wary 
and  seaman-like  caution,  that  we  never  find  a  vessel  of 
any  sort  exposed  without  a  sufficient  object,  or,  an 
accident  excepted,  exposed  in  vain.  His  operations 
commenced,  nothing  checked  their  vigor  but  the  most 
discreet  forbearance.  When  Barren  was  hourly  ex 
pected,  he  paused  with  a  magnanimity  that  in  itself 
denoted  a  high  and  loyal  character ;  but  when  the  dire 
calamity  occurred  to  Somers,  and  when  Caldwell  was 
blown  up,  he  went  to  work  the  next  hour,  as  it  might 
be,  to  push  his  operations,  just  as  if  nothing  unusual 
had  occurred.  Under  the  most  disadvantageous  cir 
cumstances,  and  with  cruelly  insufficient  means,  he 
lowered  the  pretensions  of  his  enemy  one  half,  in  ten 
days,  and  had  brought  them  down  to  next  to  nothing  by 
the  end  of  a  month !  We  say  cruelly  insufficient 


250  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

means,  for,  in  effect,  the  Constitution  alone,  with  her 
thirty  guns  in  broadside,  had  frequently  to  contend  with 
more  than  a  hundred  guns  in  batteries. 

But,  no  better  circumstance  can  be  cited  in  favor  of 
Preble's  professional  character  and  conduct,  than  the 
hold  he  obtained  on  the  minds  of  his  officers.  Person 
ally,  they  had  much  to  induce  them  to  dislike  him  ;  yet, 
we  cannot  recall  an  instance  in  which  we  have  ever 
heard  one  of  them  find  any  fault  with  the  least  of  his 
movements.  All  seem  to  think  that  every  thing  that 
was  done  was  done  for  the  best.  We  hear  no  com 
plaints  of  injudicious  or  unreasonable  operations ;  and 
what  is  still  more  unusual  in  combined  movements,  of 
commanders  who  did  not  do  their  whole  duty.  In 
equality  of  conduct  and  of  services  is  one  of  the  com 
monest  occurrences  in  all  extended  operations,  by  sea  or 
land.  We  hear  tales  and  anecdotes  of  this  sort,  as  con 
nected  with  McDonough's  and  Perry's  victories,  as 
connected  with  Chauncy's  various  manoeuvres  and  bat 
tles,  but  none  in  relation  to  Preble  and  his  command. 
Every  man  in  his  squadron  knew  and  felt  that  he  was 
governed  ;  though  it  is  not  improbable  that  Preble  was, 
in  a  degree,  aided  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority,  by 
the  fact  that  an  entire  grade  existed  between  his  own 
rank  and  that  of  all  of  his  commanders.  A  stronger  prac 
tical  argument  in  favor  of  the  creation  of  admirals  cannot 
be  cited,  than  the  manner  in  which  Preble  held  all  his 
vessels  in  hand,  during  his  operations  against  Triploi. 
Still  his  own  character  had  the  most  connection  with 
the  result ;  and  even  to  this  hour,  old  men  who  have 
since  commanded  squadrons  themselves,  speak  of  his 
discipline  with  a  shake  of  the  head,  as  if  they  still  felt 
its  influence. 


EDWARD     PREBLE.  251 

Follow  Preble  from  his  scene  of  glory  to  his  native 
land,  and  we  find  him  appreciated  by  many  of  the 
highest  intellects  of  the  republic.  His  mind  was  used, 
even  across  the  Atlantic,  in  arranging  future  operations 
against  the  enemy ;  and  so  much  was  his  advice 
esteemed,  and  his  counsel  coveted,  that  he  is  finally 
invited  to  preside  over  the  branch  of  the  public  service 
to  which  he  belonged.  Such  would  have  been  his  des 
tiny  had  not  death  intervened. 

One  cannot  but  regret  that  Preble  did  not  survive, 
with  all  his  powers,  until  after  the  occurrence  of  the 
last  English  war.  Nothing  was  more  apparent  than 
the  want  of  combination  and  intelligent  wielding  of 
force  on  the  Atlantic,  that  was  exhibited  throughout  the 
whole  of  those  important  years  ;  and  we  cannot  but 
think,  had  Preble's  capacity  and  energy  been  brought 
to  bear  on  the  service,  he  would  have  shown  something 
more  than  brilliant  isolated  combats,  as  the  result  of 
even  the  small  means  that  could  have  been  placed  at 
his  control.  He  would  then  have  been  second  in  rank 
in  the  navy,  as  to  all  practical  purposes,  and  must  have 
been  intrusted  with  one  of  the  largest  squadrons.  His 
last  moments  were  said  to  have  been  embittered  by  re 
grets  for  the  affair  between  the  Leopard  and  Chesa 
peake,  and  he  always  retained  a  sort  of  revolutionary 
predilection  for  meeting  the  English. 

Preble's  influence  on  the  discipline  of  the  service  was 
of  a  valuable  and  lasting  nature.  Until  his  time,  the 
men  of  the  present  navy  were  little  accustomed  to  act 
in  concert,  and  some  of  the  previous  attempts  had  not 
been  attended  with  very  flattering  results.  Officers 
would  obey  at  every  hazard,  it  is  true,  as  Stewart  did 
when  he  went  to  sea  in  the  Experiment,  towing  out  his 


252  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

main-mast  after  him,  in  consequence  of  a  petulant  order 
from  Truxtun,  but  they  had  not  been  taught  to  repress 
their  own  ardor,  to  yield  their  own  opinions  to  those  of 
their  superiors,  in  face  of  an  enemy,  in  order  to  present 
a  combined  and  available  front,  until  Preble  gave  them 
the  severe,  but  salutary  lesson. 

It  is  probable  that  the  marine  of  this  country,  long 
ere  the  close  of  this  century,  will  become  one  of  the 
most  powerful  the  world  has  yet  seen.  With  a  rate 
of  increase  that  will  probably  carry  the  population  of 
the  nation  up  to  sixty  millions,  within  the  next  fifty 
years,  a  commerce  and  tonnage  that  will  be  fully  in 
proportion  to  these  numbers,  no  narrow  policy,  or  spu 
rious  economy,  can  well  prevent  such  a  result.  In  that 
day,  when  the  opinions  of  men  shall  have  risen  in  some 
measure  to  the  level  of  the  stupendous  facts  by  which 
they  will  be  surrounded,  the  world  will  see  the  fleets 
of  the  republic,  feel  their  influence  on  its  policy,  and 
hear  of  the  renown  of  admirals  who  are  yet  unborn ; 
for  the  infatuated  notion  that  wars  are  over,  is  a  chimera 
of  speculative  moralists,  who  receive  their  own  wishes 
as  the  inductions  of  reason.  In  that  day,  all  the  earlier 
facts  of  the  national  career  will  be  collected  with  care, 
and  preserved  with  veneration.  Among  the  brightest 
of  those  which  will  be  exhibited  connected  with  the 
deeds  of  that  infant  navy  out  of  which  will  have  grown 
the  colossal  power  that  then  must  wield  the  trident  of 
the  seas,  will  stand  prominent  the  forty  days  of  the  Tri- 
politan  wrar,  crowded  with  events  that  are  inseparable 
from  the  name  and  the  renown  of  Edward  Preble. 

END    OF    VOL.    I. 


LIVES 


OF 


DISTINGUISHED    AMERICAN 


NAVAL  OFFICERS. 


BY 

J.  FENIMORE  COOPER, 

AUTHOR  OF  "THE  SPY,"    "THE    PILOT,"  &c.  &c. 


VOL.  II. 

JONES,  PERRY, 

WOOLSEY,  DALE. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CAREY    AND    HART. 

1846. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1846,  by 

CAREY  &  HART, 
in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania. 


STEREOTYPED  BY  L.  JOHNSON   &   CO. 
PHILADELPHIA. 


CONTENTS. 

Page 

JONES       5 

WOOLSEY 113 

PERRY 146 

DALE  .  233 


Lith-  ,£  ..MiwtJii- .    ill,  jVasscu  .ff,  .// 


NAVAL  BIOGRAPHY. 


JOHN  PAUL  JONES. 

FEW  names  connected  with  the  American  marine 
have  so  much  claim  to  celebrity  as  that  of  the  subject 
of  this  sketch.  His  services  were  of  a  character  so  bold 
and  romantic,  the  means  he  employed  were  seemingly 
so  inadequate  to  the  ends  he  had  in  view,  and  his  suc 
cess,  on  one  occasion  in  particular,  was  so  very  brilliant  as 
to  have  given  rise,  on  the  part  of  his  political  and  per 
sonal  enemies,  to  much  unmerited  and  bitter  calumny, 
while  his  admirers  and  friends  have  been  induced  to 
lean  a  little  too  strongly  to  the  side  of  eulogy  and  un- 
discriminating  praise.  As  the  matter  of  the  life  and 
character  of  this  distinguished  officer  has  been  frequently 
the  subject  of  comment  in  biographies,  of  more  or  less 
merit,  within  the  last  few  years,  and  a  great  mass  of 
evidence  has  been  produced  to  remove  the  veil  which 
was  so  long  drawn  before  his  early  years,  this  is  per 
haps  the  time  when  an  attempt  may  best  be  made  to 
arrive  at  a  just  appreciation  of  the  deeds  of  the  officer, 
and  of  the  quallities  of  the  man.  In  assuming  this  task, 
we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  such  of  the  best  authenticated 
\*  5 


b  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

facts  that  offer,  reasoning  for  ourselves  on  their  results 
and  principles. 

There  are  no  longer  any  doubts  thrown  over  the 
birth  and  early  life  of  Paul  Jones.  His  grandfather  was 
a  regular  gardener,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Leith,  of  the 
name  of  Paul.  His  father,  John  Paul,  was  apprenticed 
to  the  same  trade,  and  at  the  expiration  of  his  indentures 
he  entered  into  the  service  of  Mr.  Craik,  of  Arbigland,* 
in  which  situation  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days. 
We  have  the  assertion  of  Jones  himself,  that  there 
never  existed  any  connection  between  the  Earl  of  Sel 
kirk  and  his  father,  as  has  been  long  and  generally 
asserted ;  and  we  may  add,  the  present  head  of  that 
noble  family  has  assured  the  writer  of  this  article  that 
the  Pauls  were  never  in  the  service  of  his  grandfather. 

John  Paul,  the  gardener  of  Craik,  of  Arbigland,  mar 
ried  Jean  Macduff,  the  daughter  of  a  small  farmer  in 
the  parish  of  New  Abbey.  Seven  children  were  the 
fruits  of  this  connection,  two  of  which  died  in  infancy. 
John  was  the  youngest  of  the  remaining  five.  William, 
the  eldest  of  the  family,  left  Scotland  at  an  early  age, 
and  finally  married  and  settled  at  Fredericksburg,  in 
Virginia.  He  was  the  principal  cause  of  subsequently 
attracting  his  distinguished  brother  to  America.  The 
daughters  were  Elizabeth,  Janet,  and  Mary  Ann.  The 
first  never  married ;  the  second  became  the  wife  of  a 
watchmaker  in  Dumfries,  of  the  name  of  Taylor ;  and 
the  third  had  two  husbands,  the  first  of  whom  was 

*  Craik,  of  Arbigland,  was  a  man  of  extensive  scientific  and  lite 
rary  attainments,  as  well  as  of  large  fortune.    It  may  have  interest 
with  the  American  reader,  to  learn  that  Washington's  friend  and 
physician,  Dr.  James  Craik,  was  a  natural  son  of  this  gentleman. 
*  j 


J  0  H  N     P  A  U  L    J  0  N  E  S.  7 

named  Young,  and  the  second  Loudon.  Several  of  the 
descendants  of  these  sisters  came  to  America,  where 
some  of  them  are  now  living. 

John,  the  fifth  and  youngest  surviving  child  of  this 
humble  family,  was  born  July  6th,  1747,  at  Arbigland, 
in  the  parish  of  Kirkbean,  Scotland.  His  early  educa 
tion  was  such  as  marked  his  condition,  in  a  country 
like  the  land  of  his  birth.  It  was  plain,  substantial, 
and  moral.  The  boy  appears  to  have  improved  his 
limited  opportunities,  however,  for  while  his  taste,  sen 
timents  and  language,  in  after-life,  betray  the  exagge 
ration  of  an  imperfect  instruction,  his  handwriting, 
orthography,  and  principles,  prove  that  the  essentials 
had  not  been  neglected.  Still,  the  acquirements  he 
obtained  at  school  could  not  have  been  great,  for  we  find 
him  regularly  apprenticed  to  the  sea  at  the  age  of  twelve. 
His  master  was  a  Mr.  Younger,  a  merchant  in  the 
American  trade,  and  a  resident  of  Whitehaven,  a  port 
at  the  entrance  of  the  Solway,  in  the  adjoining  kingdom 
of  England. 

Thus  far,  there  was  nothing  unusual  in  the  career 
of  the  boy.  He  neither  ran  away  to  go  to  sea,  nor  did 
any  thing  to  throw  a  tinge  of  romance  around  this 
period  of  his  life.  His  first  voyage  was  to  America ; 
with  which  country  his  personal  connection  may  be 
said  to  have  commenced  at  the  age  of  thirteen.  The 
vessel  in  which  he  sailed  was  the  Friendship,  of  White- 
haven,  Benson  master,  and  her  destination  the  Rap- 
pahannock.  Here  he  found  his  brother  William  estab 
lished,  and,  while  in  port,  young  Paul  became  an  inmate 
of  his  house. 

Jones  manifested  great  aptitude  for  his  profession, 


8  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

and  soon  acquired  all  that  portion  of  seamanship  that  is 
not  dependent  on  experience  and  judgment;  the  last 
two  being  ever  the  work  of  time.  The  affairs  of  his 
master  becoming  embarrassed,  however,  the  indentures 
were  given  up,  and  the  lad  was  left  to  shift  for  himself 
at  an  age  when  counsel  and  government  were  the  most 
necessary.  It  is  a  proof  that  young  Paul  was  not  a 
common  youth,  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  tracing  him 
through  all  this  period  of  his  humble  career.  As  soon 
as  left  to  his  own  exertions,  he  shipped  as  third  mate 
in  the  King  George,  a  slaver  out  of  Whitehaven.  This 
must  have  occurred  about  the  year  1765,  or  when  he  was 
eighteen,  as  we  find  him,  in  1766,  the  first  mate  of  the 
Two  Friends,  of  Kingston,  Jamaica,  a  vessel  in  the  same 
trade.  It  would  seem  that  he  made  but  two  voyages 
to  the  coast  of  Africa;  and  his  tender  years,  necessities, 
and  the  opinions  of  the  day,  may  well  prove  his  apology. 
The  pursuit  did  not  please  him,  and  he  left  the  Two 
Friends  on  her  return,  and  sailed  for  Kirkcudbright  as  a 
passenger,  in  the  John  of  that  port.  This  circumstance 
proved  of  great  importance  to  him,  for  the  master  and 
mate  died  of  yellow  fever,  on  the  passage,  when  Mr. 
Paul  assumed  the  direction,  and  carried  the  vessel 
safely  to  her  haven.  His  reward  was  the  command  of 
the  brig  he  had  most  probably  been  the  means  of  saving; 
the  vessel  belonging  to  Currie,  Beck  &  Co.,  of  Kirkcud 
bright. 

This  must  have  occurred  in  the  year  1767.*     Here, 

*  Since  the  appearance  of  this  sketch  in  Graham's  Magazine, 
authentic  information  has  been  communicated  to  the  writer  on  va 
rious  points,  which  has  induced  him  to  vary  a  little  from  his  origi 
nal  statements. 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  y 

then,  we  find  our  hero,  the  son  of  an  humble  gardener, 
in  command  of  a  sea-going  craft,  at  the  early  age  of 
twenty,  or  at  that  of  twenty-one,  at  the  latest.  Such 
preferment  frequently  occurs  in  cases  where  connections 
and  patronage  unite  to  push  a  youth  forward ;  but 
never  with  the  obscure  and'unpatronized,  without  the 
existence  of  a  high  degree  of  merit.  We  want  no  bet 
ter  evidence  that  Paul  was  discreet,  intelligent,  indus 
trious  and  worthy  of  respect,  at  that  period  of  his  life, 
than  this  single  fact ;  merchants  never  trusting  their 
property  out  of  their  reach  without  sending  their  confi 
dence  along  with  it.  The  new  master  also  discharged 
the  duties  of  supercargo ;  additional  proof  of  the  early 
stability  of  his  character. 

Our  young  seaman  sailed  but  two  years  in  this  em 
ployment.  He  left  the  service  of  the  house  which  had 
given  him  his  first  command,  in  consequence  of  its  hav 
ing  dissolved  partnership  and  having  no  further  em 
ployment  for  him. 

In  our  original  sketch  of  Jones,  it  was  stated  that  a 
prosecution  for  having  caused  the  death  of  a  certain 
Mungo  Maxwell,  while  in  command  of  the  John,  was 
probably  connected  with  his  quitting  the  employment 
of  Currie,  Beck  &  Co. ;  but  the  fact  is  denied  by  his 
friends,  on  seemingly  good  authority.  As '  the  occur 
rence  was  the  foundation  of  much  calumny  against 
Jones,  when,  at  a  later  day,  the  passions  and  interests 
of  nations  got  to  be  connected  with  his  character,  it  is 
necessary  to  relate  the  circumstances,  which  appear  to 
have  been  as  follows  : 

Jones  had  occasion  to  correct  Maxwell,  in  the  usual 
nautical  mode,  or  by  flogging.  The  punishment  was 


10  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

probably  severe,  and  it  is  equally  probable  that  it  was 
merited.  The  man,  shortly  after,  shipped  in  another 
vessel,  called  the  Barcelona  Packet,  where  he  died  in 
the  course  of  a  week  or  two,  after  a  few  days  of  low 
spirits,  accompanied  by  fever.  This  occurred  in  June, 
1770.  It  would  seem,  however,  that  Maxwell  com 
plained  to  the  authorities  of  Tobago,  in  which  island 
the  parties  then  were,  of  the  flogging  he  had  received 
from  Capt.  Paul,  and  that  the  latter  was  summoned  to 
appear  before  the  judge  of  the  vice-admiralty  court  to 
answer.  A  certificate  of  the  judge  is  extant,  in  which 
it  is  stated,  that  Maxwell's  shoulders  exhibited  the 
proofs  of  severe  flogging,  but  that  he  dismissed  the 
complaint  as  frivolous,  after  a  hearing.  The  certificate 
adds,  that  the  deponent,  the  statement  being  in  the  form 
of  an  affidavit,  carefully  examined  the  back  of  Maxwell, 
and  that  he  has  no  idea  the  man  could  have  died  in 
consequence  of  the  flogging  mentioned.  Another  affi 
davit,  made  by  the  master  of  the  Barcelona  Packet, 
establishes  the  other  facts. 

The  later  biographers  of  Jones  have  alluded  to  this 
subject,  though  not  always  in  a  way  that  is  sustained 
by  their  own  proofs.  Sands,  the  best  and  most  logical 
of  them  all,  has  fallen  into  a  leading  error  in  his  account 
of  this  affair.  He  appears  to  think  that  Maxwell  insti 
tuted  a  prosecution  against  his  commander  in  England, 
confounding  the  facts  altogether.  Maxwell  died  long 
before  he  could  have  reached  England,  on  his  pas 
sage  from  Tobago,  where  he  had  been  flogged,  to  one 
of  the  Leeward  Islands  ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  he 
ever  took  any  legal  step  in  the  matter,  beyond  the  com 
plaint  laid  before  the  vice-admiralty  judge.  That  a 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  11 

prosecution  for  murder  was  menaced  or  instituted 
against  Jones,  is  shown  by  one  of  his  own  letters.  Capt. 
Mackenzie,  on  no  visible  authority,  refers  this  prosecu 
tion  to  the  envy  of  some  of  his  neighbors  and  com 
petitors  of  Kirkcudbright.  There  does  not  seem  to  be 
any  conclusive  reason,  however,  for  supposing  that  the 
prosecution  occurred  anywhere  but  in  the  West  In 
dies.  It  may  have  taken  place  in  Great  Britain,  though 
the  term  "  British  jury,"  which  Jones  uses  in  connec 
tion  with  this  affair,  would  apply  as  well  to  a  colonial 
as  to  an  English  or  Scottish  jury.  There  was  no  trial, 
nor  is  it  even  certain,  that  there  was  even  a  formal  pro 
secution  af  all ;  Jones'  allusion  to  the  subject  being 
in  the  following  words — viz. : 

"  I  have  enclosed  you  a  copy  of  an  affidavit,  made 
before  Governor  Young  by  the  judge  of  the  court  of 
vice-admiralty,  at  Tobago,  by  which  you  will  see  with 
how  little  reason  my  life  has  been  thirsted  after,  and, 
which  is  much  dearer  to  me,  my  honor,  by  maliciously 
loading  my  fair  character  with  obloquy  and  vile  asper 
sions.  I  believe  there  are  few  who  are  hard-hearted 
enough  to  think  I  have  not  long  since  given  the  world 
every  satisfaction  in  my  power,  being  conscious  of  my 
innocence  before  Heaven,  who  will  one  day  judge  even 
my  judges.  I  staked  my  honor,  life,  and  fortunes  for 
six  long  months  on  the  verdict  of  a  British  jury,  not 
withstanding  I  was  sensible  of  the  general  prejudices 
which  ran  against  me ;  but,  after  all,  none  of  my  ac 
cusers  had  the  courage  to  confront  me.  Yet  I  am  will 
ing  to  convince  the  world,  if  reason  and  facts  will  do 
it,  that  they  have  had  no  foundation  for  their  harsh 
treatment,"  &c. 


12  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

This  language  was  probably  used  by  a  man  who 
remained  openly  within  reach  of  the  law,  for  six  months, 
inviting  by  his  presence  a  legal  investigation  of  charges 
that  involved  a  felony,  without  any  legal  steps  having 
been  commenced.  The  precise  facts  are  of  less  import 
ance,  as  it  is  now  reasonably  certain  that  Maxwell  did 
not  die  in  consequence  of  the  flogging  he  received  from 
Jones ;  for  could  a  case  have  been  made  out  against  the 
latter,  it  is  not  probable  it  would  have  been  abandoned 
altogether,  when  enmity  was  so  active  and  prejudice 
so  general.  Nor  is  it  material  where  this  persecution 
was  practiced,  his  subsequent  career  proving  that  our 
subject  was  by  no  means  deserving  of  the  character  of 
an  officer  failing  of  humanity.  The  occurrence,  not 
withstanding,  appears  to  have  embittered  several  of  the 
earlier  years  of  Jones'  life ;  to  have  made  an  impression 
against  him  in  his  native  country,  and  to  have  contri 
buted  to  induce  him  to  abandon  Scotland ;  his  last  visit 
to  that  country,  except  as  an  enemy,  taking  place  in 
1771.  Jones  left  the  employment  of  Currie,  Beck  & 
Co.,  April  1, 1771,  and  remained  in  Scotland  until  near 
the  close  of  that  year. 

On  quitting  Scotland,  Jones  repaired  to  London, 
where  he  assumed  the  command  of  a  ship  called  the 
Betsey,  which  was  also  engaged  in  the  West  India 
trade.  In  this  vessel  he  remained  until  the  year  1773, 
when  he  was  induced  to  relinquish  his  command,  in 
order  to  proceed  to  Virginia,  where  his  brother  William 
had  recently  died,  and  to  whose  estate  he  was  an  heir. 
This  call  upon  his  services  and  time  was  probably  sud 
den  and  imperative,  as  he  subsequently  complains 
much  of  the  losses  he  suffered,  in  consequence  of  hav- 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES. 

ing  left  his  affairs  in  Tobago  in  the  hands  of  careless 
or  unfaithful  agents.  It  would  seem  that  Jones  reco 
vered  about  ten  thousand  dollars  from  the  estate  of  his 
brother,  though  the  commonwealth  had  already  admin 
istered  to  it — a  circumstance  that  probably  did  not  at  all 
Qpntribute  to  increase  the  succession.  All,  or  a  portion 
of  the  money  left  in  Tobago,  was  also  recovered,  so  that 
our  hero  might  now  be  said  to  be  at  ease  in  his  circum 
stances. 

At  a  later  period  of  his  life,  Jones  became  a  little 
remarkable  for  a  display  of  poetic  taste.  This  ten 
dency,  which  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  ever  ap 
proached  the  "sacred  fire,"  was  seen  even  at  this  early 
day,  for  he  subsequently  spoke  of  his  intention  to^e- 
vote  the  remainder  of  his  days  to  calm  contemplation 
and  poetic  ease,  when  he  revisited  Virginia.  This 
feeling,  quite  probably,  received  some  incentive  from 
the  discontent  of  a  man  who  had  not  long  before 
escaped  from  an  inquiry  that  he  deemed  a  persecu 
tion.  It  is  certain  that,  while  resident  in  Virginia,  he 
assumed  the  name  of  Jones;  calling  himself  John  Paul 
Jones,  instead  of  John  Paul,  which  was  his  legal  and 
proper  appellation.  The  motive  of  this  change  of 
name,  as  well  as  the  reason  of  the  selection  he  made, 
are  left  to  conjecture.  It  is  probable  the  latter  was 
purely  arbitrary,  as  he  does  not  appear  to  have  had 
any  near  relatives  or  connections  of  the  name  of  Jones. 
For  the  change  itself,  the  most  rational  supposition  is, 
that  it  was  induced  by  his  difficulties  in  connection 
with  the  affair  of  Mungo  Maxwell.  Sands  thinks  it 
may  have  come  from  a  determination  of  founding  a 
new  race,  when  Jones  transferred  himself  to  a  new 

VOL.   II.  2 


14  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

country.  Mackenzie  fancies  it  may  have  proceeded 
from  a  wish  to  conceal  his  intended  service  against 
England,  from  the  friends  he  had  left  in  Scotland,  or  a 
desire  to  prevent  his  enemies  from  recognising  him  as 
a  native  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  event  of  capture. 
Neither  of  these  reasons  is  .satisfactory.  That  of^ 
Sands  is  purely  imaginary,  and  unlikely  to  occur  to 
a  man  who  does  not  seem  to  think  of  marrying  at  all. 
Those  of  Mackenzie  are  equally  untenable,  since  the 
friends  Jones  left  in  Scotland  were  too  humble  in  station 
to  render  it  necessary,  or  useful,  or  probable.  How 
could  one  born  in  the  colonies  be  thought  any  safer  in 
the  event  of  capture,  in  1775,  than  one  born  in  Great 
Brifcin,  allegiance  being  claimed  from  all  its  subjects 
alike,  by  the  British  crown?  In  a  letter  to  Robert 
Morris,  Jones  says,  "  I  conclude  that  Mr.  Hewes  has 
acquainted  you  with  a  very  great  misfortune  which 
befell  me  some  years  ago,  and  which  brought  me  to 
North  America.  I  am  under  no  concern,  whatever, 
that  this,  or  any  other  past  circumstance  of  my  life, 
will  sink  me  in  your  opinion.  Since  human  wisdom 
cannot  secure  us  from  accidents,  it  is  the  greatest  effort 
of  human  wisdom  to  bear  them  well."  This  passage 
has  induced  Mr.  Sands  to  think  the  "great  misfortune" 
was  some  heavy  mercantile  loss.  There  is  no  evidence 
to  show,  nor  is  it  at  all  probable,  that  Jones  had  then 
been  in  circumstances  to  justify  his  using  such  an  ex 
pression  as  addressed  to  a  man  of  Robert  Morris'  rank 
and  extensive  dealings ;  and  it  is  far  more  rational  to 
suppose  that  the  word  "accidents"  has  been  loosely  ap 
plied  to  the  circumstances  connected  with  Maxwell's 
death,  than  to  any  other  event  of  Jones'  life.  If  a 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  15 

"  great  misfortune"  had  any  agency  in  bringing  him 
tc  America,  it  was  probably  this  event ;  and  it  may 
have  induced  him  to  change  his  name,  in  a  moment  of 
disgust,  or  of  morbid  resentment. 

It  is  remarkable  that  there  should  still  be  a  mystery 
connected  with  this  change  of  name,  in  a  man  of  Jones' 
celebrity.  One  of  his  near  connections  thinks  that  the 
new  appellation  was  not  assumed  until  he  entered  the 
American  navy,  and  that  it  might  have  been  taken  in 
compliment  to  Gen.  Wm.  Jones,  of  North  Carolina, 
who  had  been  much  his  friend.  This  circumstance 
may  have  induced  the  selection  of  the  name,  t-hougli  it 
scarcely  seems  sufficient  to  account  for  the  change 
itself.  It  is  probably  now  too  late  to  hope  to  explain 
the  mystery. 

The  year  1775,  therefore,  found  Jones  in  every  re 
spect  in  a  proper  mood  to  seek  service  in  the  young 
marine  that  sprung  up  out  of  the  events  of  the  day. 
He  offered  his  services,  accordingly,  and  they  were 
accepted.  There  is  reason  to  think  Jones  had  a  real 
attachment  to  the  colonies,  as  well  as  to  the  principles 
for  which  they  contended  ;  and  it  is  certain  that,  hav 
ing  fairly  cast  his  fortunes  in  them,  he  had  just  as  good 
a  moral  right  to  maintain  both  as  any  native  of  the 
country.  The  obligations  created  by  the  mere  acci 
dents  of  birth,  can  never,  in  a  moral  sense,  justly  be 
put  in  competition  with  the  social  ties  that  are  delibe 
rately  formed  in  later  life,  and  he  is  a  traitor  only  who 
betrays  by  deceiving.  The  argument,  that  a  native  of 
England,  established  in  America  in  1775,  had  not  the 
same  moral  right  to  resist  parliamentary  aggression  as 
the  subject  born  in  the  colonies,  is  like  advancing  a 


16  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

distinction  between  the  social  claims  and  duties  of  the 
man  born  in  Yorkshire  and  those  of  the  man  born  in 
London.  By  the  English  constitution,  itself,  the  resi 
dent  of  the  British  capital  had  a  right  to  oppose  the 
aggressions  which  led  to  the  American  Revolution; 
and  it  was  a  right  that  did  not  extend  to  open  revolt, 
merely,  because  the  aggressions  did  not  affect  him  in 
that  direct  and  positive  manner  that  alone  justifies  re 
sistance  to  existing  law  under  the  plea  of  necessity. 
All  attempts,  then,  to  brand  Jones  as  a  pirate,  and  as 
having  been  peculiarly  a  traitor  to  his  country,  must 
rest  on  fallacies  for  their  support ;  his  case  being  sub 
stantially  the  same  as  those  of  Charles  Lee,  Gates, 
Montgomery,  and  a  hundred  others  of  merit  and  repu 
tation  ;  the  difference  of  serving  on  the  ocean,  instead 
of  serving  on  the  land,  and  of  being  the  means  of  car 
rying  the  war  into  the  island  of  Great  Britain  itself, 
being  the  only  reason  why  so  much  odium  has  been 
heaped  on  the  one,  while  the  others  have  virtually 
escaped.  .'...•? 

Jones  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  connection 
with  the  American  Navy,  until  a  short  time  before  the 
passage  of  the  law  of  December  22,  1775,  which,  in 
fact,  gave  it  legal  and  efficient  existence.  By  this  law, 
a  commander-in-chief,  four  captains,  and  thirteen  lieu 
tenants  were  appointed.  The  latter  were  classed  as 
first,  second,  and  third  lieutenants,  and  of  these  the 
name  of  John  Paul  Jones  takes  rank  of  all  others  of  the 
highest  grade.  His  commission  is  said  to  have  been 
dated  the  7th  of  December,  fifteen  days  before  the  pas 
sage  of  the  law.  This,  in  fact,  made  him  the  sixth  in 
rank  in  the  service ;  though  other  appointments  were 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  17 

shortly  after  made,  and  the  question  of  permanent  rank 
was  reserved  for  future  consideration.  Thus,  in  the 
following  year,  when  independence  had  been  declared, 
and  the  rank  was  regulated,  we  find  Dudley  Salton- 
stall,  the  oldest  captain  by  the  law  of  December,  1775, 
placed  as  the  fourth  on  the  list,  and  Abraham  Whipple, 
the  second,  reduced  as  low  as  to  be  the  twelfth.  As 
respected  himself,  Jones  subsequently  complained  of  a 
similar  mortification,  though  it  would  seem  unjustly,  as 
the  whole  matter  was  understood  when  the  appoint 
ments  were  made.  There  was  some  hardship  in  his 
case,  however,  as  two  of  those  who  were  his  junior 
lieutenants  in  1775,  were  made  captains  above  him  in 
1776.  Still,  it  was  in  a  revolution,  related  to  original 
appointments,  and  every  thing  depended  on  the  origi 
nal  understanding. 

Jones  was  ordered  to  the  Alfred  24,  Commodore 
Hopkins'  own  vessel,  as  her  first  lieutenant.  A  sloop 
called  the  Providence  was  purchased,  and  he  was 
offered  the  command  of  her,  but  declined  it,  in  conse 
quence  of  his  ignorance  of  the  mode  of  sailing  such  a 
craft.  Jones  always  affirmed  that  he  first  hoisted  the 
flag  of  the  United  Colonies,  with  his  own  hands,  when 
Commodore  Hopkins  first  visited  the  Alfred.  This 
occurred  on  the  Delaware,  ofT  Philadelphia ;  and  the 
flag  was  the  pine-tree  and  rattle-snake,  the  symbols 
then  used  by  the  colonies. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  Jones  was  in  the  expedition 
against  New  Providence.  The  squadron  did  not  get 
out  of  the  Delaware  until  the  17th  February,  1776, 
lying  frozen  in,  at  Reedy  Island,  for  six  weeks.  It  is 
supposed  that  this  circumstance  enabled  Capt.  Barry 


18  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

to  get  to  sea  in  the  Lexington  before  it,  though  that 
brig  was  purchased  and  commissioned  subsequently  to 
the  equipment  of  the  vessels  of  Commodore  Hopkins' 
squadron. 

Jones  was  useful  in  piloting  the  vessels  through 
some  difficulties  on  the  Bahama  Banks,  and  seems  to 
have  enjoyed  a  consideration  every  way  equal  to  his 
rank.  In  the  action  which  occurred  with  the  Glas 
gow  24,  on  the  return  of  the  squadron  to  America,  he 
was  stationed  on  the  gun-deck  of  the  Alfred,  and  had 
no  other  responsibility  than  was  attached  to  the  ma 
nagement  of  his  battery.  He  states,  himself,  that  the 
main-deck  guns  of  the  Alfred  were  so  near  the  water 
as  to  have  been  useless  in  a  good  breeze.  On  this 
occasion,  however,  the  wind  was  light,  and  nothing 
occurred  to  disturb  the  fire  but  the  position  of  the  ves 
sel.  Her  wheel-rope  was  shot  away,  and,  broaching 
to,  the  Alfred  was  sharply  raked  by  the  Glasgow,  for 
some  time,  and  must  have  been  beaten  but  for  the  pre 
sence  of  the  other  vessels.  As  it  was,  the  English 
ship  got  into  Newport  ;  a  sufficient  triumph  of  itself, 
when  it  is  remembered  that  she  had  four  or  five  ene 
mies  on  her,  two  of  which  were  but  little  her  inferiors 
in  force.  On  the  llth  of  April,  Com.  Hopkins  carried 
his  vessels  into  New  London. 

This  was  unquestionably  Jones'  first  cruise,  and  the 
affair  with  the  Glasgow  was  his  first  engagement.  In 
that  day  slavers  were  not  obliged  to  fight  their  way,  or 
to  run,  as  at  present ;  and  there  is  no  evidence  that 
our  hero  had  ever  before  met  an  enemy.  He  must 
have  been  at  sea  two  or  three  years,  during  the  con 
tinuation  of  the  war  of  1756,  but  he  nowhere  speaks 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  19 

of  any  adventures  with  the  French  cruisers.  As  the 
squadron  sailed  on  the  17th  February,  and  got  into 
New  London  on  the  llth  April,  the  cruise  lasted  only 
fifty-three  days ;  though  it  may  be  deemed  an  adven 
turous  one,  when  we  recollect  the  power  of  England 
and  the  indifferent  qualities  of  the  vessels. 

From  New  London,  Commodore  Hopkins  carried  all 
his  vessels  round  to  Providence,  when  the  affair  with 
the  Glasgow  resulted,  as  unfortunate  military  opera 
tions  are  very  apt  to  do,  in  courts  martial.  Captain 
Hazard,  of  the  Providence  12,  the  sloop  Jones  had 
once  declined  accepting,  was  cashiered,  and  Jones  was 
appointed  to  succeed  him.  His  orders  were  dated 
May  10th,  1776.  There  being  no  blanks,  the  order 
to  take  the  Providence  as  her  captain  was  written  by 
Commodore  Hopkins  on  the  back  of  the  commission 
Jones  held  from  Congress,  as  a  lieutenant.  Being,  at 
that  time,  certainly  the  oldest  lieutenant  in  the  navy, 
his  right  to  the  command  could  not  well  be  questioned. 

The  first  service  on  which  Jones  was  employed, 
after  getting  his  vessel,  was  to  transport  certain  troops 
to  New  York.  Having  done  this  with  success,  he  re 
turned  to  Rhode  Island,  hove  out  his  sloop,  and  pre 
pared  her  for  more  critical  exploits.  In  June  he  was 
ready  again  for  sea.  He  was  now  employed  a  few 
days  in  convoying  military  stores  through  the  narrow 
waters  about  the  eastern  entrance  of  Long  Island 
Sound ;  and,  as  this  was  done  in  the  presence  of  an 
enemy  of  greatly  superior  force,  it  was  an  extremely 
delicate  and  arduous  duty.  He  was  frequently  chased, 
and  several  times  under  fire,  but  always  escaped  by 
address  and  precaution.  On  one  occasion  he  covered 


20  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

the  retreat  of  a  brig  that  was  coming  in  from  the  West 
Indies,  laden  with  military  supplies  for  Washington, 
and  which  was  hard  pressed  by  the  Cerberus  frigate. 
By  drawing  the  attention  of  the  latter  to  himself,  the 
brig  escaped,  and,  proving  a  fast  vessel,  she  was  sub 
sequently  bought  into  the  service,  and  called  the 
Hampden. 

It  would  seem  that  the  spirit,  enterprise  and  sea 
manship  Jones  displayed,  during  the  fortnight  he  was 
thus  employed,  at  once  gave  him  a  character  in  the 
navy;  his  boldness  and  success  having  passed  into 
history,  although  no  event  of  a  brilliancy  likely  to  at 
tract  the  common  attention  occurred.  This  is  a  proof 
that  seamen  appreciated  what  he  had  done. 

In  July,  Jones  sailed  for  Boston,  always  with  con 
voy  ;  thence  he  proceeded  to  the  Delaware.  As  this 
was  the  moment  when  Lord  Howe's  fleet  was  crowd 
ing  the  American  waters,  the  service  was  particularly 
critical,  but  it  was  successfully  performed.  While  at 
Philadelphia,  Jones  received  his  commission  as  captain, 
signed  by  John  Hancock ;  it  was  dated  August  the  8th. 
This  fact  rests  on  his  own  assertion,*  though  Mr.  Sher- 
burne  has  given  a  copy  of  a  commission  dated  October 
10th,  which  he  appears  to  think  was  the  true  commis 
sion  of  Jones.  In  this  he  is  probably  right ;  new  com 
missions,  arranged  according  to  the  regulated  rank, 


*  It  is  proper  to  say,  that  the  late  Miss  Jeanette  Taylor,  Jones' 
niece,  a  woman  of  intelligence  and  character,  assured  the  writer 
that  she  once  possessed  the  commission  of  her  uncle,  that  was 
dated  August  8th,  but  had  given  it  away  as  containing  an  auto 
graph  signature  of  Hancock.  The  fact  is  of  no  material  moment, 
the  rank  having  been  regulated  only  in  October. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  21 

having  doubtless  been  issued  accordingly.  It  will  be 
seen  that  Independence  was  declared  a  little  before  the 
arrival  of  the  Providence  at  Philadelphia. 

Hitherto,  Jones  had  sailed  under  the  orders  of  Com. 
Hopkins.  He  was  now  brought  in  immediate  contact 
with  the  Marine  Committee  of  Congress;  and  it  is  a 
proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held,  that  the 
latter  offered  him  the  command  of  the  Hampden,  the 
vessel  he  had  rescued  from  the  Cerberus,  by  his  own 
address.  Jones,  by  this  time,  had  got  to  understand  the 
Providence,  and  he  preferred  remaining  in  her,  now 
that  he  had  her  ready  for  immediate  action,  to  accepting 
a  vessel  that  had  still  to  be  equipped,  though  the  latter 
was  much  the  most  considerable  craft.  The  Providence 
mounted  only  twelve  four-pounders,  and  she  had  a 
crew  of  seventy  men. 

The  Marine  Committee  next  ordered  the  Providence 
out  on  a  cruise  that  was  not  to  exceed  three  months, 
giving  her  commander  roving  orders.  Jones  sailed  on 
the  12th  of  August,  and  went  off  Bermuda.  Here  he 
fell  in  with  the  Solebay,  frigate,  which  vessel  outsailed 
him  on  a  wind,  with  a  heavy  sea  going,  and  actually 
got  within  pistol  shot  of  him,  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts. 
While  closing,  the  frigate  kept  up  a  steady  fire  from 
her  chase-guns.  Jones  saw  that  he  must  change  his 
course,  if  he  would  escape;  and,  getting  ready,  he 
bore  up,  set  his  square-sail,  studding-sails,  &c.,  and 
went  off  before  the  wind,  directly  under  the  broadside 
of  his  enemy.  The  manoeuvre  was  a  bold  one,  but  its 
success  must  have  been,  in  some  measure,  owing  to  a 
concurrence  of  favorable  circumstances.  There  was  a 
nross  sea  on,  and  the  Solebay  not  anticipating-  any  se- 


22  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

rious  conflict  with  so  inconsiderable  an  enemy,  doubtless 
had  her  broadside  guns  secured ;  or,  if  either  battery 
had  been  manned  at  all,  it  was  probably  on  the  weather 
side,  the  Providence  having  been  a  little  to  windward 
during  most  of  the  chase.  Previously  to  putting  his 
helm  up,  Jones  edged  gradually  away,  thus  effecting 
his  intention  completely  by  surprise  ;  the  officers  of  the 
Solebay  having  reason  to  suppose  they  were  gradually 
weathering  on  the  chase,  until  they  saw  her  going  off 
dead  before  the  wind.  By  the  time  the  frigate  could 
get  her  light  sails  set,  the  sloop  was  beyond  the  reach 
of  grape,  and  her  safety  was  insured,  the  Providence 
being  unusually  fast  under  her  square  canvas. 

After  this  critical  chase,  which  had  some  such  repu 
tation,  though  in  a  less  degree,  at  the  commencement 
of  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  as  that  of  thfe  Constitution 
possessed  at  the  commencement  of  the  war  of  1812,  the 
Providence  went  to  the  eastward.  Off  the  Isle  of  Sable, 
she  fell  in  with  the  Milford  32,  which  chased  her,  under 
fire,  for  nearly  eight  hours.  Jones  does  not  appear  to 
have  run  the  same  risk  on  this  occasion,  as  in  the  affair 
of  the  Solebay,  though  he  evidently  considered  the  ad 
venture  creditable  to  himself.  In  point  of  fact,  he  kept, 
most  of  the  time,  just  without  the  drop  of  the  enemy's 
shot,  though  there  were  moments  when  both  vessels 
kept  up  a  distant  cannonade.  If  there  was  any  par 
ticular  merit  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  it  was  in  the 
steadiness  and  judgment  with  which  Jones  estimated  his 
own  advantages,  and  the  audacity  with  which  he  used 
them.  Such  experiments  certainly  give  confidence  to 
a  marine,  and  increase  its  means  of  usefulness,  by 
bringing  the  hazards  a  vessel  is  compelled  to  run,  down 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  23 

to  a  just  and  accurate  standard.  Maneuvering  boldly, 
in  face  of  a  superior  force,  either  on  shore  or  afloat,  is 
an  evidence  of  high  military  confidence,  and  insomuch 
a  pledge  of  both  spirit  and  skill.  The  influence  of  both 
these  little  affairs  must  have  been  highly  beneficial  on 
the  temper  of  the  American  navy. 

The  day  succeeding  the  last  chase,  Jones  went  into 
Canseau,  where  he  destroyed  the  English  fishing  es 
tablishment,  burned  several  vessels,  and  shipped  some 
men.  He  next  went  to  Isle  Madame,  and  made  several 
descents  of  a  similar  character,  displaying  great  activity 
and  zeal.  In  the  course  of  the  cruise  the  Providence 
made  sixteen  prizes,  besides  destroying  a  great  number 
of  fishermen.  She  was  out  more  than  six  weeks,  reach 
ing  Providence,  on  her  return,  October  7th,  1776. 

The  representations  of  Capt.  Jones  induced  Com. 
Hopkins  to  send  an  expedition  against  the  colliers  of 
Cape  Breton,  including  the  adjacent  fisheries.  The 
Alfred  had  not  been  out  since  her  first  cruise,  and  was 
then  lying  in  the  river  without  a  crew.  That  ship,  the 
Hampden,  and  Providence  were  selected  for  the  pur 
pose,  and  the  command  of  the  whole  was  assigned  to 
Jones.  No  better  proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  he 
was  held,  or  of  the  influence  he  had  obtained  by  means 
of  his  character,  is  needed  than  this  fact.  The  orders 
were  dated  October  22d,  1776,  and  were  perfectly  legal ; 
for,  though  Congress  regulated  the  rank  on  the  10th, 
Com.  Hopkins  continued  at  the  head  of  the  navy  until 
the  succeeding  January,  when  his  office  was  abolished. 

Jones  soon  found  he  could  not  collect  a  sufficient 
number  of  men  for  the  three  vessels,  and  he  came  to  a 
determination  to  sail  with  only  the  Alfred  and  Hamp- 


24  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

den.  This  arrangement  was  changed,  however,  in 
consequence  of  the  Hampden's  getting  ashore,  and  her 
officers  and  people  were  transferred  to  the  Providence. 
This  occurred  on  the  27th  October,  and  the  two  vessels 
were  unable  to  get  out  until  the  2d  of  November.  As  it 
was,  Jones  conceived  he  put  to  sea  very  short-handed;  the 
Alfred  mustering  only  140  souls,  whereas  she  had  sailed 
from  Philadelphia,  the  previous  February,  with  235.* 
As  this  is  the  time  at  which  the  rank  was  regulated, 
though  the  circumstances  do  not  seem  to  have  yet  been 
known  in  Rhode  Island,  it  is  proper  to  explain  the  in 
fluence  the  new  arrangement  ha,(J  on  the  position  of  our 
subject.  In  the  first  appointments,  Jones  ranked  as  the 
senior  first  lieutenant  of  the  navy.  The  fourth  officer 
of  the  same  grade  was  Mr.  Hoysted  Hacker,  who  was 
promoted  to  a  command  soon  after  Jones  himself  re 
ceived  his  own  advancement.  Still,  Capt.  Jones  ranked 
Capt.  Hacker,  and  the  latter  had  actually  been  ap 
pointed  to  command  the  Hampden,  in  the  expedition  to 
the  eastward.  This  same  officer  was  transferred  to  the 
Providence,  and  actually  sailed  as  a  subordinate  to  Jones 
on  the  2d  November,  when,  by  the  regulated  rank  esta 
blished  by  a  vote  of  Congress  twenty-two  days  before, 
he  was  placed  above  him  on  the  new  list  of  captains. 
On  that  list  appear  the  names  of  twenty-four  captains. 
Of  these,  Jones  ranks  as  the  eighteenth,  and  Capt. 
Hacker  as  the  sixteenth.  It  is  not  surprising  that  the 
former  complained  of  such  a  change ;  though  his  argu- 

*  Clarke,  Mackenzie,  and  various  other  writers  give  the  Alfred 
and  Columbus,  each,  300  men,  on  the  expedition  against  New 
Providence ;  crews  altogether  disproportioned  to  the  sizes  of  the 
ships.  Jones'  own  authority  is  used  for  what  we  say. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  25 

ments  against  the  elevatioai  of  many  respectable  gentle 
men  who  were  placed  over  him,  under  original  appoint 
ments,  at  the  regular  formation  of  the  marine  and  after  the 
declaration  of  independence,  are  by  no  means  as  strong. 

The  Alfred  and  Providence  went  to  the  eastward,  as 
had  been  arranged,  crossing  the  shoals.  They  passed 
many  of  the  enemy's  ships  that  were  lying  off  Block 
Island,  in  the  night,  anchoring  in  Tarpaulin  Cove,  for 
light  to  go  over  the  shallow  water.  While  lying  in 
the  Cove,  a  privateer  was  examined  for  deserters,  four 
of  which  were  found,  and  a  few  men  were  pressed,  as 
Jones  always  maintained,  in  obedience  to  orders  from 
Com.  Hopkins.  This  affair,  subsequently,  gave  Jones 
a  good  deal  of  trouble.  He  was  sued  by  the  owner  of 
the  privateer,  the  damages  being  laid  at  £10,000; 
Com.  Hopkins  declining  to  justify  the  act.  This,  for 
some  time,  was  one  of  the  many  grievances  of  which 
Jones  was  in  the  habit  of  complaining,  and  quite  pro 
bably  with  justice. 

OfFLouisburg,  three  prizes  were  made,  one  of  which 
proved  to  be  very  valuable.  It  was  a  large  store-ship, 
called  the  Mellish,  conveying  clothing  to  the  British 
troops.  The  following  night,  the  Providence  parted 
company  in  a  snow-storm.  The  two  smaller  prizes 
were  now  ordered  in,  but  Jones  continued  his  cruise, 
keeping  the  Mellish  in  company  on  account  of  her 
great  importance  to  the  American  cause.  A  landing 
was  made  at  Canseau,  a  good  deal  of  injury  done  to  the 
enemy,  and  the  ships  again  put  to  sea.  Off  Louisburg, 
Jones  took  three  colliers,  out  of  a  convoy,  in  a  fog. 
Two  days  later,  he  captured  a  fine  Letter  of  Marque, 
out  of  Liverpool,  The  Alfred  was  now  full  of  prisoners, 

^01,.    II.  8 


26  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

and,  it  being  of  great  importance  to  secure  the  Mellish, 
Jones  shaped  his  course  for  Boston.  On  the  7th  De 
cember,  he  fell  in  with  his  old  acquaintance,  the  Mil- 
ford,  and  had  another  critical  chase,  in  which  he  suc 
ceeded  in  covering  the  Mellish,  though  the  Letter  of 
Marque  was  recaptured,  owing  to  a  false  manoeuvre  of 
the  prize-master.  On  the  15th,  the  Alfred  went  into 
Boston,  the  Mellish,  for  the  sake  of  certainty,  going  to 
Dartmouth. 

At  Boston,  Jones  received  an  order  from  Com.  Hop 
kins  to  transfer  the  Alfred  to  Capt.  Hinman,  who  was 
his  junior,  on  the  regulated  list,  even,  by  two  numbers. 
This  was  certainly  a  hard  case,  and  cannot  well  be  ac 
counted  for,  except  through  the  existence  of  prejudices 
against  our  hero.  That  Jones  was  the  subject  of  many 
prejudices,  throughout  his  life ,  is  beyond  a  question ; 
and  it  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  some  of  these  feel 
ings  had  their  origin  in  faults  of  character.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  he  had  some  of  the  notions  that  the  Eng 
lishman,  or  European,  is  known  still  to  entertain  toward 
the  Americans,  and  which  were  much  more  general 
half-a-century  since  than  they  are  to-day,  the  betrayal 
of  which  would  not  be  very  likely  to  make  friends.  It 
is  undeniable  that  the  Americans  were  an  exceedingly 
provincial  people  in  1777  ;  nor  is  the  reproach  entirely 
removed  at  the  present  time;  and  nothing  is  more 
natural  than  to  hear  men  educated  in  a  more  advanced 
state  of  society,  declaiming  about  defects  that  strike 
them  unpleasantly ;  or  nothing  more  natural  than  to 
find  those  strictures  producing  an  active  and  blind  re 
sentment.  Jones  was  unaided,  too,  by  connections; 
even  the  delegates  of  Virginia  appearing  not  to  take  the 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  27 

usual  interest  of  the  representative,  in  an  unknown  and 
unsupported  stranger.  His  chief  reliance  seems  to  have 
been  on  Mr.  Hewes,  of  the  Marine  Committee,  and  on 
Robert  Morris;  the  latter  of  whom  became  his  firm 
friend  in  the  end. 

Jones  remonstrated  against  this  appointment  of  Capt. 
Hinman,  and  succeeded  in  getting  an  order  to  place  the 
Alfred,  Columbus,  Cabot,  Hampden  and  Providence 
under  his  own  command,  with  directions  to  sail  to  the 
southward,  with  great  discretionary  powers.  These 
orders  produced  no  results ;  Com,  Hopkins,  according 
to  Jones'  account  of  the  matter,  throwing  impediments 
in  the  way.  It  is  probable,  too,  that  in  February,  1777, 
the  country  was  not  in  a  condition  to  fit  out  a  military 
enterprise  of  so  much  importance ;  want  of  means 
being  quite  as  instrumental  in  defeating  Jones'  hopes 
as  want  of  will.  There  is,  also,  reason  for  thinking 
that  Hopkins  distrusted  Jones'  feelings  as  regards  the 
country ;  the  result  most  likely  of  some  of  his  loose  and 
indiscreet  remarks, 

Many  of  Jones'  official  letters,  written  during  the 
cruises  he  had  made,  have  been  preserved,  and  aid  in 
throwing  light  on  his  character.  In  general,  they  are 
plainly  and  respectably  written,  though  they  are  not 
entirely  free  from  the  vaunting  which  was  more  in 
fashion  formerly  than  it  is  to-day;  and  occasionally 
they  betray  an  exaggerated  and  false  taste.  On  the 
whole,  however,  they  may  be  received  as  superior  to 
the  reports  of  most  of  the  commanders  of  the  age; 
many  captains  in  even  the  regular  marine  of  the  mo 
ther  country  making  reports  essentially  below  those  of 
Jones  in  sentiment,  distinctness,  and  diction. 


28  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Hopkins  having  some  of  Jones'  new  squadron  with 
himself,  at  Providence,  and  refusing  to  give  them  up, 
the  latter  made  a  journey  to  Philadelphia,  in  order 
to  demand  redress  of  Congress.  He  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  regularly  apprized  of  the  regulated  rank, 
until  this  occasion.  A  memorial,  addressed  to  Con 
gress,  at  a  later  day,  and  on  the  subject  of  rank,  and  his 
other  grievances,  was  intemperate  in  language,  and 
probably  did  his  cause,  which  was  tolerably  strong  in 
facts,  no  good.  Speaking  of  the  officers  who  were  put 
above  him  on  the  regulated  list,  he  says — "  Among 
those  thirteen,  there  are  individuals  who  can  neither 
pretend  to  parts  nor  education,  and  with  whom,  as  a 
private  gentleman,  /  would  disdain  to  associate" 
This  is  sufficiently  vain-glorious,  and  downright  rude. 
If  he  betrayed  similar  feelings  while  at  Philadelphia,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  his  claims  were  slighted. 

Jones  had  an  explanation  with  Hancock  on  the  sub 
ject  of  his  rank,  and  left  Philadelphia,  soothed  with 
assurances  that  his  services  were  appreciated.  He 
had  the  indiscretion,  however,  to  let  the  commission, 
dated  August  5th,  1770,  pass  out  of  his  hands,  and  was 
never  able  to  recover  it.  This  commission,  he  afterward 
affirmed,  was  the  first  granted  after  the  declaration  of 
independence,  and  entitled  him  to  be  put  at  the  head 
of  the  list  of  captains.* 

By  the  journal  of  Congress,  it  would  seem  that  a 
resolution  was  passed  on  the  15th  March,  1777,  direct 
ing  that  one  of  those  ships  that  had  been  previously 


*  It  will  be  remembered  that  Miss  Taylor  told  the  writer  she 
once  owned  this  commission,  and  had  given  it  away. 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  29 

ordered  to  be  purchased,  should  be  given  to  "  Capt. 
John  Paul  Jones,  until  better  provision  can  be  made  for 
him,"  Referring  to  the  dates  of  these  different  trans 
actions,  we  are  left  to  believe  that  this  resolution  was 
passed  as  some  atonement  for  depriving  our  hero  of  his 
former  command  :  that  the  project  of  sending  him  out 
with  the  vessels  which  Com.  Hopkins  detained,  was 
subsequently  formed,  and  a  third  means  of  employing 
this  active  officer  was  suggested  after  his  visit  to  Phila 
delphia.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that  much 
confusion  exists  in  the  dates  of  many  of  the  events  con 
nected  with  the  life  of  Jones,  those  connected  with  the 
resolutions  of  Congress,  in  particular,  often  appearing 
irreconcilable  with  known  occurrences,  unless  we  sup 
pose  that  the  passage  of  a  resolution  and  its  promulga 
tion  were  by  no  means  simultaneous.  Thus  it  is  that 
we  find  Jones  expressing  his  surprise  at  the  regulated 
rank,  in  April,  1777,  though  it  was  enacted  in  October, 
1776. 

The  ship  which  was  assigned  to  Jones,  under  the 
resolution  just  mentioned,  was  a  vessel  called  the 
Ranger.  She  lay  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  and 
wanted  a  great  deal  of  work  to  fit  her  for  sea.  Her 
new  captain  immediately  set  about  the  necessary 
arrangements,  when  the  third  project  alluded  to  was 
brought  up,  and  he  received  fresh  orders.  The  com 
missioners  in  Paris  had  ordered  a  very  heavy  frigate  to 
be  built  in  Holland,  on  account  of  government.  This 
ship  was,  at  first,  called  the  Indien,  and  subsequently 
the  South  Carolina.  She  was  one  of  the  heaviest  sin 
gle-decked  ships  that  had  then  ever  been  constructed, 
mounting  Swedish  thirty-sixes  on  her  main  deck.  The 
8* 


30  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

idea  was  now  to  give  this  ship  to  Jones,  and  to  send 
him  out  to  join  hep,  with  a  party  of  officers  and  men,  in 
a  French  Letter  of  Marque,  called  the  Amphitrite,  that 
had  recently  arrived  with  stores  from  Europe.  The 
arrangement  contemplated  that  Jones  should  cruise 
in  the  Amphitrite,  on  his  way  out,  and,  as  France, 
was  then  at  peace  with  England,  this  could  only  be 
effected  by  a  transfer  of  property.  Owing  to  some 
difficulty  of  this  nature,  the  scheme  fell  through; 
and,  in  June,  by  another  resolution,  Jones  was  ordered 
to  the  Ranger  again.  This  ship  he  commenced  fitting 
for  sea,  though  it  required  months  to  effect  the  object. 
While  engaged  in  the  negotiation  about  the  Amphi 
trite,  Jones  received  a  third  commission  as  a  captain, 
from  the  Marine  Committee,  direct.  The  two  pre 
ceding  it  had  been  commissions  to  command  particu 
lar  vessels,  while  the  present  made  him,  in  general 
terms,  a  captain  in  the  navy,  by  virtue  of  which  he 
might  command  any  vessel  of  the  government.  This 
was  done  because  the  committee  did  not  know  precisely 
what  the  commissioners  in  France  had  effected  in  the 
way  of  ships  in  Europe.  The  date  of  this  last  com 
mission  corresponded  with  that  given  under  the  regu 
lated  rank. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  the  very  day  Congress 
ordered  Jones  to  the  Ranger,  it  adopted  the  stars  and 
stripes  as  the  flag  of  the  republic.  This  was  June  14th, 
1777.  One  of  the  first  things  Jones  did,  on  reaching 
his  ship,  was  to  hoist  this  new  ensign.  He  always 
claimed  to  have  been  the  first  man  to  hoist  the  flag  of 
1775,  in  a  national  ship,  and  the  first  man  to  show  the 
present  ensign  on  board  a  man-of-war.  This  may  bo 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  31 

true  or  not.  There  was  a  weakness  about  the  character 
of  the  man  that  rendered  him  a  little  liable  to  self-delu 
sions  of  this  nature,  and,  while  it  is  probable  he  was 
right  as  to  the  flag  which  was  shown  before  Philadel 
phia,  the  town  where  Congress  was  sitting,  it  is  by  no 
means  as  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  first  of  the  per 
manent  flags  was  shown  at  a  place  as  distant  as  Ports 
mouth.  The  circumstances  are  of  no  moment,  except 
as  they  serve  to  betray  a  want  of  simplicity  of  character, 
that  was  rather  a  failing  with  the  man,  and  his  avidity 
for  personal  distinction  of  every  sort. 

The  Ranger  was  not  ready  for  sea  before  the  15th 
October.  Even  then  her  equipment  was  very  imper 
fect,  the  vessel  having  but  one  suit  of  sails,  and  some 
of  these  were  made  of  insufficient  cloth.  The  ship 
was  frigate  built,  like  most  of  the  sloops  of  that  day, 
and  was  pierced  for  twenty-six  guns ;  viz.,  eighteen 
below,  and  eight  above.  This  number  was  furnished, 
but  he  rejected  all  but  those  for  the  main  deck,  mount 
ing  eighteen  sixes.  Even  these  guns  he  considered  as 
three  diameters  of  the  bore  too  short.  Of  men  he  had 
enough,  but  his  stores  were  very  short,  and  it  is  a  sin 
gular  fact,  that  he  could  obtain  but  a  barrel  of  ruin  for 
his  whole  crew.  Under  such  difficulties,  however, 
was  the  independence  of  this  country  obtained. 

The  Ranger  sailed  from  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp 
shire,  for  France,  Nov.  1st,  1777.  This  was  the  first 
time  Jones  had  left  America,  or  the  American  waters, 
since  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  after  the  death  of  his  bro 
ther.  He  still  went  to  Europe  in  expectation  of  obtain 
ing  the  Dutch-built  frigate,  intending  to  cruise  in  her, 
with  the  Ranger  in  company.  On  the  2d  Dec.  the 


32  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Ranger  arrived  at  Nantes,  having  made  two  captures 
on  the  passage.  She  saw  a  convoy,  but  got  nothing 
from  it,  and  had  a  short  chase  with  a  two-decked  ship. 
On  all  occasions,  Jones  represents  his  people,  who  were 
principally  eastern  men,  as  behaving  well. 

A  severe  disappointment  awaited  Jones  on  reaching 
France.  Owing  to  the  jealousy  of  England,  the  com 
missioners  had  found  themselves  under  the  necessity 
of  transferring  the  ship  building  in  Holland  to  the  King 
of  France  ;  an  arrangement  which  deprived  them  of  all 
authority  over  her.*  Jones  submitted  to  this  defeat  of 
his  hopes  with  a  moderation  and  good  sense  that  are  in 
his  favor ;  thus  proving,  we  think,  that  his  many  pre 
vious  complaints  were  founded  on  just  principles,  in  his 
own  opinion  at  least,  and  not  in  querulousness  of  cha 
racter,  as  has  been  sometimes  alleged  ;  for,  in  this  case, 
the  evil  being  unavoidable,  he  saw  no  good  motive  for 
quarrelling  with  fortune.  He  consoled  himself  with  the 

*  The  Indien  was  subsequently  hired  to  the  State  of  South  Ca 
rolina,  and  had  her  name  changed  to  that  of  the  state.  The  nego 
tiation  was  carried  on  through  the  agency  of  the  Chevalier  de 
Luxembourg.  In  his  History  of  the  Navy,  the  writer  mentions 
his  belief  that  this  Chevalier  de  Luxembourg  was  not  a  sovereign 
prince,  as  has  been  supposed,  but  a  member  of  the  House  of  Mont- 
morency.  In  an  Acte  de  famille  of  this  illustrious  house,  which 
was  made  in  this  century,  we  find  these  words — viz. : 

"  1731.  The  Duke  of  Chatillon  had  but  one  son,  Charles  Paul 
Sigismund,  known  by  the  name  of  Duke  of  Bouteville ;  who  had 
an  only  son,  Charles  Anne  de  Montmorency-Luxembourg,  Duke 
of  Olonne.  The  Duke  of  Olonne  had  two  sons,  of  which  one, 
known  as  the  Chevalier  de  Luxembourg,  is  dead  without  issue." 

There  is  no  question  that  this  Chevalier  de  Luxembourg  is  the 
person  who  hired  the  Indien  to  the  State  of  South  Carolina,  on 
shares.  As  the  ship  had  been  given  to  the  king,  may  not  this  have 
been  a  secret  experiment,  in  royal  privateering?  ' 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  33 

knowledge  that  Congress  thought  him  worthy  of  so 
important  a  trust,  and  says,  "  I  can  bear  the  disappoint 
ment  with  philosophy." 

As  soon  as  all  hopes  of  getting  another  and  better 
ship  were  abandoned,  Jones  took  the  Ranger  round  to 
Q,uiberon  Bay,  convoying  some  American  vessels. 
Here  he  met  the  fleet  of  M.  Le  Motte  Picquet,  and 
opened  a  negotiation  for  a  salute.  His  request  was 
acceded  to,  and  salutes  were  exchanged,  not  only  with 
this  distinguished  officer,  but,  a  few  days  later,  with  the 
Cornte  d'Orvillers,  the  commander-in-chief  o£  the 
Brest  fleet.  In  consequence  of  these  proceedings,  Jones 
claimed  the  honor  of  having  received  the  first  salute  to 
the  American  flag,  as  he  did  that  of  having  first  hoisted 
the  flag  itself.  It  is  certain  he  is  mistaken  as  to  the  for 
mer  of  these  claims,  unless  he  means  the  particular  flag 
adopted  by  Congress,  June,  1777 ;  for  a  serious  diffi 
culty  occurred  in  consequence  of  a  Dutch  governor's 
having  saluted  an  American  vessel  of  war  in  the  West 
Indies,  the  year  previously.  Still,  the  motive  and  the 
feeling  were  the  same,  and  it  was  certainly  a  point 
gained  to  obtain  a  salute  from  a  French  commander-in- 
chief  at  the  time  mentioned. 

While  lying  among  the  French  ships,  Jones  seems 
to  have  had  a  good  deal  of  communication  with  its  flag 
officers.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  submit  certain 
plans  to  them  for  expeditions  to  America,  a  general  war 
being  now  certain,  and  his  projects  show  an  active  and 
fertile  mind.  These  qualities,  indeed,  form  the  great 
and  distinctive  features  of  his  character,  one  military 
scheme  being  no  sooner  disposed  of  than  he  turned  his 
thoughts  to  another  with  untiring  ingenuity. 


34  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

April  lOtJi,  1778,  the  Ranger  again  went  to  sea 
alone,  Jones  having  relinquished  all  hope  of  doing  any 
thing,  for  the  present  at  least,  without  achieving  it 
with  his  own  limited  means.  It  is  usual  to  ascribe 
more  credit  to  the  great  cruise  that  succeeded  than  to 
this  of  the  Ranger,  and  yet  Jones  proba.bly  never 
showed  more  of  his  real  character  than  in  the  enter 
prise  which  he  now  undertook.  We  shall  first  relate 
the  events  as  they  occurred,  and  then  give  a  summary 
of  their  character  and  importance. 

On  the  14th,  the  Ranger  took  a  vessel,  loaded  with 
flaxseed,  and  bound  to  Ireland.  This  prize  secured, 
she  shaped  her  course  for  St.  George's  Channel.  Off 
Dublin  she  captured  a  London  ship.  The  weather  being 
favorable,  Jones  now  determined  to  make  a  descent  at 
Whitehaven,  the  place  out  of  which  he  had  first  sailed, 
in  order  to  destroy  the  shipping  by  fire.  With  this 
view,  on  the  evening  of  the  18th,  he  was  off'  the  port, 
and,  about  ten  at  night,  he  was  on  the  point  of  landing 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  volunteers,  when  the 
wind  shifted,  and  began  to  blow  so  fresh,  directly  on 
shore,  as  to  render  the  descent  impracticable.  The 
ship  made  sail  to  claw  off  the  land. 

The  next  day  the  Ranger  chased  a  revenue  wherry 
unsuccessfully,  and,  though  the  ship  was  disguised  as 
a  merchantman,  it  is  thought  the  crew  of  the  boat  sus 
pected  her  of  being  an  enemy.  It  could  not  well  be 
otherwise,  indeed,  since  Jones,  in  his  desire  to  get  the 
boat,  kept  up  a  smart  fire  on  her  for  some  time.  The 
next  morning  he  found  himself  so  near  a  coaster  as  to 
be  compelled  to  sink  her,  in  order  to  prevent  the  dis 
covery  of  his  presence.  Another  attempt  inshore  was 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  35 

abandoned,  the  same  day,  on  account  of  the  state  of  the 
wind. 

All  this  time  Jones  was  close  in  with  the  land,  visible 
from  the  shore,  and  looking  into  the  different  bays  and 
roadsteads  as  he  passed  along  the  coast.  One  cutter  he 
chased  into  the  Clyde,  going  as  high  as  the  Rock  of  Ailsa, 
and  he  sunk  a  Dublin  sloop,  to  prevent  intelligence. 

On  the  20th,  the  Ranger  was  off  Carrickfergus,  and 
detained  a  fishing-boat  ^hat  came  alongside.  A  ship 
was  at  anchor  in  the  road,  which  the  prisoners  said  was 
the  Drake,  Capt.  Burden,  a  vessel  of  about  the  size, 
armament  and  metal  of  the  Ranger ;  though  she  is  said 
to  have  carried  two  more  guns.  This  was  just  such  an 
opportunity  as  Jones  wanted,  and  though  he  was  alone 
on  an  enemy's  coast,  and  might  be  said  to  be  fighting 
with  a  halter  round  his  neck,  he  at  once  resolved  to 
attack  his  enemy  at  anchor,  as  soon  as  it  was  dark. 
That  night,  therefore,  the  Ranger  stood  in,  with  a 
strong  breeze,  with  the  intention  of  laying  the  Drake 
athwart  hawse,  grappling,  and  fighting  it  out.  Owing 
to  the  darkness,  however,  and  the  anchor's  hanging,  the 
Ranger  brought  up  about  half  a  cable's  length  on  the 
Drake's  quarter,  instead  of  the  position  desired,  and 
Jones  at  once  saw  the  expediency  of  abandoning  the 
design.  He  ordered  the  cable  cut,  on  the  instant,  so  as 
to  give  the  appearance  of  its  having  parted  in  snubbing, 
made  sail,  and  began  to  beat  out  of  the  loch.  As  no 
warlike  demonstration  had  yet  been  made,  singular  as 
it  may  seem,  this  was  done  without  molestation  from 
the  Drake.  It  was  Jones'  intention  to  work  to  wind 
ward,  and  to  renew  the  attempt  the  same  night,  but  it 
blew  so  fresh  that  he  was  glad  to  get  an  offing  on  any 

* 


36  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

terms.  The  wind  increased  to  a  gale,  and  he  stood 
over  toward  the  coast  of  Scotland  to  find  a  lee. 

As  soon  as  the  weather  moderated,  Jones  determined 
to  renew  the  attempt  on  Whitehaven.  On  the  night 
of  the  22d  he  got  off  that  port  again,  though  not  as  close 
in  as  he  wished,  in  consequence  of  the  lightness  of  the 
wind.  At  midnight  he  left  the  ship,  having  with  him, 
in  two  boats,  thirty-one  volunteers.  Day  began  to 
dawn  just  as  the  party  reached  the  outer  pier.  Jones 
now  divided  his  men.  One  party  was  sent,  under  Lieut. 
Wallirigford,  to  set  fire  to  the  shipping  on  the  north  side 
of  the  harbor,  while  he  went  himself  with  the  other  to 
do  the  same  on  the  south.  There  was  a  small  fort  on 
Jones'  side,  with  a  few  men  in  it  as  a  guard.  He 
scaled  the  walls,  found  the  men  in  the  guard-house, 
where  he  secured  them,  and  spiked  the  guns.  Jones 
now  took  a  single  officer  and  went  a  distance  of  a  quar 
ter  of  a  mile  to  another  battery,  the  guns  of  which  he 
also  spiked. 

On  his  return  from  the  distant  battery,  Jones  expected 
to  find  the  ships  on  fire.  So  far  from  this,  however, 
nothing  material  had  been  done.  Mr.  Wallingford  had 
altogether  abandoned  his  portion  of  the  enterprise,  the 
candle  on  which  he  relied  having  burnt  out  just  as  it 
was  time  to  use  it.  The  same  accident  had  occurred 
on  his  own  side  of  the  harbor  also.  It  was  now  broad 
daylight,  and  the  alarm  had  been  given,  but  Jones 
would  not  abandon  his  design.  A  candle  was  procured 
from  a  house,  and  a  fire  was  kindled  in  the  steerage 
of  a  large  ship.  As  this  vessel  lay  surrounded  by  a 
hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  other  craft,  all  high 
and  dry,  the  tide  being  out,  there  is  no  question  that 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  37 

a  good  fire,  fairly  kindled,  would  have  destroyed  the 
whole. 

The  great  object  of  Jones  was  now  to  repair  the  loss 
of  time.  The  sun  had  risen,  and  the  people  of  the 
place  were  already  in  motion,  though  confused  and  in 
alarm.  The  fire  burnt  but  slowly,  and  search  was  made 
for  combustibles  to  aid  it.  At  length  a  barrel  of  tar  was 
found  and  poured  upon  the  flames.  Jones  then  collect 
ed  his  men,  and  ordered  them  to  embark  from  the  end 
of  the  pier.  By  this  time  the  inhabitants  of  the  place 
were  out  in  thousands,  and  some  of  the  men  ran  towards 
the  pier.  Jones  met  -the  last  with  a  presented  pistol, 
ordering  them  off,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives.  Such  was 
the  influence  of  courage  and  steadiness,  that  these  men 
retreated,  leaving  the  pier  in  possession  of  this  handful 
of  enemies.  As  the  flames  now  burst  out  of  the  steer 
age  and  began  to  ascend  the  rigging,  and  the  sun  had 
been  up  an  hour,  Jones  thought  it  prudent  to  retire. 
He  had  remained  some  time  on  the  pier  all  alone,  and 
embarked  without  molestation,  though  the  eminences 
around  were  covered  with  spectators. 

The  boats  retired  without  difficulty.  Attempts  were 
made  to  fire  on  them  from  the  batteries,  but  the  guns 
were  all  spiked.  One  or  two  pieces,  however,  had 
escaped,  or,  as  Jones  believed,  ship's  guns  were  dragged 
down  upon  the  pier,  'and  began  to  play  upon  the  adven 
turers  without  effect.  No  person  was  injured  in  the 
affair,  and  only  one  man  was  missing.  This  person  is 
supposed  to  have  deserted,  and  to  have  given  the  alarm ; 
such  a  man  coming  to  several  houses  with  the  news 
that  a  ship  had  been  set  on  fire.  Nor  was  any  material 
damage  done  to  the  shipping,  the  people  of  the  place 

VOL.   II.  4 


38  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

succeeding  in  extinguishing  the  flames,  before  they 
reached  the  other  vessels.  Jones  took  three  prisoners, 
whom  he  brought  off  as  a  sort  of  trophy. 

The  same  day  the  Ranger  crossed  the  Solway,  and 
made  a  landing  at  St.  Mary's  Isle,  where  is  the  seat  of 
the  Earls  of  Selkirk.  Jones  had  but  a  single  boat  on 
this  occasion,  and  he  landed  again  in  person.  His  ob 
ject  was  to  seize  Lord  Selkirk,  fancying  that  a  prisoner 
of  his  rank  might  be  useful  in  affecting  the  treatment 
of  the  Americans,  who  were  then  in  the  English  prisons. 
Ascertaining,  soon  after  he  had  landed,  that  Lord  Sel 
kirk  was  not  at  home,  Jones  returned  to  his  boat.  But 
the  men  complained  of  being  again  disappointed,  and, 
after  some  discussion,  their  captain  assented  that  they 
might  go  to  the  house  and  ask  for  plate.  They  were 
limited  to  accepting  such  as  was  offered.  The  truth  is 
not  to  be  concealed,  that  an  officer  was  at  the  head  of 
this  party,  but  many  of  the  officers  of  that  period  were 
men  taken  from  trading  vessels,  and  were  actuated  by 
motives  that  were  little  honorable  to  them.  Lady  Sel 
kirk  received  the  officers  of  this  party  herself,  none  of 
the  men  being  suffered  to  enter  the  house.  Some  plate, 
valued  at  about  .£100,*  .was  delivered,  and  the  party 
retired,  doing  no  other  harm. 

In  the  present  day,  such  an  act  would  be  entirely 
unjustifiable.  No  American  officer  would  dare  to  be 

*  The  connection  of  Jones,  already  mentioned,  affirms  that  the 
value  of  the  plate  taken  was  more  than  $5000.  Our  information 
was  obtained  from  the  present  head  of  the  house  of  Selkirk.  Which 
is  right,  it  is  impossible  to  say,  though  it  strikes  us  that  the  smaller 
sum  is  most  likely  to  be  the  true  one.  If  Jones  actually  paid  £1000 
sterling  out  of  his  own  pocket,  to  redeem  this  plate,  as  Miss  Tay 
lor  seems  to  think,  it  greatly  enhances  the  merit  of  his  sacrifices. 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  39 

guilty  of  it  openly ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  no  one  would 
wish  to  do  it  at  all.  Acts  very  similar  to  it,  however, 
have  been  committed  on  our  own  coasts  within  the  last 
thirty  years,  if  not  with  the  connivance  of  officers,  at 
least  in  their  presence.  If  we  go  back  a  century  ear 
lier,  it  was  the  common  mode  of  warfare  of  the  Drakes 
and  other  commanders  of  the  English  service.  As  it 
was,  Jones  was  sensible  of  its  unworthiness,  and  he 
subsequently  purchased  the  plate  and  restored  it  to  its 
owner.  Owing  to  the  difficulties  of  communication, 
nearly  or  quite  ten  years  elapsed  before  Lord  Selkirk 
actually  recovered  his  property,  but  he  acknowledges 
that  he  got  it  at  last,  and  expressed  his  satisfaction  with 
the  course  pursued  by  Jones. 

A  letter  written  by  Jones  to  Lady  Selkirk,  on  this 
occasion,  has  been  often  published,  and  has  been  greatly 
praised.  It  has  much  of  the  exaggerated  and  false  taste 
of  the  writer,  while  it  shows  creditable  sentiments.  Its 
great  fault  is  a  want  of  simplicity,  a  defect  that  seems 
to  have  pervaded  Jones'  character.  That  Jones  com 
mitted  a  fault  in  allowing  the  plunder  at  all  is  undenia 
ble,  though  he  seems  to  have  yielded  solely  to  a  tempo 
rary  expedient,  reserving  to  himself  the  intention  to 
repair  the  wrong  at  the  earliest  occasion.  Sordid  he 
was  not ;  and  admitting  the  redemption  to  have  been  an 
after-thought  even,  there  is  no  reason  for  believing  that 
he  was  any  way  influenced  by  a  wish  to  make  money. 
With  such  an  end  in  view,  a  man  of  his  enterprise 
would  scarcely  have  limited  his  efforts  to  accepting  the 
little  plate  that  was  offered.  He  \vould  have  stripped 
the  house. 

The  landing  at  St.  Mary's  Isle  occurred  on  the  23d 


40  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

April,  and  the  following  morning  the  Ranger  once  more 
appeared  off  Carrickfergus,  where  Jones  saw  symptoms 
that  the  Drake  was  preparing  to  come  out.  That  the 
character  of  the  American  ship  was  not  known,  how 
ever,  is  clear  from  the  fact  that  the  Drake  sent  a  boat 
out  to  reconnoitre.  This  boat  was  decoyed  alongside, 
and  her  officer  and  crew  captured.  From  his  prisoners 
Jones  ascertained  that  intelligence  of  what  had  occurred 
at  Whitehaven  reached  Carrickfergus  the  previous 
night,  and  no  doubt  was  entertained  that  the  ship  which 
had  appeared  off  the  one  place  was  the  vessel  that  had 
made  the  attempt  on  the  Drake  in  the  other.  The  lat 
ter  vessel  had  weighed  the  lost  anchor  of  the  Ranger ; 
and  it  was  now  ascertained  that  she  had  received  many 
volunteers  on  board,  and  was  coming  out  in  quest  of  her 
enemy.  The  only  doubt,  therefore,  which  could  exist 
among  the  English  was  whether  the  vessel  now  in  the 
offing  was  the  same  as  that  which  had  made  the  two 
previous  attempts. 

When  the  Drake  got  underway,  she  was  accompanied 
by  several  boats  filled  with  persons  who  were  disposed 
to  be  witnesses  of  the  action.  Jones  hove-to  and  waited 
for  his  enemy,  amid  a  scene  that  might  well  have  dis- 
.turbed  the  self-confidence  of  a  man  of  less  fortitude. 
He  was  in  the  narrow  waters  of  the  most  powerful 
naval  power  on  earth,  with  the  three.kingdoms  in  plain 
view.  Alarm  smokes  were  raised  on  each  side  of  the 
channel,  in  great  numbers,  showing  that  his  foes  were 
up  and  doing.  He  had  already  given  occasion  for  ex 
traordinary  activity,  and  an  enemy  that  had  enjoyed 
time  to  get  perfectly  ready,  and  which,  to  say  the  least, 
was  always  his  equal  in  force,  was  coming  out  from  her 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  41 

moorings  purposely  to  engage  him.  This,  according 
to  a  favorite  expression  of  Jones  himself,  was  literally 
going  into  "  harm's  way." 

The  tide  was  not  favorable,  and  the  English  ship 
came  out  very  slowly.  The  Ranger's  drift  was  to  wind 
ward,  and  her  helm  was  put  up  several  times,  in  order 
to  run  down  toward  her  enemy,  when  she  would  throw 
her  main-top-sail  aback,  and  lie  with  her  courses  in  the 
brails.  As  soon  as  the  amateurs  ascertained  that  the 
boat  which  was  towing  astern  of  the  strange  ship  was 
that  sent  out  by  the  Drake,  they  all  bore  up  and  ran 
back  into  the  loch.  At  length,  long  after  the  turn  of 
the  day,  the  English  ship  succeeded  in  weathering  the 
headland,  and  was  enabled  to  lay  a  straight  course  into 
the  offing.  She  now  set  her  colors,  and  the  Ranger 
showed  what  it  was  then  the  fashion  of  England  to  call 
the  "rebel  flag."  Jones  filled  and  stood  off  the  land, 
under  easy  canvas,  to  lead  his  enemy  out  mid-channel. 
The  Drake  followed,  gradually  closing,  until  she  got 
within  hail. 

Jones  had  at  length  gained  his  point,  and  was  in  mo 
mentary  expectation  of  commencing  an  action  with  an 
enemy's  ship  of  equal  force.  While  he  awaited  her 
fire,  he  was  hailed,  with  a  demand  to  know  who  and 
what  he  was.  The  answer  was  given  by  the  master, 
under  Jones'  direction — "  This  is  the  American  conti 
nental  ship  Ranger,"  he  said ;  "  we  wait  for  you,  and 
beg  you  will  come  on.  The  sun  is  little  more  than  an 
hour  high,  and  it  is  time  to  begin."  This  cool  invita 
tion  was  scarcely  given  before  the  Ranger  fell  broad 
off  and  delivered  her  fire.  The  Drake  answered  this 
attack,  the  two  ships  closing  and  running  off  before  a 
4* 


42  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

light  wind.  It  was  soon  apparent  that  the  Ranger  was 
getting  the  best  of  it ;  her  adversary's  spars  and  sails 
beginning  to  suffer.  Still  the  action  was  animated  and 
well  maintained  for  just  one  hour  and  four  minutes, 
when  the  Drake  called  out  for  quarter ;  her  ensign 
having  been  previously  shot  away. 

This  battle  was  fairly  fought,  side  by  side,  and  the 
victory  not  only  gallantly  but  neatly  won.  Jones  states, 
in  his  account  of  the  cruise,  that  no  one  on  board  the 
Drake  placed  her  people,  including  the  volunteers,  at 
less  than  one  hundred  and  sixty,  while  some  admitted 
there  must  have  been  one  hundred  and  ninety  souls 
on  board.  He  estimated  the  loss  of  the  Drake,  in  killed 
and  wounded,  at  forty-two,  though  this  exceeds  the 
English  statement  by  nearly  half.  The  volunteers 
must  have  rendered  the  official  account  of  the  English 
very  problematical,  and  there  was  somewhat  of  conjec 
ture  in  that  of  Jones.  Captain  Burden  fell  by  a  mus 
ket-shot  in  the  head,  though  he  was  found  alive  on 
taking  possession  of  the  prize.  The  English  first  lieu 
tenant,  also,  was  mortally  wounded.  The  Drake's  fore 
and  main-topsail-yards  were  both  down  on  the  cap — 
main-top-gallant  yard  and  gaff  were  hanging  up  and 
down,  the  jib  was  in  the  water,  and,  otherwise,  the  ship 
had  sustained  much  injury  aloft. 

The  Ranger  suffered  far  less.  She  had  two  men 
killed  and  jsix  wounded.  Mr.  Wallingford,  the  lieute 
nant  who  landed  at  Whitehaven,  was  one  of  the  former, 
and  a  seaman  among  the  wounded  subsequently  died. 
The  gunner  was  hurt,  and  Mr.  Powers,  a  midshipman, 
lost  an  arm.  Jones  remarks,  in  one  of  his  letters,  that 
he  gave  the  dead  a  "spacious  grave." 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  43 

The  weather  continued  good,  and  the  repairs  pro 
ceeded  actively.  At  first  Jones  intended  to  steer  the 
direct  course  for  France,  but  the  wind  coming  foul,  he 
changed  his  purpose,  and  passed  up  channel  again. 
The  evening  of  the  25th,  or  that  of  the  day  after  the 
engagement,  the  two  ships  were  off  the  bay  of  Belfast, 
once  more,  and  here  Jones  dismissed  the  fishermen  he 
had  taken.  He  gave  them  a  boat,  money,  and  other 
necessaries,  and  lent  them  a  sail  of  the  Drake's,  as  a 
hint  to  those  ashore  concerning  the  fate  of  that  vessel. 

On  the  8th  of  May,  the  Ranger,  with  the  Drake  in 
company,  arrived  safely  at  Brest.  Some  bad  weather 
had  been  encountered  on  the  passage,  but  no  event 
worthy  of  being  mentioned  occurred,  unless  it  be  that 
Jones  felt  himself  bound  to  arrest  his  first  lieutenant, 
Simpson,  for  disobedience  of  orders,  in  managing  the 
prize.  This  affair  gave  him  a  good  deal  of  trouble 
subsequently,  though  nothing  of  serious  moment  grew 
out  of  it.  The  Ranger  appears  to  have  been  well 
manned  but  badly  officered,  as  would  be  likely  to  hap 
pen  with  a  vessel  fitted  in  an  eastern  American  port,  at 
that  early  day. 

A  great  sensation  was  produced  by  this  cruise  of  the 
Ranger.  It  lasted  but  twenty-eight  days ;  only  one 
week  passed  between  the  arrival  off  the  Isle  of  Man 
and  the  action  with  the  Drake.  Every  hour  of  this 
time  was  passed  in  ceaseless  activity.  One  enterprise 
was  no  sooner  ended  than  another  was  begun.  The 
reader  has  only  to  cast  an  eye  at  the  map,  to  under 
stand  the  boldness  with  which  the  ship  moved.  Her 
audacity  probably  caused  her  impunity,  for  there  was 
scarcely  a  more  critical  position,  as  to  mere  localities,  in 


44  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  narrow  seas,  than  that  into  which  Jones  carried  her. 
It  is  true,  he  knew  every  foot  of  the  way,  but  he  must 
have  known  the  dangers  of  his  path,  as  well  as  its  dis 
advantages.  The  attempt  on  Whitehaven  betokened 
a  military  mind,  though  it  would  scarcely  be  justified 
under  any  other  principles  of  hostility  than  those  so 
much  in  vogue  with  the  English  themselves.  It  was 
merited  retaliation,  and  only  failed  through  the  incom 
petence  of  subordinates.  Throughout  the  whole  of  this 
cruise,  indeed,  Jones  displayed  the  highest  species  of 
courage  ;  that  of  justly  appreciating  his  own  resources, 
and  of  not  exaggerating  dangers,  a  union  of  spirit  and 
judgment  that  ever  produces  the  best  commanders. 

Jones  has  been  censured  for  having  selected  the 
region  of  his  birth  as  the  scene  of  his  exploits.  While 
it  has  been  admitted  that  he  had  a  perfect  moral  and 
political  right  to  espouse  the  cause  of  his  adopted  coun 
try,  it  has  been  urged  that  he  ought  to  have  refrained 
from  selecting,  as  the  scene  of  his  exploits,  the  very 
port  out  of  which  he  had  formerly  sailed.  We  appre 
hend  that  this  is  the  reasoning  of  a  sickly  and  super 
ficial  sentimentality,  rather  than  of  healthful  sentiment. 
Had  he  captured  and  destroyed  fifty  sail  belonging  to 
Whitehaven,  at  sea,  nothing  would  have  been  thought 
of  the  occurrence  ;  but  to  destroy  the  same,  or  any  other 
number,  in  their  port  is  ranked  as  an  error,  and  by  some 
it  is  classed  with  crimes  !  Others  have  even  fancied  that 
a  desire  to  revenge  himself  for  imaginary  wrongs  led  him 
to  the  coast  of  Scotland,  and  to  Whitehaven,  and  that, 
under  the  pretence  of  serving  public  interests,  he  was, 
in  truth,  avenging  private  griefs.  A  calm  consideration 
of  the  facts  will  show  the  injustice  of  these  charges. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  45 

Jones  was  ordered  to  France.  He  was  ordered  to 
cruise  against  England,  on  the  English  coast.  In  this 
latter  particular,  he  followed  the  precedents  of  Wickes 
and  Conyngham.  In  selecting  the  scene  of  his  exploits, 
he  went  into  a  sea  with  which  he  was  familiar,  an  im 
mense  advantage  of  itself,  and  one,  in  a  military  point 
of  view,  he  would  have  been  censurable  for  neglecting, 
under  the  circumstances.  If  it  were  justifiable  to  re 
taliate  for  the  enemy's  burnings,  it  was  proper  to  do  so 
under  the  greatest  advantages,  and  at  the  least  risk  to 
those  employed  on  the  service,  and  this  could  be  done 
but  by  the  greatest  intimacy 'with  the  localities.  To 
say  that  an  officer  is  not  to  turn  his  knowledge  to  ac 
count  in  this  way,  because  it  was  acquired  under  the 
sanction  of  ordinary  intercourse  and  a  state  of  peace,  is 
like  saying  that  Jones  should  not  use  the  knowledge  of 
navigation  acquired  in  an  English  school  to  the  injury 
of  an  English  vessel.  If  he  had  a  right  to  bear  arms 
at  all,  in  such  a  contest,  he  had  a  perfect  right  to  use  all 
the  means  practiced  in  civilized  warfare,  in  effecting 
his  objects. 

That  private  feelings  were  kept  out  of  view,  in  this 
short  but  brilliant  cruise,  is  seen  from  the  fact  that  no 
injury  was  done,  or  attempted  on  shore,  when  the 
means  offered.  It  would  have  been  as  easy  to  set  fire 
to  the  house,  on  St.  Mary's  Isle,  as  to  carry  off  the 
plate.  The  shipping  alone  was  fired  at  Whitehaven, 
and  generally  the  conduct  of  Jones  showed  a  spirit  of 
generous  hostility,  rather  than  one  of  vindictive  resent 
ment.  In  a  civil  war,  men  must  thus  use  the  local 
information  acquired  in  youth,  or  neglect  their  duties. 
No  class  of  warriors  do  this  more  than  sailors,  who  con- 


46  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

stantly  avail  themselves  of  knowledge  obtained  in  the 
confidence  of  friendly  intercourse  to  harass  their  ene 
mies.  It  is  proper  to  add  that  the  letter  of  Jones  to  Lady 
Selkirk,  apologizing  for  taking  the  plate,  was  dated  the 
day  the  Ranger  anchored  at  Brest. 

The  cruise  of  the  Ranger  brought  Jones  much  repu 
tation.  Still  he  had  many  causes  of  complaint,  being 
greatly  in  want  of  funds.  His  difficulties  were,  in  truth, 
the  difficulties  of  the  country  and  the  times,  rather  than 
of  any  intention  to  harass  him.  He  was  fortunate 
enough  to  make  many  important  friends,  and  was  much 
caressed  in  the  naval  circles  of  Brest.  His  recent  suc 
cess  gave  a  species  of  authority  to  his  bold  opinions,  and 
it  was  not  long  ere  various  schemes  were  entertained 
for  employing  him  on  other  expeditions  against  the 
enemy.  The  Due  de  Chartres,  afterward  the  celebrated 
Egalite,  interested  himself  to  obtain  the  Indien,  still, 
for  Jones,  the  ship  being  then  at  the  disposal  of  the 
King  of  France.  All  Jones'  projects  had  a  far-sighted 
reach,  as  was  shown  in  his  wish  to  burn  the  shipping 
at  Whitehaven,  which  he  says  would  have  greatly 
distressed  Ireland  for  coal.  Some  of  his  schemes  were 
directed  to  convoys,  others  to  the  destruction  of  shipping, 
and  some  again  to  descents  on  the  coast.  Even  Franklin 
entertained  the  hope  of  getting  possession  of  the  Indien 
for  him,  after  all ;  a  plan  for  which  was  actually  ar 
ranged  with  the  French  Minister  of  Marine.  An  ex 
change  of  prisoners  was  agreed  on,  with  a  view  to  man 
the  vessel,  one  of  the  important  results  which  attended 
the  late  cruise.  It  is  an  evidence  how  much  the  public 
appreciated  that  cruise,  that  the  Prince  of  Nassau,  an 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  47 

officer  who  subsequently  caused  Jones  much  trouble, 
had  an  idea  of  sailing  under  his  orders. 

The  breaking  out  of  the  Avar  between  England  and 
France  defeated  many  of  Jones'  hopes,  though  it  ren 
dered  the  connection  of  the  Americans  with  the  latter 
country  much  more  simple  than  it  had  been.  Holland 
objected  to  giving  up  the  Indien,  and  thus  put  an  end 
to  all  his  expectations  from  that  quarter.  To  increase 
his  vexations,  the  difficulty  with  his  first  lieutenant  re 
mained  unsettled,  notwithstanding  his  own  efforts  to 
obtain  a  court-martial,  it  being  the  opinion  of  the  com 
missioners  and  others,  that  Jones  had  himself  released 
his  subordinate  from  arrest  in  a  way  that  precluded  a 
trial.  This  matter  terminated  by  Simpson's  sailing  for 
America,  in  command  of  the  Ranger,  leaving  Jones  in 
France  to  push  his  projects  of  higher  aim. 

For  some  time,  Jones  expected  to  receive  different 
frigates  from  the  French  Minister,  which  were  to  serve 
under  the  American  flag,  Many  difficulties  arose  to 
disappoint  him,  until  all  the  various  plans  were  con 
cluded  by  the  scheme  actually  adopted.  As  this  enter 
prise  was  connected  with  the  great  action  of  Jones'  life, 
it  is  necessary  to  explain  it  a  little  in  detail. 

M.  Le  Ray,  a  banker  of  Paris  much  connected  with 
America,  and  who,  from  owning  the  estate  of  Chau- 
mont,  was  styled  Le  Ray  de  Chaumont,  had  taken  an 
active  part  in  Jones'  plans.  Under  his  direction,  an 
arrangement,  or  concordat,  to  the  following  effect  was 
made.  The  French  officers  employed  were  to  receive 
American  commissions  for  the  cruise,  and  rank  and 
command  were  to  be  according  to  seniority.  This  pro 
vision  left  Jones  at  the'  head  of  the  squadron,  lie  being 


48  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

the  oldest  American  captain  connected  with  the  expe 
dition.  Succession  was  provided  for,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  the  command  of  the  Cerf,  a  cutter,  the  first  lieu 
tenant  of  which  craft  was  to  succeed  his  own  captain, 
in  the  event  of  his  removal  or  loss.  The  distribution 
of  prize  money  was  to  be  in  the  proportions  regulated 
by  the  laws  of  the  two  countries,  respectively,  and  the 
prizes  were  to  be  sent  in  to  the  order  of  M.  Le  Ray. 

In  addition  to  the  express  provisions  of  this  concordat, 
which  was  signed  by  all  the  commanders  and  M.  Le 
Ray,  it  was  understood  that  the  latter,  as  apparent  agent 
of  the  King  of  France,  should  furnish  certain  vessels, 
which  were  to  revert  to  their  former  owners  after  the 
cruise,  and  that  the  American  commissioners  were  to 
order  the  Alliance,  a  new  frigate  which  had  recently 
come  to  Europe,  to  join  the  squadron. 

There  is  still  something  mysterious  about  the  cha 
racter  of  this  celebrated  expedition.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Jones  believed  that  he  was  to  be  fairly  employed 
as  a  naval  captain  of  an  allied  power,  in  command 
against  the  common  enemy,  in  conformity  with  the 
ordinary  practice  on  such  occasions  ;  but  it  is  by  no 
means  certain  that  this  was  his  real  position.  It  is  true, 
that  the  commissioners  gave  legality  to  the  enterprise, 
but  there  are  certain  reasons  for  thinking  that  private 
cupidity  may  have  had  more  connection  with  it  than  is 
usual  with  public  measures.  Intrigue  was  so  common 
and  so  elaborate  in  France,  that  one  is  hardly  safe  in 
forming  any  precise  opinion  under  the  circumstances, 
though  nothing  is  more  apparent  than  the  fact  that 
Jones'  squadron  was  not  composed  of  ships  of  war  be 
longing  to  France,  united  with  ships  of  war  belonging 


JOHN     PAVL     JONES.  49 

to  America,  in  order  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  ordi 
nary  warfare.  Still,  most  of  the  expense  appears  to 
have  been  borne  by  the  French  government,  and  joint 
orders  were  received  from  the  public  functionaries  of 
the  two  countries.  Jones  had  a  strong  distaste  for  the 
concordat,  which  probably  gave  the  whole  affair  too 
much  of  the  character  of  a  privateering  compact,  and 
he  subsequently  declared  that  he  would  not  have  signed 
it,  had  it  not  been  presented  at  the  last  moment,  by  M. 
Le  Ray,  himself,  under  circumstances  that  rendered  a 
refusal  difficult. 

Under  the  arrangement  made,  a  squadron  was  finally, 
though  very  imperfectly,  equipped.  It  contained  five 
vessels,  or  three  frigates,  a  brig,  and  a  cutter.  The 
ships  were  the  Duke  of  Duras,  the  Alliance,  and  the 
Pallas ;  the  brig  was  called  the  Vengeance,  and  the 
cutter  the  Cerf,  or  Stag.  O£.  all  these  crafts,  but  two 
were  regularly  constructed  for  war,  the  Alliance  32*  and 
the  Stag  12.  The  Alliance  was  an  exceedingly  fast 
American-built  ship  of  the  class  of  large  thirty-twos. 
All  the  other  vessels  were  French. 

After  all  his  delays  arid  disappointments,  Jones  could 
get  no  better  vessel  for  his  own  pennant  than  the  Due 
de  Duras,  an  Indiaman,  then  fourteen  years  old.  She 
proved  in  the  end  to  be  both  dull  and  rotten,  though 
she  was  purchased  as  fast  and  sound.  She  was  a  long, 
single-decked  ship,  and  was  pierced  for  twenty-eight 
guns  on  her  main-deck.  Her  armament  was  intended 
for  eighteens.  This  would  have  placed  her  about  on 
a  level,  as  to  force,  with  the  English  thirty-eights  of 
that  day,  supposing  that  she  carried  ten  or  twelve  light 
guns  on  her  quarter-deck  and  forecastle.  The  eighteens 

VOL.   II.  5 


fi> 

50 


N£VAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


were  yet  to  be  cast,  however,  and  failing  to  appear, 
Jones  put  twelves  in  their  places.  To  supply  this  ma 
terial  deficiency,  he  caused  twelve  ports  to  be  cut  in  the 
gun-room,  or  below,  where  he  mounted  six  eighteens, 
intending  to  fight  them  all  on  one  side  in  smooth  water. 
Eight  nines  and  sixes  were  placed  above,  making  a  total 
armament  of  forty-two  guns  ;  or  of  twenty-four  in  broad 
side,  supposing  the  six  eighteens  to  be  fought  together. 
Three  hundred  and  eighty  souls  composed  her  crew. 
The  last  was  a  motley  set,  including  natives  of  nearly 
every  known  maritime  Christian  nation,  and  having  no 
less  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  of  them  enlisted  in  the 
character  of  soldiers. 

The  Alliance  had  an  ordinary  American  crew,  while 
the  other  vessels  appear  to  have  been  purely  French. 
To  render  the  whole  more  incongruous,  however,  the 
Alliance  had  a  Frenchman  for  a  captain  ;  a  person  of 
the  name  of  Landais,  whom  Congress  had  appointed  in 
compliment  to  its  "new  ally.  M.  Landais  had  been 
educated  in  the  navy  of  his  native  country,  but  had  left 
it  in  consequence  of  an  irascible  temper,  that  was  con 
stantly  getting  him  into  trouble,  and  which  proved  to 
be  of  great  disservice  to  this  expedition  in  the  end. 
Some  persons  even  called  his  sanity  in  question. 

Jones- found  a  few  native  Americans  of  whom  to  make 
sea  officers  and  petty  officers  for  the  Due  de  Duras,  but 
he  mentions  in  one  of  his  statements  that  altogether 
they  did  not  exceed  thirty.  He  changed  the  name  of 
his  vessel,  however,  to  the  Goodman  Richard,  or  le  Bon 
Homme  Richard,  in  compliment  to  Franklin,  'as  near 
an  approach  to  nationality  as  that  circumstance  would 
well  allow. 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  51 

This  motley  squadron  sailed  from  Groix,  June  19th, 
1779,  or  more  than  a  year  after  Jones'  return  from  his 
cruise  in  the  Ranger.  All  that  precious  time  had  been 
wasted  in  endeavoring  to  obtain  a  command.  The  first 
object  was  to  convoy  some  vessels  southward,  which 
duty  was  successfully  performed.  An  accident  oc 
curred,  however,  by  means  of  which  the  Alliance  ran 
into  the  Richard,  injuring  both  vessels  so  much  as  to 
render  it  necessary  to  return  to  port.  The  vessels 
separated,  by  orders,  to  do  this,  leaving  the  Richard 
alone  for  a  day  or  two.  While  thus  situated,  two  Eng 
lish  cruisers  were  made,  and  Jones  offered  battle,  but 
it  is  supposed  the  enemy  mistook  him  for  a  ship  of  the 
line,  as  they  carried  a  press  of  canvas  to  escape.  The 
occurrence  is  of  no  importance^  except  to  show  that 
the  people  of  the  Richard  were  ready  to  fight ;  Jones 
praising  the  alacrity  they  manifested. 

The  rottenness  of  the  old  Indiaman  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  discovered  until  after  she  got  back  to  the 
roads  of  Groix,  in  order  to  be  repaired.  While  the 
work  was  in  progress,  a  court-martial  sat,  and  broke 
the  first  lieutenant  of  the  Richard.  About  this  time,  a 
cartel  arrived  at  Nantes,  bringing  in  more  than  a  hun 
dred  exchanged  American  seamen,  from  Mill  prison. 
A  short  time  before  this  exchange  was  made,  Mr. 
Richard  Dale,  late  a  master's  mate  of  the  U.  S.  brig 
Lexington,  had  made  his  escape  from  the  same  prison, 
and  had  joined  Jones  in  his  old  capacity.  This  gentle 
man,  a  native  of  Virginia,  and  subsequently  the  well- 
known  naval  captain  of  his  name,  was  now  made  first 
lieutenant  of  the  Richard  by  Jones,  who  had  blank 
commissions  by  him.  The  men  of  the  cartel  were  ap- 


• 


52  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

plied  to,  and  many  of  them  entered,  thus  giving  the 
Richard  a  respectable  body  of  Americans  to  help  to 
sustain  the  honor  of  the  flag  she  wore.  Among  the 
exchanged  prisoners  were  two  gentlemen  of  the  name 
of  Lunt,  both  natives  of  New  Hampshire,  and  distant 
relatives.  Henry  Lunt  was  made  second  lieutenant  of 
the  Richard,  while  Cutting  Lunt,  his  kinsman,  is  some 
times  called  the  third  lieutenant,  and  sometimes  the 
master.  Both  these  officers  were  respectable  men,  and 
appear  to  have  given  Jones  satisfaction,  until  adverse 
circumstances  deprived  him  of  their  services.  In  con 
sequence  of  this  arrangement,  it  is  believed  that  every 
quarter-deck  sea-officer  of  the  Richard  was  a  native 
American,  Jones  himself  and  one  midshipman  excepted. 

It  is  a  proof  of  the  native  goodness  of  Jones'  heart, 
that,  while  lying  at  1'Orient,  surrounded  by  perplexities, 
he  sent  a  bill  for  £%Q  to  his  relatives  in  Scotland. 
This  was  not  his  only  remittance,  by  several ;  and,  as 
money  was  far  from  being  plenty  with  him  in  that  day, 
they  show  the  strength  of  his  affections,  and  his  desire 
to  serve  his  sisters. 

When  all  was  ready  to  go  out  again,  two  privateers, 
the  Monsieur  and  the  Grandeville,  put  themselves 
under  Jones'  orders,  raising  his  force  to  seven  sail.  As 
the  Monsieur  was  frigate-built,  and  carried  forty  guns, 
her  junction  was  thought  a  matter  of  no  slight  import 
ance. 

On  the  10th  August,  Jones  issued  some  general 
orders  to  his  captains,  laying  great  stress  on  the  point 
of  not  parting  company;  the  commonest  of  all  embar 
rassments  with  an  irregular  force  at  sea.  The  Richard 
had  not  proved  a  fast  ship ;  the  Pallas,  a  Hcfht  20  gun 


*  * 

JOHN     P  A  U  L     J  O  N  E  S.  53 

ship,  was  decidedly  dull,  having  also  been  built  for  a 
merchantman  ;  the  Vengeance  was  barely  respectable, 
while  the  Cerf  was  every  way  a  noble  cutter,  though 
of  trifling  force.  The  Alliance,  one  of  the  fastest  ships 
that  ever  floated,  had  been  badly  ballasted  by  Mons. 
Landais,  on  some  philosophical  principles  of  his  own, 
and  lost  her  qualities  for  that  cruise.  Such,  then,  was 
the  character  of  the  force,  with  which  Jones  once  more 
ventured  into  the  narrow  seas,  in  quest  of  glory. 

The  orders  under  which  Jones  sailed  on  his  next 
and  most  remarkable  cruise,  directed  him  to  go  to  the 
westward  of  Scilly,  and  to  pass  the  west  coast  of  Ire 
land,  doubling  the  extremity  of  Scotland,  and  remaining 
some  time  on  the  Dogger  Bank.  By  returning  to  his 
port  of  departure,  this  would  have  been  making  the 
complete  circuit  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  most  of 
the  time  keeping  the  land  aboard.  The  instructions, 
however,  ordered  him  to  put  into  the  Texel  for  further 
orders.  It  was  understood  that  this  last  destination  was 
pointed  out  in  the  hope  of  putting  the  Indien  under 
Jones,  that  ship  still  remaining  in  Holland,  in  a  species 
of  political  durance.  She  was  not  released,  until  Eng 
land  declared  war  against  Holland,  when  the  arrange 
ment  was  made  with  South  Carolina,  as  already  men 
tioned. 

The  squadron  left  the  roads  of  Groix,  the  second 
time,  early  on  the  morning  of  August  loth,  1779. 
One  day  out,  it  recaptured  a  large  Dutch  ship,  laden 
with  French  property.  In  consequence  of  some  mis 
understanding  with  the  commander  of  the  Monsieur, 
which  grew  out  of  the  disposition  of  this  prize,  that 
ship  separated  from  the  other  vessels,  which  saw  her 


_ 
54  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

no  more.  The  Monsieur  was  subsequently  captured  by 
the  enemy,  and,  as  is  believed,  on  this  cruise.  On  the 
20th,  a  brig,  from  Limerick  to  London,  was  taken,  and 
ordered  in. 

The  23d,  the  squadron  was  off  Cape  Clear,  having 
doubled  Scilly,  and  passed  up  the  west  coast  of  Eng 
land,  in  the  intervening  time.  Here  it  fell  calm,  and 
Jones  sent  several  of  the  Richard's  boats  to  seize  a  brig 
that  was  lying  some  distance  to  the  north-west.  As 
evening  approached,  he  found  it  necessary  to  place  his 
own  barge  in  the  water,  containing  a  cockswain  and  six 
rnen,  to  keep  the  ship's  head  offshore.  The  brig  was 
captured,  and  towed  toward  the  squadron.  Just  at  this 
moment,  the  men  in  the  barge  cut  the  tow-line,  and 
pulled  for  the  shore.  Several  shots  were  fired  at  the 
fugitives,  but  without  effect.  Seeing  this,  Mr.  Cutting 
Lunt,  who  appears  to  have  been  with  the  prize,  took 
four  soldiers  in  a  boat,  and  pursued  the  deserters,  be 
coming  lost  in  a  fog.  The  Richard  fired  guns,  as  sig 
nals  to  the  master,  but  he  never  returned.  Counting 
himself,  there  were  seventeen  persons  in  his  boat,  mak 
ing  a  total  loss  to  the  Richard,  including  the  fugitives, 
of  twenty-four  men.  It  is  now  known  that,  on  the 
morning  of  the  23d,  (civil  time,)  the  seven  men  landed 
at  Ballinskellix,  in  the  county  of  Kerry,  and  that  the 
other  boat  landed  at  the  same  place,  the  same  day, 
about  one,  in  pursuit.  Mr.  Lunt  and  his  people  were 
arrested,  and  sent  to  Mill  prison.  Jones  intimates  that 
he  understood  his  master  died  in  that  place  of  confine 
ment,  but,  in  this,  he  was  misinformed.  Mr.  Lunt  was 
liberated,  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  two,  and  was  sub 
sequently  lost  at  sea.  This  was  Cutting  Lunt.  it  will 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  55 

be  remembered ;  his  kinsman,  Henry  Lunt,  still  re 
maining  in»  the  ship,  as  her  second  lieutenant. 
Through  the  reports  of  the  deserters  and  prisoners, 
the  character  of  the  squadron,  which  was  plainly  visi 
ble  as  soon  as  the  fog  dispersed,  became  known  on 
shore,  and  its.  presence  created  great  uneasiness.  The 
linen  ships  were  supposed  to  be  Jones'  object,  and  pre 
cautions  were  taken  accordingly.  It  is  worthy  of  re 
mark,  that  Jones  states,  the  master  saw  the  Cerf,  inshore, 
whither  she  had  been  sent  to  reconnoitre,  and  to  look 
for  the  missing  boats,  but  the  cutter  showed  English 
colors,  and  fired  at  the  boat,  which  induced  Mr.  Lunt 
to  land,  as  a  last  resort.  To  add  to  the  misfortune,  the 
cutter  herself  got  separated  in  the  fog,  and  did  not  rejoin 
the  squadron. 

It  was  at  this  time,  that  Jones  had  a  serious  quarrel 
with  his  second  in  command,  M.  Landais.  Insubordi 
nation  soon  began  seriously  to  show  itself;  the  conduct 
of  the  Cerf  being  very  unaccountable.  She  went  back 
to  France.  It  is  probable  that  the  loss  of  so  many  men 
induced  the  French  officers  to  distrust  the  fidelity  of  the 
Richard's  crew ;  and  it  is  known  that  this  distrust  in 
fluenced  the  conduct  of  the  Pallas,  on  a  most  trying  oc 
casion,  a  few  weeks  later.  On  -the  26th,  the  Grande- 
ville  was  sent  in,  with  a  prize.  This  reduced  the  force 
of  the  squadron  to  four  vessels,  viz.,  the  Richard,  Alli 
ance,  Pallas,  and  Vengeance. 

It  was  the  intention  of  Jones  to  remain  a  week  longer 
off  Cape  Clear,  but  Capt.  Landais  seemed  so  apprehen 
sive  of  the  approach  of  a  superior  force,  that  he  yielded 
to  the  opinion  of  his  subordinate.  On  the  20th,  it 
blowed  fresh ;  the  commodore  accordingly  made  the 


56  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

signal  to  stand  to  the  northward,  the  Alliance  parting 
company  the  same  night.  On  the  31st,  the  Richard, 
Pallas,  and  Vengeance,  were  off  Cape  Wrath,  the  north 
western  extremity  of  the  island  of  Great  Britain,  where 
the  former  captured  a  heavy  Letter-of-Marque,  of  twen 
ty-two  guns,  laden  with  naval  stores  for  the  enemy's 
vessels  on  the  American  lakes.  While  this  ship  was 
chasing,  the  Alliance  hove  in  sight,  and  joined  in  the 
chase,  having  another  Letter-of-Marque  in  company,  a 
prize.  These  two  ships  were  manned  from  the  Alli 
ance,  at  Landais'  request ;  and  the  latter  sent  them  into 
Norway,  contrary  to  orders,  where  hoth  were  restored 
to  the  English  by  the  Danish  government.  On  the 
night  of  the  8th,  the  Alliance  again  parted  company, 
in  a  gale  of  wind. 

Jones  kept  well  off  the  land,  the  weather  being  thick, 
and  the  wind  foul.  On  the  13th,  however,  the  Cheviot 
Hills,  in  the  south-eastern  part  of  Scotland,  became 
visible,  and  the  commodore  now  seriously  set  about  the 
execution  of  some  of  his  larger  plans.  His  intention 
was  to  land  at  Leith,  the  port  of  Edinburgh  itself,  and, 
not  only  to  lay  the  place  under  contribution,  but  to 
seize  the  shipping  he  might  find  in  the  Forth.  He 
had  hopes  that  even  the  Scottish  capital  might  be 
frightened  into  a  temporary  submission.  This  was  a 
highly  characteristic  project,  and  one  worthy  of  the 
military  audacity  of  the  man.  Its  great  merit,  in  addi 
tion  to  its  boldness  and  importance,  was  its  strong  pro 
bability  of  success.  The  late  Com.  Dale,  who  was  to 
act  a  most  important  part  in  the  enterprise,  and  who 
was  a  man  of  singular  simplicity  and  moderation  of 
character  and  temperament,  assured  the  writer  that  he 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  57 

never  could  see  any  reason  why  the  attack  should  have 
been  defeated,  beyond  the  obstacle  that  actually  arose. 
Jones  himself  intimates  that  his  two  colleagues,  present, 
(for  so  he  bitterly  styled  his  captains,  in  consequence 
of  the  terms  of  the  concordat,}  threw  cold  water  on  his 
views,  until  he  pointed  out  to  them  the  probable  amount 
of  the  contributions  of  two  such  places  as  Leith  and 
Edinburgh.  A  delay  occurred,  moreover,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  momentary  absence  of  the  Pallas  and 
Vengeance,  which  vessels  had  given  chase  to  the 
southward,  a  circumstance  that  compelled  the  Richard 
to  quit  the  Forth,  after  she  had  entered  it  alone,  and 
this  at  a  moment  when  she  might  have  secured  a  twen 
ty-gun  ship  and  two  cutters,  all  of  which  were  lying  in 
Leith  roads,  unsuspicious  of  danger ;  though  it  would 
have  compelled  him  to  abandon  the  other  and  principal 
objects  of  the  attempt.  In  order  to  join  his  consorts, 
and  consult  his  captains,  therefore,  Jones  was  compelled 
to  quit  the  Forth,  after  having  once  entered  it.  It  ap 
pears  he  had  found  a  man  ready  to  give  him  informa 
tion,  but  the  golden  opportunity  was  lost,  in  consequence 
of  the  doubts  and  misgivings  of  his  subordinates. 

Still  Jones  determined  to  make  the  attempt.  On  the 
15th,  the  Richard,  Pallas,  and  Vengeance,  entered  the 
Forth  in  company,  turning  up  with  the  tide,  against  a 
head  wind.  By  this  time  the  alarm  had  been  given  on 
shore,  and  guns  were  mounted  at  Leith,  to  receive  the 
strangers.  A  cutter  had  been  watching  the  squadron 
for  several  hours,  also;  but  Jones  deemed  all  this  imma 
terial.  The  ships  had  got  up  as  high  as  Inchkeith,  the 
island  which  shelters  the  roads  seaward,  and  the  boats 
were  in  the  water  and  manned.  Mr.  Dale,  who  was  to 


58  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

superintend  and  command  the  maritime  part  of  the  de 
barkation,  had  received  his  instructions,  and  was  on  the 
point  of  descending  into  his  boat,  when  a  squall  struck 
the  ships,  and  induced  an  order  to  take  the  people  from 
the  boats,  to  clue  up  and  clue  down.  Jones  held  on 
against  the  wind  as  long  as  he  found  it  possible,  but, 
the  squall  turning  to  a  gale,  he  was  compelled  to  bear 
up  before  it,  and  was  driven  out  of  the  Frith  again,  at  a 
much  faster  rate  than  he  had  entered  it.  The  gale  was 
short,  but  so  severe  that  one  of  the  prizes  in  company 
foundered.  It  moderated  in  the  afternoon,  but  Jones 
having  plainly  seen  the  cutter  watching  him,  conceived 
it  too  late  to  hope  for  a  surprise,  his  only  rational  ground 
for  expecting  success. 

It  is  a  proof  how  much  doubt  existed  concerning  the 
true  character  of  Jones'  vessels,  among  the  people  on 
shore,  that  a  member  of  parliament  sent  off,  to  the  Rich 
ard,  a  messenger,  to  ask  for  powder  and  shot ;  stating 
that  he  had  heard  Paul  Jones  was  on  the  coast,  and  that 
he  wished  to  be  ready  for  him.  A  barrel  of  powder 
was  sent  in  answer,  but  the  "  honorable  gentleman" 
was  told  the  vessel  had  no  shot  of  the  size  he  requested. 
On  this  occasion,  the  ships  were  seen  turning  up  the 
Forth,  as  they  stood  in  quite  near  to  the  north  shore, 
and,  it  being  Sunday,  thousands  were  out  viewing  the 
scene,  which  caused  a  great  clamor,  and  made  a  deep 
impression.* 

*  The  Edinburgh  Review,  in  an  article  on  Cooper's  History  of 
the  Navy,  which  has  been  pretty  effectually  answered,  gives  its 
readers  reason  to  suppose  that  Jones'  appearance  on  the  coast  pro 
duced  no  uneasiness.  Sir  Walter  Scott  told  the  writer  he  well  re 
membered  the  feeling  excited  by  this  event,  and  that  it  was  wide 
spread  and  general.  As  Scott  was  born  in  1769,  his  recollection 
might  be  relied  on. 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  59 

Jones  had  now  fresh  projects  to  annoy  the  enemy ; 
designs  on  Hull  or  Newcastle,  as  is  thought.  His 
captains,  however,  refused  to  sustain  him,  and  he  was 
reluctantly  obliged  to  abandon  his  plans.  His  object 
was  glory;  theirs  appears  to  have  been  profit.  It 
ought  to  be  mentioned,  that  all  the  young  officers  sus 
tained  the  commodore,  and  professed  a  readiness  to  fol 
low  wherever  he  would  lead.  Jones  had  a  respect  for 
the  opinion  of  Capt.  Cottineau,  of  the  Pallas,  and  it  is 
believed  he  yielded  more  to  his  persuasions  than  to 
those  of  all  the  rest  of  his  commanders.  This  of 
ficer  seemed  to  think  any  delay  of  moment  would 
bring  a  superior  force  against  them.  The  commodore 
viewed  the  matter  more  coolly,  well  knowing  that  the 
transmission  of  intelligence,  and  the.collection  of  three 
or  four  vessels,  was  a  matter  that  required  some  little 
time. 

Between  the  17th  and  21st,  many  colliers  and  coast 
ers  were  captured.  Most  of  them  were  sunk,  though 
one  or  two  were  released,  and  a  sloop  was  ransomed  by 
the  Pallas,  contrary  to  orders.  On  the  latter  day,  the 
ships  were  off  Flamborough  Head,  where  the  Pallas 
chased  to  the  north-east,  leaving  the  Richard  and  Ven 
geance  in  pursuit  of  vessels  in  a  directly  opposite  quar 
ter.  Jones  overtook  and  sunk  a  collier,  late  in  the  after 
noon.  Several  craft  then  hove  in  sight,  and  one  was 
chased  ashore.  Soon  after,  a  brig  from  Holland  was 
captured,  and,  at  daylight,  next  morning,  a  considerable 
fleet  was  seen  inshore,  which  kept  aloof,  on  account  of 
the  appearance  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard.  Finding 
it  impossible  to  decoy  them  out,  Jones  used  some  arti 
fices  to  delude  a  pilot,  and  two  boats  came  alongside. 


60  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

The  pilots  were  deceived,  and  gave  Jones  all  the  infor 
mation  they  possessed. 

As  it  was  now  impracticable  to  bring  the  shipping 
out  of  the  Hurnber,  on  account  of  the  state  of  the  wind 
and  tide,  and  the  Pallas  not  being  in  sight,  the  commo 
dore  turned  his  attention  to  looking  for  his  consorts. 
He  hauled  off  the  land,  therefore,  making  the  best  of  his 
way  back  to  Flamborough  Head,  after  passing  several 
hours  in  endeavoring  to  entice  the  ships  out  of  the 
Humber. 

In  the  course  of  the  night  of  the  22d,  two  ships  were 
seen,  and  chased  for  several  hours,  when,  finding  him 
self  near  them,  Jones  hove-to,  about  three  in  the  morn 
ing,  waiting  for  light.  When  the  day  returned,  the 
strangers  were  found  to  be  the  Pallas  and  the  Alliance ; 
the  latter  of  which  had  not  been  seen  since  she  parted 
company  off  Cape  Wrath. 

After  communicating  with  his  consorts,  Jones  chased 
a  brig  that  was  lying-to  to  windward.  About  meridian, 
however,  a  large  ship  was  observed  coming  round  Flam- 
borough  Head,  when  Mr.  Henry  Lunt,  the  second  lieu 
tenant  of  the  Richard,  was  thrown  into  one  of  the  pilot 
boats,  with  fifteen  men,  and  ordered  to  seize  the  brig, 
while  the  Richard  made  sail  toward  the  strange  ship. 
Soon  after,  a  fleet  of  forty-one  sail  was  seen  stretch 
ing  out  from  behind  the  Head,  bearing  N.  N.  E.  from 
the  Richard.  The  wind  was  light  at  the  southward, 
and  these  vessels  were  a  convov  from  the  Baltic,  turn 
ing  down  the  North  Sea,  towards  the  Straits  of  Dover, 
bound  to  London.  This  placed  Jones  to  windward  and 
a  little  in  shore,  if  the  projection  of  the  headland  be  ex- 
cepted. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  61 

As  soon  as  the  commodore  ascertained  that  he  was  in 
the  vicinity  of  this  fleet,  he  made  a  signal  of  recall  to 
the  pilot  boat,  and  another  of  a  general  chase  to  his 
squadron.  The  first  was  probably  unseen  or  disre 
garded,  for  it  was  not  obeyed  :  and  the  officer  and  men 
in  the  pilot  boat  remained  out  of  their  vessel  during 
most  of  the  trying  scenes  of  that  eventful  day.  As 
twenty-four  officers  and  men  had  been  captured,  or  had 
deserted,  off  Cape  Clear,  these  sixteen  increased  the 
number  of  absentees  to  forty ;  if  to  these  we  add  some 
who  had  been  sent  away  in  prizes,  the  crew  of  the 
Richard,  which  consisted  of  but  three  hundred  and 
eighty,  all  told,  the  day  she  sailed,  was  now  diminished 
to  little  more  than  three  hundred  souls,  of  wrhom  a  large 
proportion  were  the  quasi  marines,  or  soldiers,  who  had 
entered  for  the  cruise. 

Jones  now  crossed  royal  yards  and  made  sail  for 
the  convoy.  He  had  intelligence  of  this  fleet,  and 
knew  that  it  was  under  the  charge  of  Capt.  Pearson,  of 
the  Serapis  44,  who  had  the  Countess  of  Scarborough 
20,  Capt.  Piercy,  in  company.  As  the  scene  we  are 
about  to  relate  is  one  memorable  in  naval  annals,  it  may 
be  well  to  mention  the  force  of  the  vessels  engaged. 

That  of  the  Richard  has  been  already  given.  The 
Pallas  mounted  thirty  guns,  of  light  calibre,  and  was 
perhaps  more  than  a  third  heavier  than  the  Scarborough, 
the  vessel  she  subsequently  engaged.  The  Alliance 
was  a  large  thirty-two,  mounting  forty  guns,  mostly 
t\velve  pounders.  She  had  a  full,  but  indifferent  crew 
of  about  300  souls,  when  she  left  the  Roads  of  Groix, 
of  which  near,  if  not  quite,  fifty  were  absent  in  prizes. 

VOL.   II.  6 


62  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Of  the  Vengeance,  which  had  no  part  in  the  events  of  the 
day,- it  is  unnecessary  to  speak. 

On  the»part  of  the  enemy,  many  of  the  convoy  were 
armed,  and,  by  acting  in  concert,  they  might  have 
given  a  good  deal  of  occupation  to  the  Pallas  and  Ven 
geance,  while  the  two  men-of-war  fought  the  Richard 
and  Alliance.  As  it  was,  however,  all  of  these  ships 
sought  safety  in  flight.  The  Serapis  was  a  new  ves 
sel,  that  both  sailed  and  worked  well,  of  a  class  that 
was  then  a  good  deal  used  in  the  North  Sea,  Baltic,  and 
the  narrow  waters  generally ;  and  which  was  sometimes 
brought  into  the  line,  in  battles  between  the  short  ships 
that  were  much  preferred,  in  that  day,  in  all  the  seas 
mentioned.  She  was  a  44,  on  two  decks  ;  having  an 
armament  below  of  20  eighteens  ;  one  of  20  nines,  on 
the  upper  gun-deck  ;  and  one  of  10  sixes,  on  her  quar 
ter-deck  and  forecastle.  This  is  believed  to  have  been 
her  real  force,  though  Jones  speaks  of  her,  in  one  place, 
as  having  been  pierced  for  56  instead  of  50  guns.  The 
former  was  the  usual  force  of  what  was  called  a  fifty- 
gun  ship,  or  a  vessel  like  the  Leander,  which  assailed 
the  Chesapeake  in  1807.  Sands,  the  most  original 
writer  of  authority  on  the  subject  of  Paul  Jones,  or  of 
any  reasoning  powers  of  much  weight,  infers  from 
some  of  his  calculations  and  information  that  the  Serapis 
had  400  souls  on  board  her  at  the  commencement  of  the 
action  which  is  now  to  be  related.  The  English  accounts 
state  her  crew  to  have  been  320 ;  a  number  that  is 
quite  sufficient  for  her  metal  and  spars,  and  which  is 
more  in  conformity  with  the  practice  of  the  English 
marine.  The  Indiamen,  stated  by  Sands  to  have  been 
obtained  by  Capt.  Pearson,  in  Copenhagen,  may  have 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  63 

been  15  Lascars,  who  are  known  to  have  been  on 
board,  and  to  have  been  included  in  the  320  souls.  It 
is  not  probable  that  the  crews  of  the  Richard  and  Se- 
rapis  differed  a  dozen  in  number.  The  Countess  of 
Scarborough  was  a  hired  ship  in  the  British  navy,  dif 
fering  in  no  respect  from  a  regular  man-of-war,  except 
in  the  circumstance  that  she  belonged  to  a  private 
owner  instead  of  the  king.  This  was  not  unusual  in 
that  marine,  the  circumstance  being  rather  in  favor  of 
the  qualities  of  the  vessel,  since  the  admiralty,  on  the 
coast  of  England,  would  not  be  likely  to  hire  any  but  a 
good  ship.  Her  officers  and  people  belonged  to  the 
navy,  as  a  matter  of  course.  There  is  a  trifling  dis 
crepancy  as  to  the  force  of  the  Scarborough,  though  the 
point  is  of  no  great  moment,  under  the  circumstances. 
Jones  states  that  she  was  a  ship  mounting  24  guns  on 
one  deck,  while  other  accounts  give  her  armament  as 
22  guns  in  all.  She  probably  had  a  crew  of  from  120 
to  150  men. 

As  soon  as  the  leading  English  vessels  saw  that 
strangers,  and  probably  enemies,  were  to  the  southward, 
and  to  windward,  they  gave  the  alarm,  -by  firing  guns, 
letting  fly  their  top-gallant  sheets,  tacking  together,  and 
making  the  best  of  their  way  in  toward  the  land  again. 
At  this  moment  the  men-of-war  were  astern,  with  a 
view  to  keep  the  convoy  in  its  place  ;  and  being  near 
the  shore,  the  authorities  of  Scarborough  had  sent  a 
boat  off  to  the  Serapis,  to  apprise  her  commander  of  the 
presence  of  Paul  Jones'  fleet.  By  these  means,  the  two 
senior  officers  were  fully  aware  with  whom  they  had  to 
contend.  Capt.  Pearson  fired  two  guns,  and  showed 
the  proper  signals,  in  order  to  call  in  his  leading  ships, 


64  N  A  V  A  L     B  I  O  G  R  A  P  H  Y. 

but,  as  is  very  customary  with  merchant  vessels,  the 
warning  and  orders  were  unattended  to.  until  the  danger 
was  seen  to  be  pressing.  While  the  merchantmen 
were  gathered  in  behind  the  Head,  or  ran  off  to  leeward, 
the  Serapis  signaled  the  Scarborough  to  follow,  and 
stood  gallantly  out  to  sea,  on  the  starboard  tack,  hugging 
the  wind. 

Jones  now  threw  out  a  signal  to  his  own  vessels  to 
form  the  line  of  battle.  The  Alliance,  which  ought  to 
have  dropped  in  astern  of  the  Richard,  paid  no  attention 
to  this  order,  though  she  approached  the  enemy  to 
reconnoitre.  In  passing  the  Pallas,  Capt.  Landais 
remarked  that  if  the  larger  of  the  enemy's  ships  proved 
to  be  a  fifty-gun  ship,  all  they  had  to  do  was  to  endea 
vor  to  escape  !  This  was  not  the  best  possible  disposi 
tion  with  which  to  commence  the  action.  Soon  after 
the  Pallas  spoke  the  Richard,  and  asked  for  orders. 
Jones  directed  her  to  lead  toward  the  enemy,  but  the 
order  was  not  obeyed,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  followed. 

The  wind  being  light,  several  hours  passed  before 
the  different  evolutions  mentioned  could  be  carried  into 
execution.  As  soon  as  Capt.  Pearson  found  himself 
outside  of  all  his  convoy,  and  the  latter  out  of  danger, 
he  tacked  in  shore,  with  a  view  to  cover  the  merchant 
men.  This  change  of  course  induced  Jones  to  ware 
and  carry  sail,  with  a  view  to  cut  him  off  from  the  land. 
By  this  time  it  was  evening,  and  this  sudden  change 
of  course,  on  the  part  of  the  Serapis,  seems  to  have 
given  rise  to  a  distrust,  on  the  part  of  Capt.  Cottineau, 
of  the  Pallas,  concerning  the  control  she  was  under. 
There  were  so  many  disaffected  men  in  the  Richard, 
English  and  other  Europeans,  that  the  security  of  the 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  65 

ship  appears  to  have  been  a  matter  of  doubt  among  all 
the  other  vessels.  When  those  on  board  the  Pallas, 
therefore,  perceived  the  Richard  crowding  sail  inshore, 
they  believed  Jones  was  killed  by  his  own  people,  and 
that  the  mutineers  had  run  away  with  the  ship,  intend 
ing  to  carry  her  into  a  British  port.  With  this  im 
pression,  Capt.  Cottineau  hauled  his  wind,  tacked,  and 
laid  the  Pallas'  head  offshore.  In  consequence  of  this 
manosuvre,  and  of  the  Vengeance's  being  far  astern, 
nothing  like  a  line  was  formed  on  this  occasion. 

Jones'  object  was  to  cut  his  enemy  off  from  the  land. 
Keeping  this  in  view,  he  pressed  down  in  the  Richard, 
regardless  of  his  consorts,  passing  the  Alliance  lying-to, 
out  of  gun-shot,  on  the  weather  quarter  of  the  principal 
English  ship.  It  was  now  dark,  but  Jones  watched  his 
enemy  with  a  night-glass,  and  perceiving  that  he  could 
cut  off  the  Serapis  from  getting  under  the  guns  of  Scar 
borough  Castle,  he  continued  to  approach  the  English 
man  under  a  press  of  sail.  Soon  after  the  Pallas  wore 
round  and  followed.  The  Vengeance  had  directions  to 
order  the  pilot-boat  back,  and  then  to  pick  up  the  con 
voy  ;  but  as  these  last  were  inshore,  and  tolerably  safe, 
she  seems  to  have  done  little,  or  nothing.  In  the  action 
that  ensued,  she  took  no  part  whatever. 

It  was  half-past  seven,  or  eight  o'clock,  when  the 
Richard  and  Serapis  drew  near  to  each  other.  The 
former  was  to  windward,  both  vessels  being  on  the  lar 
board  tack.  The  Serapis  hailed,  demanding  "  What 
ship  is  that?"  "I  can't  hear  what  you  say,"  was 
returned  from  the  Richard.  "  What  ship  is  that  ?" 
repeated  the  Englishman — "  answer  immediately,  or  I 
shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  firing  into  you."  The 
6* 


66  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Richard  now  delivered  her  broadside,  which  was  re 
turned  from  the  Serapis  so  promptly  as  to  render  the 
two  discharges  nearly  simultaneous.  In  an  instant,  the 
two  ships  were  enveloped  in  smoke  and  darkness. 
The  Richard  backed  her  topsails,  in  order  to  deaden 
her  way  and  keep  her  station  to  windward.  She  then 
filled,  and  passed  ahead  of  the  Serapis,  crossing-  her 
bows,  becalming  the  Serapis  partially.  The  latter  was 
a  short  ship,  and  worked  quick.  She  was,  moreover,  a 
good  sailer,  and  Capt.  Pearson  keeping  his  luff,  as  soon 
as  his  canvas  filled  again,  he  came  up  on  the  weather 
quarter  of  Jones,  taking  the  wind  out  of  his  sails ;  both 
vessels  fighting  the  other  broadsides,  or  using  the  star 
board  guns  of  the  Serapis  and  the  larboard  of  the  Rich 
ard.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  Richard  had  six 
eighteens  mounted  in  her  gun-room.  As  the  water 
was  smooth,  Jones  relied  greatly  on  the  service  of  this 
battery,  which,  in  fact,  was  his  principal  dependence 
with  an  adversary  like  the  Serapis.  Unfortunately 
two  of  these  old,  defective  pieces  burst  at  the  first  dis 
charge,  blowing  up  the  main-deck  above  them,  beside 
killing  and  wounding  many  men.  The  alarm  was  so 
great  as  to  destroy  all  confidence  in  these  guns,  which 
made  but  eight  discharges  in  all,  when  their  crews 
abandoned  them.  This,  in  addition  to  the  actual 
damage  done,  was  a  most  serious  disadvantage.  It 
reduced  the  Richard's  armament  at  once  to  32  guns,  or, 
as  some  authorities  say,  to  34 ;  leaving  her  with  the 
metal  of  a  32  gun  frigate,  to  contend  with  a  full-manned 
and  full-armed  44.  The  combat,  now,  was  in  fact  be 
tween  an  eighteen-pounder  and  a  twelve-pounder  ship ; 
an  inequality  of.  metal,  to  say  nothing  of  that  in  guns, 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  67* 

that  seemed  to  render  the  chance  of  the  Richard  nearly 
hopeless. 

Half  an  hour  \vas  consumed  in  these  preliminary 
evolutions,  the  wind  being  light,  and  the  vessels  nearly 
stationary  a  part  of  the  time.  When  the  Richard  first 
approached  her  adversary,  it  will  be  remembered  she 
was  quite  alone,  the  Vengeance  having  been  left  leagues 
behind,  the  Alliance  lying-to,  out  of  gun-shot,  to  wind 
ward,  and  the  Pallas  not  bearing  up  until  her  com 
mander  had  ascertained  there  was  no  mutiny  on  board 
the  commodore,  by  seeing  him  commence  the  action. 
All  this  time  the  Countess  of  Scarborough  was  coming 
up,  and  she  now  closed  so  near  as  to  be  able  to  assist 
her  consort.  The  Americans  affirm  that  this  ship  did 
fire  at  least  one  raking  broadside  at  the  Richard,  doing 
her  some  injury.  On  the  other  hand,  Capt.  Piercy, 
her  commander,  states  that  he  was  afraid  to  engage,  as 
the  smoke  and  obscurity  rendered  it  impossible  for  him 
to  tell  friend  from  enemy.  It  is  possible  that  both  ac 
counts  are  true,  Capt.  Piercy  meaning  merely  to  excuse 
his  subsequent  course  after  having  fired  once  or  twice 
at  the  Richard.  At  all  events,  the  connection  of  this 
vessel  with  the  battle  between  the  two  principal  ships 
must  have  been  very  trifling,  as  she  soon  edged  away 
to  a  distance,  and,  after  exchanging  a  distant  broadside 
or  two  with  the  Alliance,  she  was  brought  to  close  ac 
tion  by  the  Pallas,  which  ship  compelled  her  to  strike, 
after  a  creditable  resistance  of  an  hour's  duration.  This 
vessel  fully  occupied  the  Pallas,  first  in  engaging  her, 
then  in  securing  the  prisoners,  until  after  the  conflict 
terminated. 

When  the  Serapis  came  up  on  the  weather  quarter 


68  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

of  the  Richard,  as  has  been  mentioned,  she  kept  her 
luff,  passing  slowly  by,  until  she  found  herself  so  far 
ahead  and  to  windward,  as  to  induce  Capt.  Pearson  to 
think  he  could  fall  broad  off,  cross  the  Richard's  fore 
foot,-  and  rake  her.  This  manreuvre  was  attempted, 
but  finding  there  was  not  room  to  effect  her  purpose,  the 
Serapis  came  to  the  wind  again,  as  fast  as  she  could, 
in  order  to  prevent  going  foul.  This  uncertain  move 
ment  brought  the  two  ships  in  a  line,  the  Serapis  lead 
ing.  It  so  far  deadened  the  way  of  the  English  ship, 
that  the  Richard  ran  into  her,  on  her  weather  quarter. 
In  this  situation  neither  vessel  could  fire,  nor  could 
either  crew  board,  the  collision  being  necessarily  gentle, 
and  nothing  touching  but  the  jib-boom  of  the  American. 
In  this  state  the  two  vessels  remained  a  minute  or  two. 
While  in  this  singular  position,  the  firing  having 
entirely  ceased,  and  it  being  quite  dark,  a  voice  from 
the  Serapis  demanded  of  the  Richard,  if  she  had  struck. 
Jones  answered  promptly,  "I  have  not  yet  begun  to 
fight."  As  the  ships  had  now  been  engaged  nearly, 
or  quite,  an  hour,  this  was  not  very  encouraging,  cer 
tainly,  to  the  Englishman's  hope  of  victory,  though  he 
immediately  set  about  endeavoring  to  secure  it.  The 
yards  of  the  Serapis  ;were  trimmed  on  the  larboard  tack, 
and  her  saj/s  were  full  as  the  Richard  touched  her ;  the 
latter  ship  bracing  all  aback,  the  two  vessels  soon  part 
ed.  ~»£s  soon  as  Jones  thought  he  had  room,  he  filled 
on  the  other  tack,  and  drew  ahead  again.  The  Serapis, 
however,  most  probably  with  a  view  of  passing  close 
athwart,  either  the  Richard's  fore  foot  or  stern,  luffed 
into  the  wind,  laid  all  aback  forward,  and  keeping  her 
helm  down  while  she  shivered  her  after  sails,  she 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  69 

attempted  to  break  round  off  on  her  heel.  At  this  mo 
ment,  Jones  seeing  his  enemy  coming  down,  thought 
he  might  lay  him  athwart  hawse,  and  drew  ahead  with 
that  object.  In  the  smoke  and  obscurity,  the  moon  not 
having  yet  risen,  each  party  miscalculated  his  distance, 
and  just  before  the  Serapis  had  begun  to  come  up  on 
the  other  tack,  her  jib-boom  passed  in  over  the  Richard's 
poop,  getting  foul  of  the  mizzen  rigging.  Jones  was 
perfectly  satisfied,  by  this  time,  that  he  had  no  chance 
in  a  cannonade,  and  gladly  seized  the  opportunity  of 
grappling.  He  had  sent  the  acting  master  for  a  haw 
ser  as  soon  as  he  perceived  what  was  likely  to  occur, 
but  it  not  arriving  in  time,  with  his  own  hands  he  lashed 
the  enemy's  bowsprit  to  the  Richard's  mizzen-mast,  by 
means  of  the  Serapis'  rigging  that  had  been  shot  away, 
and  which  was  hanging  loose  beneath  the  spar.  Other 
fastenings  soon  made  all  secure.*' 

*Capt.  Mackenzie,  in  his  life  of  Paul  Jones,  has  the  following, 
in  a  note,  p.  183,  vol.  1,  viz.:  "As  considerable  difference  will 
be  observable  between  the  account  of  this  battle,  given  in  Mr. 
Cooper's  '  Naval  History,'  and  the  above,  (meaning  his  own  ac 
count  of  the  action,)  it  is  proper  to  state  that  Mr.  Cooper  has  followed 
Mr.  Dale's  description  of  the  manoeuvres  antecedent  to  the  ship's 
being  grappled ;  whilst  in  the  present  account  more  reliance  has 
been  placed  on  those  of  the  two  commanders  who  directed  the  evo 
lutions.  Mr.  Dale  was  stationed  on  the  Richard's  main-deck,  in 
a  comparatively  unfavorable  position  for  observing  the  mano3uvres. 
The  evolution  of  box-hauling  his  ship,  ascribed  by  Mr.  Cooper  to 
Capt.  Pearson,  would,  under  the  circumstances,  have  been  highly 
unseamanlike." 

In  answer  to  this,  the  writer  has  to  say,  that  he  nowhere  finds 
any  reason  for  thinking  that  either  of  the  commanders  contradicts 
his  account ;  and  as  the  late  Com.  Dale,  in  a  long  personal  inter 
view,  minutely  described  all  the  manoeuvres  of  the  two  vessels,  as 
he  has  here  given  them,  he  feels  bound  to  believe  him.  The  argu- 


70  ,   NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

The  wind  being  light,  the  movements  of  the  two 
vessels  were  slow  in  proportion.  It  was  owing  to  this 
circumstance,  and  to  the  fact  that  the  Serapis  was  just 
beginning  to  gather  way  as  she  came  foul,  that  the  col- 

ment  that  Mr.  Dale  could  not  see  what  he  described,  is  fallacious, 
since  an  officer  in  command  of  a  gun-deck,  finding  no  enemy  on 
either  beam,  would  naturally  look  for  him,  and  by  putting  his  head 
out  of  a  forward  port,  Mr.  Dale  might  have  got  a  better  view  of 
the  Serapis  than  any  above  him.  But  Com.  Dale  states  a  thing 
distinctly  and  affirmatively,  and  with  such  a  witness,  the  writer 
feels  bound  much  more  to  respect  his  direct  assertions,  than  any 
of  the  very  extraordinary  theories  in  history,  of  which  Capt.  Mac 
kenzie  has  been  the  propagator.  The  manreuvres  were  probably 
•discussed,  too,  between  the  younger  officers,  after  the  surrender 
of  the  Serapis.  The  writer  dissents,  also,  to  Capt.  Mackenzie's 
views  of  seamanship.  Bringing  ships  round  before  the  wind,  in  the 
manner  described,  was  far  more  practised  in  1779  than  it  is  to-day. 
It  was  more  practised  with  the  short  ships  of  the  narrow  seas  than 
with  any  other.  The  river  vessels,  in  particular,  frequently  did  it 
twenty  or  thirty  times  in  a  single  trip  up  the  Thames,  or  into  the 
Nore.  The  writer  has  seen  it  done  himself  a  hundred  times  in 
those  waters.  Many  reasons  may  have  induced  Capt.  Pearson  to 
practice  what,  with  a  Baltic  and  London  ship,  must  have  been  a 
common  manoeuvre,  especially  with  a  master  on  board  who  was 
doubtless  a  channel  pilot.  He  might  have  wished  at  first  to  pre 
serve  the  weather-gage  ;  he  might  not  have  desired  to  take  the 
room  necessary  to  ware  with  his  helm  hard-a-weather,  or  might 
have  attempted  to  tack,  and  failing  on  account  of  the  lightness  of 
the  wind,  or  the  want  of  sufficient  headway,  brought  his  ship  round 
as  described.  For  the  writer,  it  is  sufficient  that  a  seaman  and  a 
moralist  like  Richard  Dale  has  deliberately  told  him  in  detail,  that 
this  manoeuvre  was  practiced,  to  upset  the  vague  conjectures  of  a 
historian  of  the  calibre  of  Capt.  Mackenzie.  A  published  statement 
from  Com.  Dale  is  given  by  another  writer,  in  which  that  truth- 
loving  and  truth-telling  old  officer  is  made  to  say,  "  The  Serapis 
wore  short  round  on  Tier  heel,  and  her  jib-boom  ran  into  the  mizzen 
rigging  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard."  This  is  giving  in  brief  what 
he  gave  to  the  writer  in  detail. 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  71 

lision  itself  did  little  damage.  As  soon  as  Capt.  Pear 
son  perceived  he  was  foul,  he  dropped  an  anchor  under 
foot,  in  the  hope  that  the  Richard  would  drift  clear  of 
him.  The  fastenings  having  been  already  made,  this 
result  was  not  obtained ;  and  the  ships  tending'  to  the 
tide,  which  was  now  in  the  same  direction  with  the 
wind,  the  latter  brought  the  stern  of  the  Serapis  close  in, 
alongside  of  the 'bows  of  the  Richard.  In  this  position 
the  ships  became  so  interlocked,  by  means  of  their 
spars,  spare  anchors,  and  other  protruding  objects,  for  the 
moment,  as  to  become  inseparable. 

As  the  stern  of  the  Serapis  swung  round,  her  lower 
deck  ports  were  lowered,  in  order  to  prevent  being 
boarded.  The  ships'  sides  touching,  or  at  least  being 
so  close  as  to  prevent  the  ports  from  being  opened 
again,  the  guns  were  fired  inboard,  blowing  away  the 
lids.  This  was  renewing  the  action,  under  circum 
stances  which,  in  ordinary  cases,  would  have  soon 
brought  it  to  a  termination.  Wherever  a  gun  bore,  it 
necessarily  cleared  all  before  it,  and,  in  reloading,  the 
rammers  were  frequently  passed  into  a  hostile  port,  in 
order  to  be  entered  into  the  muzzles  of  their  proper 
guns.  It  is  evident  that  such  a  conflict  could  be  main 
tained  only  under  very  extraordinary  circumstances. 

The  eighteens  of  the  Serapis  soon  destroyed  every 
thing  within  their  range,  nor  was  it  long  before,  the 
main-deck  guns  of  the  Richard  were,  in  a  great  measure, 
silenced.  A  considerable  number  of  the  men  who  had 
been  at  the  eighteens  of  the  Richard's  gun-room,  had 
remained  below  after  their  pieces  were  abandoned,  but 
the  heavy  fire  of  the  Serapis'  lower  guns  soon  started 
them  up,  and  joining  some  of  those  who  had  been  driven 


72  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

away  from  the  twelves,  they  got  upon  the  forecastle. 
As  the  Richard  was  a  longer  ship  than  the  Serapis, 
this  point  was  comparatively  safe,  and  thence  a  fire  of 
musketry  was  kept  up  on  the  enemy's  tops  and  decks. 
These  men,  also,  threw  grenades.  The  tops,  too,  were 
not  idle,  but  kept  up  a  smart  fire  of  muskets,  and  the 
men  began  to  resort  to  grenades  also. 

In  this  stage  of  the  action,  the  Serapis  had  the  can 
nonading  nearly  to  herself.  All  her  guns,  with  the 
exception  of  those  on  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle, 
appear  to  have  been  worked,  while,  on  the  part  of  the 
Richard,  the  fire  was  reduced  to  two  nines  on  the  quar 
ter-deck,  two  or  three  of  the  twelves,  and  the  musketry. 
The  consequences  were,  that  the  Richard  was  nearly 
torn  to  pieces  below,  while  the  upper  part  of  the  Sera- 
pis  was  deserted,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  officers. 
Capt.  Pearson  himself  appears  to  have  sent  his  people 
from  the  quarter-deck  guns.  An  advantage  of  this  sort, 
once  gained,  was  easily  maintained,  rendering  it  vir 
tually  impossible  for  the  losing  party  to  recover  the 
ground  it  had  lost. 

The  moon  rose  about  the  time  the  ships  came  foul. 
Until  this  occurred,  the  Alliance  had  not  been  near  the 
principal  combatants.  She  now  passed  some  distance 
to  leeward,  and  crossed  the  bows  of  the  Richard  and 
the  stern  of  the  Serapis,  firing  at  such  a  distance  as 
rendered  it  impossible  for  her  to  make  sure  of  her  ene 
my,  even  if  she  knew  which  was  which.  As  soon  as 
her  guns  ceased  to  bear,  she  up  helm,  and  ran  a  consi 
derable  distance  farther  to  leeward,  hovering  about  until 
the  Scarborough  submitted.  Capt.  Landais  now  spoke 
the  Pallas,  when  Capt.  Cottineau  begged  him  to  go  to 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  73 

the  assistance  of  the  Richard,  offering,  at  the  same  time, 
to  go  himself  if  the  Alliance  would  take  charge  of  his 
prize.  All  these  facts  appear  under  oath  in  the  course 
of  the  controversy  which  grew  out  of  the  events  of  this 
memorable  night. 

Ashamed  to  remain  idle  at  such  a  moment,  and  in 
the  face  of  such  remonstrances,  Capt.  Landais  hauled 
up,  under  very  easy  canvas,  however,  for  the  two  com 
batants,  and  making  a  couple  of  stretches  under  his  top 
sails,  he  passed  the  bows  of  the  Serapis  and  stern  of 
the  Richard,  opening  with  grape,  the  last  shot  to  be 
used  under  such  circumstances  ;  then  keeping  away  a 
little,  he  certainly  fired  into  the  Richard's  larboard  quar 
ter,  or  that  most  distant  from  the  enemy.  Some  of  the 
witnesses  even  affirm  that  this  fire  was  maintained  until 
the  Alliance  had  actually  passed  the  Richard's  beam, 
on  her  way  to  leeward. 

These  movements  of  the  Alliance  induced  Sands 
aptly  to  term  that  frigate  the  comet  of  this  bloody  sys 
tem.  It  is  difficult  tcr  account  for  her  evolutions,  with 
out  supposing  treachery,  or  insanity,  on  the  part  of  her 
commander.  For  the  latter  supposition  there  are  some 
grounds,  his  subsequent  deportment  inducing  the  go 
vernment  to  put  him  out  of  employment,  as  a  man  at 
least  partially  deranged.  Still  it  is  difficult  to  suppose 
the  officers  would  allow  their  men  to  fire  into  the  Rich 
ard's  quarter,  as  mentioned,  unless  they  mistook  the 
ship.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  affirmed  by  the  wit 
nesses  that  three  lanterns  were  shown  on  the  offside 
of  the  Richard,  the  regular  signal  of  reconnoisance ; 
that  fifty  voices  called  out,  begging  their  friends  to  cease 
firing,  and  this,  too,  when  so  near  that  the  remonstrances 

VOL.  II.  7 


74  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

must  have  been  heard.  By  direction  of  Jones,  an 
officer  hailed,  too,  and  ordered  Landais  to  lay  the  enemy 
aboard.  A  question  was  then  put  to  ascertain  whether 
the  order  was  understood,  and  an  answer  was  given  in 
the  affirmative. 

The  effect  of  this  transit  of  the  Alliance  was  very 
disastrous  to  the  Richard.  Her  fire  dismounted  a  gun 
or  two  on  board  the  latter  ship,  extinguished  several 
lanterns,  did  a  good  deal  of  mischief  aloft,  and  induced 
many  of  the  people  to  desert  their  quarters,  under  the 
impression  that  the  English  on  board  the  Alliance  had 
got  possession  of  the  ship,  and  were  aiding  the  enemy. 
It  is,  indeed,  an  important  feature  in  the  peculiarities 
of  this  remarkable  cruise,  and  one  that  greatly  enhances 
the  merit  of  the  man  who  used  such  discordant  mate 
rials,  that  the  two  principal  vessels  distrusted  each 
other's  ability  to  look  down  revolt,  and  were  distrusted 
by  all  the  rest,  on  account  of  the  same  supposed  inse 
curity.  It  may  be  added  as  one  of  the  difficulties  in 
explaining  Capt.  jLandais'  conduct,  that  the  moon  had 
now  been  up  some  time,  and  that  it  was  very  easy  to 
distinguish  the  ships  by  their  offsides  ;  that  of  the  Se- 
rapis  having  two  yellow  streaks,  dotted  as  usual  with 
ports,  while  the  Richard  was  all  black. 

Not  satisfied  with  what  he  had  done,  Capt.  Landais 
shortly  after  made  his  re-appearance,  approaching  the 
Richard  on  her  off  side,  running  athwart  her  bows  this 
time,  and  crossing  the  stern  of  her  antagonist.  On  this 
occasion,  it  is  affirmed,  her  fire  commenced  when  there 
was  no  possibility  of  reaching  the  Serapis,  unless  it 
were  through  the  Richard ;  and  her  fire,  of  grape  espe 
cially,  was  particularly  destructive  to  the  men  collected 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  75 

on  the  Richard's  forecastle.  At  this  spot  alone,  ten  or 
twelve  men  appear  to  have  been  killed  or  wounded,  at 
a  moment  when  the  fire  of  the  Serapis  could  not  possi 
bly  injure  them.  Among  those  slain,  was  a  midship 
man  of  the  name  of  Caswell,  who  affirmed  with  his 
dying  breath  that  he  had  been  hit  by  the  shot  of  the 
Alliance.  After  this  last  exploit,  Capt.  Landais  seemed 
satisfied  with  his  own  efforts,  and  appeared  no  more. 

While  these  erratic  movements  were  in  course  of 
execution  by  the  Alliance  and  her  eccentric,  if  not  in 
sane,  commander,  the  two  ships  engaged  lay  canopied 
by  smoke,  a  scene  of  fierce  contention,  and  of  accumu 
lated  dangers.  The  alarm  of  fire  was  succeeded  by 
reports  that  the  Richard  was  sinking.  To  these  sources 
of  apprehension,  soon  followed  that  of  the  dread  of  a 
rising  within.  The  accession  of  water  in  the  hold  in 
duced  the  master-at-arms  to  release  the  English  pri 
soners  on  board,  who  were  more  than  a  hundred  in 
number.  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  the  ships  began 
to  take  fire  from  the  explosions  of  the  guns  and  grenades, 
and  the  combatants  were  frequently  called  from  their 
quarters,  in  order  to  extinguish  the  flames.  Capt. 
Pearson  states,  that  the  Serapis  was  on  fire  no  less  than 
twelve  times,  while  the  ships  lay  grappled ;  and,  as  to 
the  Richard,  in  addition  to  several  accidents  of  this 
nature  that  were  promptly  suppressed,  for  the  last  hour 
she  was  burning  the  whole  time,  the  flames  having  got 
within  her  ceilings. 

Jones  was  not  a  little  astonished  to  see  more  than  a 
hundred  English  mariners  rushing  up  from  below,  at  a 
moment  when  a  heavy  ship  of  their  country  was  lashed 
alongside,  and  deliberately  pouring  her  fire  into  his 


76  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

own  vessel.  Such  a  circumstance  might  have  proved 
fatal,  with  a  man  less  resolute  and  self-possessed. 
Lieut.  Dale  had  been  below,  in  person,  to  ascertain  the 
state  of  the  hold,  and  it  was  found  that  several  heavy 
shot  had  struck  beneath  the  water  line,  and  that  the 
danger  from  that  source  was  in  truth  serious.  Profiting 
by  the  alarm  that  prevailed  among  the  prisoners,  the 
commodore  set  the  Englishmen  at  work  at  the  pumps, 
where  they  toiled  with  commendable  zeal  near  an  hour! 
Had  they  been  so  disposed,  or  cool,  most  of  them  might 
have  escaped  on  board  the  Serapis. 

The  precise  situations  of  the  two  vessels,  and  of  the 
Richard  in  particular,  are  worthy  of  a  passing  remark. 
As  for  the  Serapis,  her  injuries  were  far  from  great. 
She  had  suffered  from  the  fire  of  her  opponent  at  the 
commencement  of  the  fight,  it  is  true,  but  the  bursting 
of  the  Richard's  eighteens,  and  her  own  superior 
working  and  better  sailing  had  given  her  such  essential 
advantages  as,  added  to  her  heavier  fire,  must  have  long 
before  decided  the  affair  in  her  favor,  but  for  the  cir 
cumstance  of  the  two  vessels  getting  foul  of  each  other. 
The  quiet  determination  of  Jones  not  to  give  up,  might 
have  protracted  the  engagement  longer  than  usual,  but 
it  could  hardly  have  averted  the  result.  The  vessels 
were  no  sooner  square  alongside,  however,  than  the 
English  ship's  heavy  guns  swept  away  every  thing  in 
their  front.  This  superiority  in  the  way  of  artillery 
could  not  be  overcome,  and  continued  to  the  close  of  the 
engagement.  Under  any  thing  like  ordinary  circum 
stances,  this  ascendancy  must  have  given  the  victory 
to  the  English,  but  Jones  was  a  man  calculated  by  na 
ture,  and  his  habits  of  thinking,  to  take  refuge  against 


. 

JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  77 

a  defeat  in  extraordinary  circumstances.  He  had  suc 
ceeded  in  driving  the  enemy  from  above  board,  and 
was,  in  this  stage  of  the  action,  diligently  working  two 
nine-pounders,  in  the  hope  of  cutting  away  the  Serapis' 
main-mast.  Had  he  succeeded  in  this  effort,  no  doubt 
he  would  have  cut  the  lashings,  and,  obtaining  a  more 
favorable  position  on  the  bow  or  quarter  of  his  enemy, 
settled  the  matter  with  his  main-deck  battery.  Still,  it 
required  many  shot,  of  the  weight  of  his,  to  bring  down 
so  large  a  spar,  with  most  of  its  rigging  standing,  and 
in  smooth  water.  No  one  knows  what  would  have- 
been  the  result,  but  for  the  coolness  and  judgment  of  a 
seaman,  who  belonged  to  the  main-top.  As  the  Eng 
lish  had  been  cleared  out  of  their  tops  by  the  greater 
fire  of  the  Richard's  musketry,  this  man  lay  out  on  the 
main-yard,  until  he  found  himself  at  the  sheet-block. 
Here  he  placed  a  bucket  of  grenades,  and  began  deli 
berately  to  throw  them  upon  the  Serapis'  decks, 
wherever  he  saw  two  or  three  men  collected.  Finding 
no  one  on  the  quarter-deck,  or  forecastle,  to  annoy,  he 
tossed  his  grenades  into  the  hatches,  where  they  pro 
duced  considerable  confusion  and  injury.  At  length, 
he  succeeded  in  getting  one  or  two  down  upon  the 
lower  gun-deck,  where  one  of  them  set  fire  to  some 
loose  powder.  It  appears  that  the  powder  boys  had 
laid  a  row  of  cartridges  on  the  off  side  of  this  deck,  in 
readiness  for  use,  no  shot  entering  from  the  Richard  to 
molest.  To  this  act  of  gross  negligence,  Capt.  Pearson 
probably  owed  the  loss  of  his  ship.  The  lower  gun- 
deck  of  the  Serapis  had  been  perfectly  safe  from  all 
annoyance,  from  the  moment  the  ships  got  foul,  no  gun 
of  the  Richard's  bearing  on  it,  while  the  deck  above 


78  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

protected  it  effectually  from  musketry.  To  this  secu 
rity,  it  is  probable,  the  dire  catastrophe  which  succeeded 
was  owing.  The  powder  that  ignited  set  fire  to  all 
these  uncovered  cartridges,  and  the  explosion  extended 
from  the  main-mast  aft.  It  silenced  every  gun  in  that 
part  of  the  ship,  and  indeed  nearly  stripped  them  of 
their  crews.  More  than  twenty  men  were  killed  out 
right,  leaving  on  many  of  them  nothing  but  the  waist 
bands  of  their  duck  trowsers,  and  the  collars  and  wrist 
bands  of  their  shirts.  Quite  sixty  of  the  Serapis'  peo 
ple  must  have  been  placed  hors  de  combat,  in  a  mo 
ment,  by  this  fell  assault.  The  reader  may  imagine 
its  effects  on  a  lower  gun-deck,  choked  with  smoke, 
with  the  ship  on  fire,  amid  the  shrieks  and  groans  of 
the  living  sufferers. 

It  is  now  known  that  the  English  would  have  struck, 
soon  after  this  accident  occurred,  had  not  the  master  of 
the  London  Letter  of  Marque,  captured  off  Cape  Wrath, 
passed  out  of  a  port  of  the  Richard  into  one  of  the  Se 
rapis'  and  announced  that  the  American  ship  was  in  a 
still  worse  situation,  having  actually  released  her  pri 
soners,  as  she  was  on  the  point  of  sinking.  About 
this  time,  too,  another  incident  occurred,  that  aided  in 
sustaining  the  hopes  of  Capt.  Pearson.  Two  or  three 
of  the  warrant  officers  of  the  Richard,  when  they  found 
the  ship  in  danger  of  sinking,  had  looked  in  vain  for 
Jones,  and  Mr.  Dale  being  below  at  that  moment,  ex 
amining  into  the  state  of  the  pumps,  they  determined 
that  it  was  their  duty  to  strike  the  colors,  in  order  to 
save  the  lives  of  the  survivors.  Luckily,  the  ensign  had 
been  shot  away,  and  the  gunner,  who  had  run  up  on 
the  poop  to  lower  it,  called  out  for  quarter.  Hearing 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  79 

this,  Capt.  Pearson  demanded  if  the  Richard  had  struck. 
Jones  answered  for  himself  in  the  negative,  but  in  such 
a  way  that  he  was  not  either  heard  or  understood,  and 
the  English  actually  mustered  a  party  of  boarders  to 
take  possession  of  their  prize.  As  this  was  giving 
Jones'  men  a  better  chance  with  their  muskets,  the 
English  were  soon  driven  below  again,  with  loss. 
Some  of  the  latter,  however,  appeared  on  the  sides  of 
the  Richard. 

These  reverses  turned  the  tide  of  battle  in  favor  of 
the  Americans.  ,The  latter  got  a  gun  or  two  more  at 
work,  and,  while  the  fire  of  their  adversaries  was  sen 
sibly  diminishing,  their  own  began  to  increase.  The 
spirit  of  the  Englishman  drooped,  and  he  finally  hauled 
down  his  colors  with  his  own  hands,  after  the  ships  had 
been  lashed  together  nearly,  if  not  quite,  two  hours  and 
a  half.  The  main-yard  of  the  Serapis  was  hanging 
a-cock-bill,  the  brace  being  shot  away,  and  the  brace 
pendant  within  reach.  Lieut.  Dale  seized  the  latter 
and  swung  himself  over  upon  the  quarter-deck  of  the 
Serapis.  Here  he  found  Capt.  Pearson  quite  alone, 
and  received  his  submission.  At  this  instant,  the  first 
lieutenant  of  the  English  ship  came  up  from  below,  and 
inquired  if  the  Richard  had  struck,  her  fire  having  now 
entirely  ceased.  Mr.  Dale  explained  to  this  officer  how 
the  case  stood,  when,  finding  his  own  commander  con 
firmed  it,  the  lieutenant  offered  to  go  below,  and  to  stop 
the  guns  that  were  still  at  work  in  the  Serapis.  Mr. 
Dale  objected,  however,  and  these  two  officers  were 
immediately  passed  over  to  the  quarter-deck  of  the 
Richard.  A  party  of  officers  and  men  had  followed 
Mr.  Dale  from  his  own  ship,  and  one  of  them,  a  Mr. 


80 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


Mayrant,  of  South  Carolina,  one  of  the  Richard's  mid 
shipmen,  was  actually  run  through  the  thigh  by  a 
boarding  spike;  the  blow  coming  from  a  party  of 
boarders  stationed  on  the  main-deck.  This  was  the 
last  blood  spilt  on  the  occasion,  the  firing  being  stopped 
immediately  afterward. 

>  Thus  ended  the  renowned  conflict  between  the 
Serapis  and  the  Bon  Homme  Richard;  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  naval  annals,  in  some  of  its  features, 
though  far  from  being  as  comparatively  bloody,  or  as 
well  fought  in  others,  as  many  that  may  be  cited.  Com. 
Dale,  who  was  familiar  with  the  facts,  always  placed 
the  combat  between  the  Trumbull  and  Watt,  before  that 
between  these  two  ships,  in  the  way  of  a  cannonade  ; 
nor  was  there  much  difference  in  the  comparative  loss 
of  the  English  vessels,  the  Watt  having  about  half  her 
crew  killed  and  wounded,  which  was  not  far  from  the 
casualties  of  the  Serapis.  Still,  this  battle  must  ever 
stand  alone,  in  a  few  of  its  leading  incidents.  There  is 
no  other  instance  on  record  of  two  vessels,  carrying 
such  batteries,  remaining  foul  of  each  other  for  so  long 
a  period.  It  could  have  happened  in  this  case,  only, 
through  the  circumstances  that  the  Richard  had  the 
combat  nearly  all  to  herself  above  board,  while  the 
Serapis  was  tearing  her  to  pieces  below  decks.  The 
respective  combatants  were,  in  truth,  out  of  the  range 
of  each  other's  fire,  in  a  great  degree ;  else  would  the 
struggle  have  been  brought  to  a  termination  in  a  very 
few  minutes.  The  party  that  was  first  silenced  must 
have  soon  submitted;  and,  as  that  was  virtually  the 
American  ship,  the  victory  would  have  belonged  to  the 
English,  in  any  other  circumstances  than  those  which 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  81 

actually  occurred.  As  for  the  cannonading  that  Jones 
kept  up  for  more  than  an  hour  on  the  main-mast  of  the 
Serapis,  it  could  have  had  no  material  influence  on  the 
result,  since  the  mast  stood  until  the  ship  had  struck, 
coming  down  just  as  the  two  vessels  separated. 

An  examination  into  the  injuries  sustained  by  the 
respective  combatants,  proves  the  truth  of  the  foregoing 
theory.  As  for  the  Richard,  she  had  suffered  a  good 
deal  during  the  first  hour,  or  before  the  vessels  closed, 
receiving  several  heavy  shot  between  wind  and  water. 
Some  shot,  too,  it  would  seem  to  be  certain,  were 
received  in  the  same  awkward  places,  from  the  fire  of 
the  Alliance,  after  the  ships  had  grappled.  But,  the 
most  extraordinary  part  of  her  injuries  were  those 
which  were  found  from  the  main-mast  aft,  below  the 
quarter-deck.  Perhaps  no  vessel  ever  suffered  in  a 
degree  approaching  that  in  -which  the  Richard  suffered 
in  this  part  of  her.  Her  side  was  almost  destroyed  by 
the  guns  of  the  Serapis,  and  nothing  prevented  the 
quarter-deck,  main-deck  and  poop  from  literally  falling 
down  upon  the  lower-deck,  but  a  few  top-timbers  and 
upper  futtocks  that  had  fortunately  escaped.  This  left 
Jones  and  his  companions  fighting  on  a  sort  of  stage, 
upheld  by  stanchions  that  were  liable  at  any  moment  to 
be  carried  away.  Nothing,  indeed,  saved  these  sup 
ports,  or  the  men  on  the  deck  above  them,  but  the  fact 
that  they  were  all  so  near  the  enemy's  guns,  that  the 
latter  could  not  be  trained,  or  elevated  sufficiently  high 
to  hit  them.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Com.  Dale  that  the 
shot  of  the  Serapis,  for  the  last  hour  of  the  action,  must 
have  passed  in  at  one  side  of  the  Richard,  in  this  part 
of  the  ship,  and  out  at  the  other,  without  touching  any 


82  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

thing,  the  previous  fire  having  so  effectually  cleared 
the  road ! 

The  loss  of  men,  in  each  ship,  was  fearfully  great, 
and  singularly  equal.  A  muster-roll  of  the  Richard 
has  been  preserved,  which  shows  that,  out  of  227  souls 
on  board  when  the  ship  sailed,  exclusively  of  the  sol 
diers,  or  marines,  83  were  killed,  or  wounded.  As 
many  of  these  227  persons  were  not  in  the  action,  while 
a  few  do  not  appear  on  this  roll,  who  were  on  board,  by 
placing  the  whole  number  of  this  portion  of  the  crew 
at  200,  we  shall  not  be  far  out  of  the  way.  About  120 
of  the  soldiers  were  in  the  combat,  and  this  proportion 
would  make  such  an  additional  loss,  as  to  raise  the 
whole  number  to  132.  These  soldiers,  however,  suf 
fered  in  the  commencement  of  the  action  more  than  the 
rest  of  the  people,  more  especially  a  party  of  them  that 
had  been  stationed  on  the  poop ;  and,  the  reports  of  the 
day  making  the  loss  of  the  Richard  150  altogether,  we 
are  inclined  to  believe  it  was  not  far  from  the  truth. 
This  was  very  near  one  half  of  all  the  men  she  had 
engaged. 

On  the  part  of  the  English,  Capt.  Pearson  reported 
117  casualties,  admitting,  however,  that  there  were 
many  more.  Jones  thought  his  own  loss  less  than  that 
of  the  Serapis,  and  there  is  reason  to  think  it  may  have 
been  so,  in  a  trifling  degree.  It  is  probable  that  some 
thing  like  one  half  of  all  the  combatants  suffered  in  this 
bloody  affair,  which  is  a  very  unusual  number  for  any 
battle,  whether  by  sea  or  land.  Many  of  those  who 
suffered  by  the  two  explosions — that  of  the  Richard's 
eighteens,  and  that  of  the  Serapis'  cartridges — died  of 
their  injuries. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  83 

To  return  to  the  state  of  the  two  vessels,  and  the 
events  of  the  night :  Jones  no  sooner  found  himself  in 
possession  of  his  prize,  than  he  ordered  the  lashings 
cut  in  order  to  separate  the  vessels.  This  was  done 
without  much  difficulty,  the  wind  and  tide,  in  a  few 
minutes,  carrying  the  Richard  clear  of  her  late  antago 
nist.  The  Serapis  was  hailed,  and  ordered  to  follow 
the  commodore.  In  order  to  do  this,  her  head-yards 
were  braced  sharp  aback,  to  cause  the  vessel  to  pay 
off,  her  main-mast  having  come  down,  nearly  by  the 
board,  bringing  with  it  the  mizzen  top-mast.  The 
wreck  was  cleared,  but  the  ship  still  refused  to  answer 
her  helm.  Excited  by  this  singular  state  of  things,  Mr. 
Dale  sprang  from  a  seat  he  had  taken,  and  fell  his  length 
upon  deck.  He  had  been  wounded  in  the  foot,  and 
now  ascertained  for  the  first  time  that  he  was  unable  to 
walk.  Luckily,  Mr.  Lunt,  with  the  pilot  boat,  had 
come  alongside,  as  soon  as  the  firing  ceased,  and  was 
ready  to  take  his  place.  The  fact  being  communicated 
to  this  officer  that  the  Serapis  was  anchored,  the  cable 
was  cut,  and  Jones'  orders  obeyed.  It  is  proper  to  add 
that  the  party  in  the  pilot  boat  were  of  great  service,  as 
soon  as  they  got  on  board  again. 

The  vessels  of  the  squadron  now  collected  together, 
and  fresh  men  were  obtained  from  her  consorts,  to 
attend  to  the  critical  wants  of  the  Richard.  That  ship, 
it  will  be  remembered,  was  not  only  on  fire,  but  sinking. 
Gangs  of  hands  were  obtained  from  the  other  vessels,  to 
work  the  pumps,  as  well  as  to  assist  in  extinguishing 
the  flames,  and  the  night  passed  in  strenuous  efforts  to 
effect  their  purposes.  So  critical  was  the  condition  of 
the  vessel,  however,  that  many  men  threw  themselves 


84  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

into  the  water,  and  swam  to  the  nearest  ship,  under  an 
apprehension  that  the  Richard  might  at  any  moment  be 
blown  up.  In  the  course  of  this  eventful  night,  too, 
eight  or  ten  Englishmen,  who  had  formed  a  part  of 
Jones'  own  crew,  stole  a  boat  from  the  Serapis,  and  de 
serted,  landing  at  Scarborough.  Despair  of  ever  being 
able  to  escape  into  a  neutral  or  friendly  port,  was  doubt 
less  their  motive  ;  and,  in  the  circumstances,  the  reader 
can  see  the  vast  disadvantages  under  which  Jones  had 
achieved  his  success.  A  careful  attention  to  all  the 
difficulties,  as  well  as  dangers,  that  surrounded  him,  is 
necessary  to  a  just  appreciation  of  the  character  of  our 
subject,  whose  exploits  would  have  been  deemed  illus 
trious,  if  accomplished  with  means  as  perfect  as  those 
usually  at  the  disposal  of  commanders  in  well  established 
and  regular  marines.  It  is  not  to  be  forgotten,  more 
over,  that  Jones  was  personally  so  obnoxious  to  the 
anger  of  the  English,  as  to  render  it  certain  that  his 
treatment  would  be  of  the  severest  nature,  in  the  event 
of  his  capture,  if,  indeed,  he  were  allowed  to  escape 
with  life.  It  was  surely  enough  to  meet  an  equal  force 
of  English  seamen,  on  the  high  seas,  favored  by  all  the 
aids  of  perfect  equipments  and  good  vessels  ;  but,  here, 
a  desperate  battle  had  been  fought  in  sight  of  the  Eng 
lish  coast,  against  an  enemy  of  means  to  render  success 
doubtful,  and  with  a  reasonable  probability  that  even 
victory  might  be  the  means  of  destroying  the  conqueror. 
Many  a  man  will  face  death  manfully,  when  he  pre 
sents  himself  in  the  form  of  a  declared  enemy,  in  open 
fight,  who  will  manifest  a  want  of  the  highest  moral 
qualities  which  distinguish  true  courage,  when  driven 
to  a  just  appreciation  of  the  risks  of  an  unseen  source 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  85 

of  alarm.  It  is  this  cool  discrimination  between  real 
and  imaginary  difficulties  and  dangers,  which  distin 
guishes  the  truly  great  commander  from  him  who  is 
suited  only  to  the  emergencies  of  every-day  service ; 
and  when,  as  in  the  case  of  Jones,  this  ability  to  discri 
minate,  and  to  resist  unnecessary  alarms,  is  blended 
with  the  high  military  quality  of  knowing  when  to  at 
tempt  more  than  the  calculations  of  a  severe  prudence 
will  justify,  we  find  the  characteristics  of  the  great  land 
or  sea  captain. 

Daylight  afforded  an  opportunity  of  making  a  full 
survey  of  the  miserable  plight  in  which  the  Richard 
had  been  left  by  the  battle.  A  survey  was  held,  and 
it  was  soon  decided  that  any  attempt  to  carry  the  ship 
in  was  hopeless.  It  may  be  questioned  if  she  could 
have  been  kept  from  sinking  in  smooth  water,  so  many 
and  serious  were  the  shot-holes ;  though,  after  getting 
the  powder  on  deck  by  way  of  security,  and  contending 
against  them  until  ten  ne$tt  morning,  the  flames  were 
got  under.  The  fire  had  been  working  insidiously 
within  the  ceiling,  or  this  advantage,  immaterial  as  it 
proved  in  the  end,  could  not  have  been  gained.  It  was 
determined,  after  a  consultation,  to  remove  the  wounded, 
and  to  abandon  the  ship.  Jones  came  to  this  decision 
with  the  greatest  reluctance,  for  he  had  a  strong  and 
natural  desire  to  carry  into  port  all  the  evidence  of  the 
struggle  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  ;  but  his  own 
judgment  confirmed  the  opinions  of  his  officers,  and  he 
reluctantly  gave  the  order  to  commence  the  necessary 
duty. 

The  morning  of  the  24th,  or  that  of  the  day  which 
succeeded  the  battle,  was  foggy,  and  no  view  of  the  sea 

VOL.  II.  8 


86 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


was  had  until  near  noon.  Then  it  cleared  away,  and 
the  eye  could  command  a  long  range  of  the  English 
coast,  as  well  as  of  the  waters  of  the  offing.  Not  a  sail 
of  any  sort  was  visible,  with  the  exception  of  those  of 
the  squadron  and  its  prizes.  So  completely  had  the 
audace  of  Jones,  to  use  an  expressive  French  term  that 
has  no  precise  English  translation,  daunted  the  enemy, 
that  his  whole  coast  appeared  to  be  temporarily  under  a 
blockade. 

The  two  pilot  boats  were  very  serviceable  in  receiv 
ing  the  wounded.  After  toiling  at  the  pumps  all  the 
24th  and  the  succeeding  night,  the  Richard  was  left  in 
the  forenoon  of  the  25th,  the  water  being  then  as  high 
as  the  lower  deck.  About  ten,  she  settled  slowly  into 
the  water,  the  poop  and  mizen-mast  being  the  last  that 
was  ever  seen  of  the  old  Due  de  Duras,  a  ship  whose 
reputation  will  probably  live  in  naval  annals  as  Jong  as 
books  are  written  and  men  continue  to  read. 

Jones  now  erected  jury-masts  in  the  Serapis,  and 
endeavored  to  get  into  the  Texel,  his  port  of  destination. 
So  helpless  was  the  principal  prize,  however,  that  she 
was  blown  about  until  the  6th  October,  before  this  object 
could  be  effected.  With  a  presentiment  of  what  would 
have  been  best,  Jones  himself  strongly  desired  to  go 
into  Dunkirk,  for  which  port  the  wind  was  fair,  where 
he  would  have  been  under  French  protection ;  but  the 
concordat  emboldened  his  captains  to  remonstrate,  and 
they  proceeded  to  Holland. 

The  arrival  of  the  soi-disant  American  squadron  in 
a  neutral  country,  accompanied  by  two  British  men-of- 
war,  as  prizes,  gave  rise  to  a  great  political  commotion. 
The  people  of  the  Dutch  nation  were  opposed  to  the 


JOHNPAULJONES.  87 

English,  and  in  favor  of  America,  but  the  government, 
or  its  executive  at  least,  and  the  aristocracy,  as  a  mat 
ter  of  course,  felt  differently.  We  shall  not  weary  the 
reader  with  the  details  of  all  that  occurred.  It  will  be 
sufficient  to  say,  that  it  was  found  necessary  to  hoist 
French  flags  in  most  of  the  ships,  and  to  put  the  prizes 
even  under  the  protection  of  the  Grand  Monarque. 
Jones,  for  a  time,  got  rid  of  Landais,  who  was  sent  for 
to  Paris,  and  he  transferred  himself  and  his  favorite  of 
ficers  to  the  Alliance.  This  vessel,  the  only  real  Ame 
rican  ship  in  the  squadron,  continued  to  keep  the  stars 
and  stripes  flying.  At  one  time  matters  proceeded  so 
far,  however,  that  ships  of  the  line  menaced  the  frigate 
with  forcing  her  out  to  sea,  where  thirty  or  forty  Eng 
lish  cruisers  were  in  waiting  for  her,  if  she  did  not 
lower  the  as  yet  unacknowledged  ensign.  All  this 
Jones  withstood,  and  he  actually  braved  the  authorities 
of  Holland,  under  these  critical  circumstances,  rather 
than  discredit  the  flag  of  the  country  he  legitimately 
served.  A  French  commission  was  offered  to  himself, 
but  he  declined  receiving  it,  always  affirming  that  he 
was  the  senior  American  sea-captain  in  Europe,  and  he 
claimed  all  the  honors  and  rights  of  his  rank.  His 
prizes  and  prisoners  were  taken  from  him,  in  virtue  of 
the  concordat,  and  through  orders  from  Dr.  Franklin, 
but  the  Alliance  was  an  American  ship,  and  American 
she  should  continue  as  long  as  she  remained  under  his 
orders ! 

At  length,  after  two  months  of  wrangling  and  morti 
fication,  Jones  prepared  to  sail.  He  had  been  joined 
by  the  celebrated  Capt.  Couyngham,  who  went  passen 
ger  in  his  ship  for  France.  He  left  the  Texel  on  the 


00  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

27th  December,  and  a  letter  written  by  himself,  just  as 
he  discharged  the  pilot,  stated  that  he  was  fairly  out 
side,  with  a  fair  wind,  and  his  best  American  ensign 
flying.  The  last  was  a  triumph  indeed,  and  one  of 
which  he  was  justly  proud. 

The  run  of  the  Alliance  from  the  Texel,  through  the 
British  Channel,  while  so  closely  watched,  has  been 
much  vaunted  in  certain  publications,  and  Jones  him 
self  seemed  proud  of  it.  It  is  probable  that  its  merits 
were  the  judgment  and  boldness  with  which  the  passage 
was  planned  and  executed.  Com.  Dale,  a  man  totally 
without  exaggeration,  spoke  of  it  as  a  bold  experiment, 
that  succeeded  perfectly  because  it  was  unexpected. 
The  enemy,  no  doubt,  looked  for  the  ship  to  the  north 
ward,  never  dreaming  that  she  would  run  the  gantlet  at 
the  Straits  of  Dover. 

Jones  hugged  the  shoals  as  he  came  out,  and  kept 
well  to  windward  of  all  the  blockading  English  vessels. 
In  gassing  Dover  he  had  to  go  in  sight  of  the  shipping 
in  the  Downs.  As  the  wind  held  to  the  eastward,  this 
he  did  at  little  risk.  He  was  equally  successful  at  the 
Isle  of  Wight,  a  fleet  lying  at  Spithead ;  and  several 
times  he  eluded  heavy  cruisers,  by  going  well  to  the 
eastward  of  them.  The  Alliance  went  into  Corunna, 
to  avoid  a  gale.  Thence  she  sailed  for  France,  arriving 
in  the  roads  of  Groix  on  the  10th  of  February.  This 
was  the  only  cruise  Jones  ever  made  in  the  Alliance. 
Capt.  Landais  had  injured  the  sailing  of  the  ship,  by 
the  manner  in  which  he  stowed  the  ballast,  and  this  it 
was  that  induced  her  present  commander  to  go  in  so 
early,  else  might  he  have  made  a  cruise  as  brilliant  as 
any  that  had  preceded  it.  It  is  matter  of  great  regret 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  89 

that  Jones  never  could  get  to  sea  in  a  vessel  worthy  of 
his  qualities  as  a  commander.  The  Ranger  was  dull 
and  crank  ;  the  Alfred  was  no  better  ;  the  Providence 
was  of  no  force,  and  the  reader  has  just  seen  what 
might  be  expected  from  the  Richard.  The  Alliance  was 
an  excellent  ship  of  her  class,  though  not  very  heavy ; 
but,  just  as  accident  threw  her  in  Jones'  way,  he  was 
compelled  to  carry  her  into  port,  where  she  was  taken 
from  him. 

The  history  of  Jones'  life,  after  he  joined  the  navy, 
with  the  exception  of  the  short  intervals  he  was  at  sea, 
is  a  continued  narrative  of  solicitations  for  commands, 
or  service,  and  of  as  continual  disappointments.  During 
the  whole  war,  and  he  sailed  in  the  first  squadron,  Jones 
was  actually  at  sea  a  little  short  of  a  year.  The  re 
mainder  of  his  seven  years  of  service  was  employed 
in  struggling  for  employment,  or  in  preparing  the  im 
perfect  equipments  with  which  he  sailed.  Could  such 
a  man  have  passed  even  half  his  time  on  board  efficient 
and  fast  cruisers,  on  the  high  seas,  we  may  form  some 
estimate  of  what  he  would  have  effected,  by  the  exploits 
•he  actually  achieved.  By  the  capture  of  the  Serapis, 
and  the  character  of  his  last  cruise  generally,  Jones  ac 
quired  a  great  reputation,  though  it  did  little  for  him, 
in  the  way  of  obtaining  commands  suitable  to  his  rank 
and  services. 

Our  hero  had  obtained  some  little  circulation  in  Pa 
risian  society,  by  his  capture  of  the  Drake,  though 
there  is  surprisingly  little  sympathy  with  any  nautical 
exploits  in  general,  in  the  brilliant  capital  of  France. 
But  the  exploits  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  over 
came  this  apathy  toward  the  things  of  the  sea,  and 
8* 


90  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Jones  became  a  lion,  at  once,  in  the  great  centre  of  Eu 
ropean  civilization.  It  would  be  idle  to  deny  that  this 
flattery  and  these  attentions  had  an  influence  on  his 
character.  New  habits  and  tastes  were  created,  habits 
and  tastes  totally  in  opposition  to  those  he  had  formed 
in  youth ;  and  these  are  changes  that  rarely  come  late 
in  life  altogether  free  from  exaggeration.  The  corre 
spondence  of  Jones,  which  was  very  active,  and  in  the 
end  became  quite  voluminous,  proves,  while  his  mind, 
manners  and  opinions  were  in  several  respects  improved 
by  this  change  of  situation,  that  they  suffered  in  others. 
He  appears  to  have  had  an  early  predilection  for  poet 
ry,  and  he  seems  to  have  now  indulged  it  with  some 
freedom  in  making  indifferent  rhymes  on  various  ladies. 
Some  of  his  biographers  have  placed  his  effusions  on  a 
level  with  those  of  the  ordinary  vers  de  societe,  then  so 
much  in  vogue ;  but  they  seem  to  forget  that  these 
were  very  indifferent  rhymes  also.  In  that  gay  and 
profligate  society  to  which  he  was  admitted,  it  was 
scarcely  possible  that  a  bachelor  of  Jones'  temperament 
should  altogether  escape  the  darts  of  love.  His  name 
has  been  connected  with  that  of  a  certain  Delia,  also 

with  that  of  a  certain  Madame  T ,  and  also  with 

that  of  a  lady  of  the  name  of  Lavendahl.  This  Ma 
dame  T is  said  to  have  been  a  natural  daughter  of 

Louis  XV.,  a  circumstance  that  may,  or  may  not,  infer 
rank  in  society.  The  attachment  to  the  last,  however, 
has  been  thought  a  mere  platonic  friendship.  Some 
pains  have  been  taken  to  show  that  these  were  ladies 
of  high  rank,  but  a  mere  title  is  not  now,  nor  was  it  in 
1779,  any  proof  of  a  high  social  condition  in  France, 
unless  the  rank  were  as  high  as  that  of  a  duchesse. 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  91 

That  Jones  was  a  lion  in  Paris,  is  a  fact  -beyond  ques 
tion,  but  much  exaggeration  has  accompanied  the 
accounts  of  his  reception.  His  return  occurred  in  the 
midst  of  an  exciting  war,  and  it  is  scarcely  possible  that 
his  exploits  should  be  overlooked  by  the  government, 
or  the  bean  monde,  but  they  were  far  from  occupying 
either,  in  the  manner  that  has  been  mentioned  by  cer 
tain  of  his  panegyrists. 

After  a  visit  to  Paris,  he  returned  to  the  coast,  where 
new  difficulties  arose  with  Landais.  By  a  decision  of 
one  of  the  commissioners,  that  officer  was  restored  to  the 
command  of  the  Alliance,  and  the  quarrel  was  renewed. 
But  the  brevity  of  this  sketch  will  not  permit  us  to  give 
an  account  of  all  the  discussions  in  which  Jones  was 
engaged,  either  with  his  superiors  or  with  his  subordi 
nates.  It  is  difficult  to  believe  that  there  was  not  some 
fault  in  the  temperament  of  the  man,  although  it  must 
be  admitted  that  he  served  under  great  disadvantages, 
and  never  had  justice  done  to  his  talents  or  his  deeds 
in  the  commands  he  received.  The  end  of  this  new 
source  of  contempt  was  Landais  putting  Jones'  own  of 
ficers,  Dale  and  others,  ashore,  and  sailing  for  America, 
where  he  was  laid  on  the  shelf  himself,  and  his  ship 
was  given  to  Barry. 

The  immediate  nautical  service  on  hand  was  to  get 
several  hundred  tons  of  military  stores  to  America. 
With  this  duty  Jones  had  been  intrusted,  and  he  now 
begged  hard  that  his  prize,  the  Serapis,  might  be  bor 
rowed  for  that  purpose.  He  doubtless  wished  to  show 
the  ship  in  this  country,  as  his  plan  was  to  arm  her  en 
flute,  merely,  and  to  give  her  convoy  by  a  twenty-gun 
ship,  called  the  Ariel,  which  the  French  government 


92  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

had  consented  to  lend  the  Americans.  On  reaching 
America,  he  hoped  to  get  up  a  new  expedition,  with 
the  Serapis  for  his  own  pennant. 

This  arrangement  could  not  he  made,  however,  and 
Jones  was  compelled  to  receive  smaller  favors.  As  a 
little  consolation,  and  one  to  which  he  was  far  from  be 
ing  indifferent,  the  King  of  France  sent  him,  about  this 
time,  (June,  1780,)  the  cross  of  military  merit,  which 
he  was  to  carry  to  the  French  minister  in  America,  who 
had  instructions  to  confer  it  on  him  on  some  suitable  occa 
sion.  At  the  same  time,  he  was  informed  that  Louis 
XVI.  had  directed  a  handsome  sword  to  be  made,  with 
suitable  inscriptions,  which  should  be  forwarded  to  him 
as  soon  as  possible.  This  was  grateful  intelligence  to  a 
man  so  sensitive  on  the  subject  of  the  opinions  of  others, 
and  doubtless  was  received  as  some  atonement  for  his 
many  disappointments. 

By  the  beginning  of  September,  Jones  was  ready  to 
sail  for  America,  in  the  Ariel.  He  had  got  together  as 
many  of  his  old  Richard's  as  possible  for  a  crew,  and 
had  crammed  the  vessel  in  every  practicable  place  with 
stores.  He  lay  a  month  in  the  roads  of  Groix,  however, 
with  a  foul  wind.  On  the  8th  October,  he  went  to  sea, 
but  met  a  gale  that  very  night,  in  which  his  ship  was 
nearly  lost.  He  was  obliged  to  anchor  at  no  great  dis 
tance  to  windward  of  the  Penmarks,  where  the  Ariel 
rolled  her  lower  yard-arms  into  the  water.  She  could 
not  be  kept  head  to  sea  with  the  anchors  down,  but  fell 
off  with  a  constant  drift.  Cutting  away  the  fore-mast 
relieved  her,  but  now  she  pitched  the  heel  of  the  main 
mast  out  of  the  step,  and  it  became  necessary  to  cut 
away  that  spar,  to  save  the  ship.  This  brought  down 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  93 

the  mizen-mast,  as  a  matter  of  course,  when  the  vessel 
became  easier.  For  two  days  and  near  three  nights 
did  the  Ariel  continue  in  her  crazy  berth,  anchored  in 
the  open  ocean,  with  one  of  the  most  dangerous  ledges 
of  rocks  known,  a  short  distance  under  her  lee,  when  she 
was  relieved  by  a  shift  of  wind.  Jury-masts  were 
erected,  and  the  vessel  got  back  to  the  roads  from  which 
she  had  sailed. 

In  speaking  of  this  gale,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  fe 
male  friends,  Jones  quaintly  remarks,  "  I  know  not  why 
Neptune  was  in  such  anger,  unless  he  thought  it  an 
affront  in  me  to  appear  on  his  ocean  with  so  insignifi 
cant  a  force."  It  is  in  this  same  letter  that  he  makes 
the  manly  and  high-toned  remark,  apropos  of  some  im 
puted  dislike  of  a  certain  English  lady,  "  The  English 
nation  may  hate  me,  but  1  will  force  them  to  esteem  me 
too." 

In  the  gale  Jones  was  supported  by  his  officers. 
Dale  and  Henry  Lunt  were  with  him,  as  indeed  were 
most  of  the  officers  of  the  Richard  who  survived  the 
action,  and  the  risks  of  this  gale  were  thought  to  equal 
those  of  their  bloody  encounter  with  the  Serapis.  Dale 
spoke  of  this  time  as  one  of  the  most,  if  not  the  most, 
serious  he  had  met  with  in  the  course  of  his  service, 
and  extolled  the  coolness  and  seamanship  of  Jones  as 
being  of  the  highest  order.  The  latter,  indeed,  was  a 
quick,  ready  seaman,  never  hesitating  with  doubts  or 
ignorance. 

It  is  worthy  of  being  mentioned,  that  while  lying  at 
Groix,  repairing  damages,  a  difficulty  occurred  between 
Jones  and  Truxtun,  about  the  right  of  the  latter  to  wear 
a  pennant  in  his  ship  ;  he  being  then  in  command  of  a 


94  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

private  armed  vessel.  It  appears  Truxtun  hoisted  a 
broad  pennant,  and  this  at  a  time  when  he  had  no  right 
to  wear  a  narrow  one,  Congress  having  passed  a  law 
denying  this  privilege  to  private  vessels.  These  fiery 
spirits  were  just  suited  to  meet  in  such  a  conflict,  and 
it  is  only  surprising  Jones  did  not  send  a  force  to  lower 
Truxtun's  emblem  for  him.  His  desire  to  prevent 
scandalous  scenes  in  a  French  port  alone  prevented  it. 
Jones  did  not  get  out  again  until  the  18th  December, 
when  he  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  America.  The 
Ariel  appears  to  have  made  the  southern  passage.  In 
lat.  26,  N.  and  long.  59,  she  made  an  English  frigate- 
built  ship,  that  had  greatly  the  superiority  over  her  in 
sailing.  Jones,  according  to  his  own  account  of  the 
matter,  rather  wished  to  avoid  this  vessel,  his  own  ship 
being  deep  and  much  burdened,  his  crew  a  good  deal 
disaffected,  and  the  stranger  seeming  the  heaviest. 
After  passing  a  night  in  a  vain  attempt  to  elude  him, 
he  was  found  so  near  the  next  day  as  to  render  an  ac 
tion  inevitable,  should  the  stranger,  now  believed  to  be 
an  enemy,  see  fit  to  seek  it.  Under  the  circumstances, 
therefore,  Jones  thought  it  prudent  to  clear  ship.  The 
stranger  chased,  the  Ariel  keeping  him  astern,  in  a  way 
to  prevent  him  from  closing  until  after  nightfall.  As 
the  day  declined,  the  Ariel  occasionally  fired  a  light 
gun  at  the  ship  astern,  crowding  sail,  as  if  anxious  to 
escape.  By  this  time,  however,  Jones  was  satisfied  he 
should  have  to  contend  with  a  vessel  not  much,  if  any, 
heavier  than  his  own,  and  he  shortened  sail,  to  allow 
the  stranger  to  close.  Both  ships  set  English  colors, 
and  as  they  drew  near,  the  Ariel  hauled  up,  compelling 
the  stranger  to  pass  under  her  lee,  both  vessels  at  quar- 


JOHN     PAUL,  JONES.  95 

ters,  with  the  batteries  lighted  up.  In  this  situation, 
each  evidently  afraid  of  the  other,  a  conversation  com 
menced  that  lasted  an  hour.  Jones  asked  for  news 
from  America,  which  the  stranger  freely  communicated. 
He  said  his  ship  was  American  built,  and  had  been 
lately  captured  from  the  Americans  and  put  into  the 
English  service.  Her  name  was  stated  to  be  the  Tri 
umph,  and  that  of  her  commander  Pindar.  Jones  now 
ordered  this  Mr.  Pindar  to  lower  a  boat  and  come  on 
board.  A  refusal  brought  on  an  action,  which  lasted  a 
few  minutes,  when  the  stranger  struck.  The  fire  of  the 
Ariel  was  very  animated,  that  of  the  soi-disant  Triumph 
very  feeble.  The  latter  called  out  for  quarter,  saying 
half  his  people  were  killed.  The  Ariel  ceased  firing, 
and  as  she  had  passed  to  leeward  before  she  commenced 
firing,  the  stranger  drew  ahead  and  tacked,  passing  to 
windward  in  spite  of  the  chasing  fire  of  her  enemy. 

Jones  was  greatly  indignant  at  this  escape.  He  al 
ways  considered,  or  affected  to  consider,  the  Triumph  a 
king's  ship  of  equal  force,  though  she  was  probably  no 
thing  more  than  a  light  armed  and  weakly  manned  Let- 
ter-of-Marque.  By  some  it  has  even  been  imagined  the 
Triumph  was  an  American,  who  supposed  he  was  ac 
tually  engaged  with  an  English  vessel  of  war.  Differ 
ent  writers  have  spoken  of  this  rencontre  as  a  hand 
some  victory  ;  but  Com.  Dale,  a  man  whose  nature 
seemed  invulnerable  to  the  attempts  of  any  exaggerated 
feeling,  believed  the  Ariel's  foe  was  an  English  Let- 
ter-of-Marque,  and  attributed  her  escape  to  the  clever 
ness  of  her  manoeuvres.  That  her  commander  violated 
the  laws  of  war,  and  those  of  morality,  is  beyond  a 
question. 


96  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Shortly  after  this  affair,  Jones  discovered  a  plot  among 
the  English  of  his  crew  to  seize  the  ship,  and  twenty 
of  the  most  dangerous  of  the  mutineers  were  confined. 
It  was  not  found  necessary,  however,  to  execute  any 
of  them  at  sea,  and  the  ship  reached  Philadelphia, 
on  February  18th,  1781,  making  Jones'  absence  from 
the  country  a  little  exceeding  three  years  and  three 
months. 

Notwithstanding  certain  unpleasant  embarrassments 
awaited  Jones,  on  his  return  to  America,  after  the  bril 
liant  scenes  in  which  he  had  been  an  actor,  he  had  no 
reason  to  complain  of  his  reception.  Landais  had  actu 
ally  been  dismissed  as  insane,  and  this,  too,  principally 
on  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Lee,  the  commissioner  who  had 
reinstated  him  in  the  command  of  the  Alliance ;  a  cir 
cumstance  that,  of  itself,  settled  several  of  the  unplea 
sant  points  that  had  been  in  dispute.  But  the  delay  in 
shipping  the  stores  had  produced  much  inconvenience 
to  the  army,  and  Congress  appointed  a  committee  form 
ally  to  inquire  into  the  cause.  The  result  was  favor 
able  to  Jones,  arid  the  committee  reported  resolutions, 
that  were  adopted,  expressive  of  the  sense  Congress 
entertained  of  Jones'  service,  and  of  the  gratification  it 
afforded  that  body  to  know  the  King  of  France  intended 
to  confer  on  him  the  order  of  military  merit.  In  conse 
quence  of  this  resolution,  the  French  minister  gave  a 
.fete,  and,  in  presence  of  all  the  principal  persons  of  the 
place,  conferred  on  Jones  the  cross  of  the  order.  In 
the  course  of  the  examinations  that  were  made  by  Con 
gress,  forty-seven  interrogatories  were  put  to  Jones,  and 
it  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  his  answers  were  of  a 
nature  to  do  credit  to  both  his  principles  and  his  head. 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  97 

This  affair  disposed  of,  nothing  but  the  grateful  respect 
which  followed  success,  awaited  our  hero,  who  justly 
filled  a  high  place  in  the  public  estimation.  The 
thanks  of  Congress  were  solemnly  voted  to  him,  as  his 
due. 

A  question  now  seriously  arose  in  Congress,  on  the 
subject  of  making  Jones  a  rear-admiral.  He  had 
earnestly  remonstrated  about  the  rank  given  him  when 
the  regulated  list  of  captains  was  made  out,  and  there 
was  an  eclat  about  his  renown,  that  gave  a  weight  to 
his  representations.  Remonstrances  from  the  older 
captains,  however,  prevented  any  resolution  from  pass 
ing  on  this  question,  and  Jones  was  finally  rewarded  by 
a  unanimous  election,  by  ballot,  in  Congress,  appoint 
ing  him  to  the  command  of  the  America  74,  a  ship  then 
on  the  stocks.  As  this  was  much  the  most  considerable 
trust  of  the  sort  within  the  gift  of  the  government,  it 
speaks  in  clear  language  the  estimation  in  which  he 
was  held. 

The  America  was  far  from  being  ready  to  launch, 
however.  Still  Jones  was  greatly  gratified  with  the 
compliment.  He  even  inferred  that  it  placed  him 
highest  in  rank  in  the  navy,  the  law  regulating  com 
parative  rank  with  the  army,  saying  that  a  captain  of 
a  ship  of  more  than  forty  guns  should  rank  with  a 
colonel,  while  those  of  forty  guns  ranked  only  with 
lieutenants-colonel ;  and  the  America  being  the  only 
ship  that  carried  or  rated  more  than  forty  guns,  he 
jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  he  out-ranked  the  eight 
or  ten  captains  above  him,  whose  commissions  had 
higher  numbers  than  his  own.  It  j^  probable  this  rea 
soning  would  have  given  way  before  inquiry.  A  cap- 

VOL.   II.  9 


98  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

tain  in  command  of  a  squadron,  now,  ranks  temporarily 
with  a  brigadier-general.  The  youngest  captain  on  the 
list  may  hold  this  trust,  yet,  when  he  lowers  his  pen 
nant,  or  even  when  he  meets  his  senior  in  service, 
though  in  command  of  a  single  ship,  the  date  or  num 
ber  of  the  commission  determines  the  relative  rank  of 
the  parties. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  Jones,  before  he  quitted 
Philadelphia,  exhibited  his  personal  accounts,  by  which 
it  appeared  that  he  had  not  yet  received  one  dollar  of 
pay,  and  this  for  nearly  five  years'  service  ;  proof  of 
itself  that  he  was  not  without  private  funds,  and  did  not 
enter  the  navy  a  mere  adventurer.  On  the  contrary, 
he  is  said  to  have  advanced  considerable  sums  to  govern 
ment,  and  in  the  end  to  have  been  a  loser  by  his  ad 
vances.  But  who  was  not,  that  had  money  to  lose,  and 
who  sustained  the  cause  that  triumphed  in  that  arduous 
struggle  ? 

It  would  be  useless  here  to  follow  Jones,  step  by  step, 
in  connection  with  his  new  command.  He  joined  the 
ship  in  the  strong  hope  of  having  her  at  sea  in  a  few 
months  ;  but  this  far  exceeded  the  means  of  the  country. 
As  he  travelled  toward  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire, 
where  the  America  was  on  the  stocks,  he  wore  his  cross 
of  the  order  of  Military  Merit,  which  did  well  enough 
at  head  quarters,  when  he  paid  a  visit  to  Washington. 
There,  however,  it  was  hinted  to  him  he  had  better  lay 
it  aside  on  entering  the  New  England  states,  a  portion 
of  the  country  in  which  personal  distinctions  were,  and 
are  peculiarly  offensive  to  the  people.  One  cannot  ob 
ject  to  this  particular  instance  of  the  feeling,  for  the 
citizen  of  a  nation  that  rejects  such  rewards  in  its  own 


JOHN     PAUL    JCNES.  99 

political  system,  ought  to  have  too  much  self-respect  to 
accept  them  from  a  foreign  state  ;  but  an  affectation  of 
humility,  rather  than  its  reality,  forms  a  part  of  the  so 
cial  faith  of  this  section  of  the  republic.  Thus  it  is  that 
we  see  the  manly  practice  of  self-nomination  frowned 
on,  while  nowhere  else  are  lower  arts  practiced  to  obtain 
nominations  by  others  than  among  these  fastidious  ob 
servers  of  a  proud  political  modesty.  Exaggerations, 
whether  in  religion,  morals,  manners,  speech,  or  appear 
ance,  always  result  in  this ;  the  simplicity  of  truth  being 
as  far  removed  from  the  acting  they  induce,  as  virtue  is 
remote  from  vice.  Nothing  in  nature  can  be  violated 
with  impunity,  her  laws  never  failing  to  vindicate  their 
ascendancy  in  some  shape  or  other. 

Jones  reached  Portsmouth,  at  the  close  of  August, 
1781.  The  duty  of  superintending  a  vessel  on  the 
stocks,  in  the  height  of  a  war,  was  particularly  irksome 
to  a  man  of  his  temperament,  and  Portsmouth  was  a 
place  very  different  from  Paris.  He  was  more  than  a 
year  thus  engaged,  during  most  of  which  time  he  did 
not  quit  his  post.  In  the  course  of  the  summer  of  1782, 
however,  the  French  lost  a  ship  called  the  Magnifique, 
in  the  harbor  of  Boston,  and  Congress  determined  to 
present  the  America  to  the  King  of  France,  as  a  substi 
tute.  This  deprived  Jones  of  his  command,  just  as  he 
was  about  to  realize  something  from  all  his  labors. 
Fortune  had  ordered  that  he  was  never  to  get  a  good 
ship  under  the  American  flag,  and  that  all  his  exploits 
were  to  derive  their  lustre  more  from  his  own  military 
qualities  than  from  the  means  employed. 

November  5th,  1781,  the  America  was  launched; 
the  same  day  Jones  transferred  her  to  the  French  of- 


100  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

ficer  who  was  directed  to  receive  her.  At  the  time  he 
did  this,  he  believed  he  was  to  be  employed  on  a  second 
expedition.  He  expected,  indeed,  to  get  his  old  flame, 
the  Indien,  which  was  called  the  South  Carolina,  and 
was  lying  at  Philadelphia.  Her  arrangement  with 
South  Carolina  was  nearly  up,  and  Congress  had 
claims,  by  means  of  which  it  was  hoped  she  might  yet 
be  transferred  to  her  original  owners.  Matters  went  so 
far  that  Com.  Gillan,  who  commanded  the  ship,  was 
arrested  ;  but  the  vessel  got  to  sea  under  Capt.  Joyner, 
and  was  captured  by  three  English  frigates,  a  few 
hours  out ;  not  without  suspicions  of  collusion  with  the 
enemy. 

There  were  now  no  means  of  employing  Jones  afloat, 
and  he  got  permission  to  make  a  cruise  in  the  French 
fleet,  for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  some  knowledge  of  a 
fleet.  He  sailed  in  the  Triomphante,  the  flag-ship  of 
M.  de  Vaudreuil.  M.  de  Viomenil,  with  a  large  mili 
tary  suite,  was  on  board,  and  sixty  officers  dined  toge 
ther  every  day.  It  is  characteristic  of  Jones,  that  he 
should  mention  that  the  French  general  was  put  into 
the  larboard  state-room,  while  he  himself  occupied  the 
starboard!  This  might  have  been  done  on  account  of 
his  being  a  stranger,  and  strictly  a  guest ;  or  it  might 
have  been  done  because  M.  de  Viomenil  knew  nothing 
of  naval  etiquette  on  such  points,  while  Jones  attached 
great  importance  to  it. 

This  cruise  doubtless  furnished  many  new  ideas  to  a 
man  like  Jones,  but  its  military  incidents  were  not 
worthy  of  being  recorded.  Peace  was  made  in  April, 
1783,  and  Jones  left  the  fleet  at  Cape  Francois,  reach 
ing  Philadelphia,  May  18th.  His  health  was  not  good, 


JOHN     PAUL     JONES.  101 

and  he  passed  the  summer  at  Bethlehem,  Pennsylvania, 
for  the  benefit  of  a  cold  bath.  He  now  had  a  project  of 
retiring  to  a  farm,  but,  it  is  probable,  the  quiet,  dull  con 
dition  of  the  country,  under  the  reaction  of  peace,  did 
not  suit  him,  for  he  applied  to  Congress  for  a  commis 
sion  as  agent  to  look  after  the  prizes  made  on  his  great 
cruise,  particularly  those  which  had  been  given  up  to 
the  English  by  the  Danes.  Armed  with  such  authority, 
he  sailed  for  France,  November  10th,  in  the  Washing 
ton,  late  General  Monk,  the  ship  Barney  had  so  gal 
lantly  taken  in  the  Hyder  Ally,  and  which  he  then 
commanded.  This  vessel  was  the  last  relic  of  the  navy 
of  the  Revolution,  being  the  only  vessel  then  owned  by 
the  government,  or  at  least  employed.  Jones  landed  at 
Dover,  from  which  place  he  proceeded  to  London,  and 
thence  to  Paris,  making  the  whole  journey  in  five  days  ; 
tolerable  proof  he  did  not  relish  the  country.  Had  he 
been  known,  it  is  by  no  means  probable  that  he  would 
have  escaped  without  insult,  for  no  man  had  ever 
alarmed  the  English  coast  so  thoroughly  in  these  later 
times.  Nevertheless,  he  is  said  to  have  appeared  on 
'Change,  while  in  London,  and  to  have  been  recognised. 
He  also  went  to  one  of  the  theatres,  though  a  face 
must  be  much  known  to  make  that  a  very  hazardous 
thing. 

Jones  was  two  yea^d  engaged  in  settling  his  prize 
questions  in  France.  This  was  done  after  a  great  deal 
of  vexation,  and  his  active  mind  then  turned  to  a  voyage 
of  commercial  enterprise,  that  included  the  North-west 
Coast,  Japan,  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  in  its  plans.  The  celebrated  Ledyard  was  to  be 
his  supercargo,  and  Jones  commander-in-chief.  Disco- 


102  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

very,  science,  and  honor,  were  to  be  united  with  profit, 
and  the  whole  was  to  have  a  character  of  high  motives. 
Like  so  many  others  of  our  hero's  projects,  this  also 
failed  for  want  of  means. 

In  1787,  Jones  determined  to  go  to  Denmark,  to  push 
his  demands  on  that  government  in  person.  He  had 
actually  got  as  far  as  Brussels,  when  he  was  unexpect 
edly  called  to  America,  in  consequence  of  some  new 
difficulty  connected  with  his  compensation.  The  new 
constitution  was  not  yet  framed,  and  the  affairs  of  the 
confederation  presented  embarrassments  at  every  turn 
to  all  the  public  servants.  This  visit  to  America  was 
made  in  the  spring,  and  Jones  remained  in  this  country 
until  autumn.  October  18,  1787,  Congress  voted  him 
a  gold  medal,  in  honor  of  his  services  while  at  the  head 
of  the  squadron  of  the  concordat.  A  letter  to  the  King 
of  France,  in  his  favor,  was  also  written  by  that  body ; 
one  of  the  highest  honors  it  ever  paid  a  citizen.  It  is 
singular  that  Jones,  on  his  return  to  Europe,  manifested 
an  apprehension  of  being  seized  by  some  of  the  English 
ships,  though  a  general  peace  prevailed,  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  see  under  what  pretence  such  an  outrage  could 
have  been  committed.  It  would  have  been  just  as  legal 
to  arrest  Washington,  had  he  been  found  on  the  high 
seas.  There  was  certainly  no  love  between  the  par 
ties,  and  England,  in  that  day,  did  many  lawless  things ; 
but  it  may  be  questioned  if  she  would  have  presumed 
to  go  as  far  as  this.  Jones  did  not  quit  America,  until 
November  llth,  1787,  which  was  the  last  day  he  ever 
had  his  foot  on  the  western  continent. 

In  January,  1788,  Jones  received  some  new  creden 
tials  for  Denmark,  and  shortly  after  he  proceeded  to 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  103 

Copenhagen.  He  is  known  to  have  been  in  that  capi 
tal  early  in  March.  Previously  to  quitting  Paris,  some 
proposals  had  been  made  to  Jones  to  enter  into  the  ser 
vice  of  Russia,  which  were  now  renewed,  through  Ba 
ron  Kreudener,  Catherine's  minister  in  Denmark.  In 
April,  our  hero,  in  consequence  of  the  negotiations 
which  had  commenced  on  this  subject,  determined  to  go 
to  St.  Petersburg.  As  regards  his  application  to  the 
Danish  Court,  it  resulted  in  fair  promises.  The  de 
mand  amounted  to  £50,000  sterling,  and  Jones  was  put 
off  with  fine  speeches  and  personal  compliments,  and 
had  a  patent  sent  after  him,  entitling  him  to  a  pension 
of  1500  Danish  crowns,  in  consideration  of  "the  respect 
he  had  shown  to  the  Danish  flag,  while  he  had  com 
manded  in  the  North  Seas."  It  seems  to  us  impossible 
to  understand  this  as  any  other  than  a  direct  bribe,  in 
geniously  covered  up,  to  induce  Jones  not  to  press  his 
demands.  The  agent  who  is  sent  to  recover  claims,  in 
which  others  are  interested,  cannot  accept  compensation 
for  himself,  unless  it  include  the  interests  of  all  the  par 
ties  concerned.  Jones  himself  did  not,  at  first,  seem  to 
know  in  what  light  he  was  to  view  this  pension,  and  for 
several  years  he  did  not  ask  for  the  money.  The  ar 
rears  were  inventoried  in  his  will,  though  it  appears 
nothing  was  ever  paid  on  them.  Nothing  was  ever 
received,  either,  for  the  prizes.  If  must  be  confessed, 
Denmark  paid  her  debts  at  a  cheap  rate. 

Jones  had  been  well  received  at  all  the  courts  where 
he  presented  himself.  Immediately  on  his  arrival  at 
St.  Petersburg,  Catherine  made  him  a  rear-admiral. 
His  passage  across  the  Gulf  of  Finland  had  been  peril 
ous  and  romantic,  and  threw  an  eclat  around  his  ap- 


104  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

proach,  that  was  not  unsuited  to  his  established  charac 
ter.  He  reached  St.  Petersburg,  April  23d,  (old  style,) 
and  he  left  it  to  join  Prince  Potemkin,  in  the  Black  Sea, 
on  the  7th  May,  with  his  new  commission  in  his  pocket. 
His  reception  by  Potemkin  was  flattering,  but  our  ad 
miral  did  not  conceal  from  himself  that  his  brother  flag- 
officers  felt  any  thing  but  joy  at  seeing  him.  The 
cabals  against  him  commenced  the  first  hour  of  his 
arrival,  nor  do  they  appear  to  have  ceased  until  the 
day  of  his  departure.  The  motley  force  assembled 
under  the  Imperial  flag,  included  officers  of  many  dif 
ferent  nations,  some  of  whom  much  affected  superiority 
over  one  whom  the  English,  in  particular,  took  every 
occasion  to  malign. 

The  history  of  Jones'  service  under  the  Russian  flag 
is  a  revolting  account  of  intrigues,  bad  management, 
and  disappointment.  The  operations  were  far  from 
trifling  in  their  extent,  and  there  were  several  engage 
ments,  in  all  of  which  the  Turks  suffered,  but  nothing 
was  effected  of  the  brilliant  and  decisive  character  that 
marked  the  proper  exploits  of  Paul  Jones.  Such  a 
man  ought  not  to  have  served  under  a  chief  like  Po 
temkin,  for  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that,  in  any 
glory,  the  favorite  would  seize  the  lion's  share.  Still 
Jones  distinguished  himself  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
though  our  limits  will  not  admit  of  entering  into  details. 
In  one  or  two  actions  he  was  much  exposed,  and  mani 
fested  high  personal  resolution  ;  perhaps  as  much  so  as 
on  any  other  occasions  of  his  life. 

It  has  been  seen  that  Jones  ie/t  St.  Petersburg,  May, 
1788 ;  in  December  he  had  returned,  virtually  in  dis 
grace.  This  event  has  often  been  ascribed  to  the 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  105 

enmity  of  the  English  officers  in  the  Russian  marine  ; 
never  to  any  official  act  of  Jones  himself.  It  was,  in 
truth,  owing  to  the  personal  displeasure  of  Potemkin, 
one  with  whom  a  man  of  our  rear-admiral's  disposition 
would  not  be  likely  long  to  agree.  Catherine  received 
Jones  favorably,  as  to  appearances  at  least,  and,  for  a 
short  time,  he  had  hopes  of  being  again  employed. 

But  the  enemies  of  Jones  had  determined  to  get  rid 
of  him,  and  it  is  believed  they  resorted  to  an  infamous 
expedient  to  effect  his  ruin  in  the  estimation  of  the 
empress.  A  girl  who  entered  his  apartment,  to  sell 
some  light*  articles,  charged  him  with  an  attempt  to 
violate  her  person.  Inquiry  subsequently  gave  reason 
to  believe  the  whole  thing  a  trick,  and  Jones  always 
protested  his  entire  innocence ;  but  sufficient  clamor 
was  made  to  render  his  further  sojourn  in  Russia,  for 
the  moment  at  least,  unpleasant.  Catherine  was  evi 
dently  satisfied  that  injustice  had  been  done  him,  but 
she  did  not  care  to  offend  Potemkin.  Jones  was  per 
mitted  to  travel,  retaining  his  rank  and  appointments. 
His  furlough,  which  Jones  himself,  oddly  enough,  more 
than  once  calls  his  "parole,"  extended  to  two  years, 
but  was  doubtless  meant  to  be  unlimited  in  its  effect. 
Catherine  had  previously  conferred  on  him  the  ribbon 
of  St.  Anne. 

Jones  left  St.  Petersburg,  in  July,  1789,  after  a  resi 
dence  of  about  fifteen  months  in  Russia.  He  traveled 
south,  by  Warsaw,  where  he  remained  some  time,  after 
which  he  visited  Holland.  About  this  time  his  consti 
tution  began  sensibly  to  give  way.  It  is  probable  that 
the  disappointments  he  had  met  with  in  the  north  preyed 
upon  his  feelings,  his  enemies  being  as  active  as  ever 


106  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

in  circulating  stories  to  his  disadvantage.  His  finances 
were  impaired,  too,  and  he  appears  to  think  that  his 
pecuniary  compensation  from  Russia  had  been  light. 
Now  it  was  that  he  would  gladly  have  received  the 
arrears  of  his  pension  from  Denmark,  a  pension  that 
certainly  he  ought  never  to  have  seemed  to  accept.  In 
his  justification,  however,  he  says  that  both  Jefferson 
and  Morris  advised  him  to  profit  by  the  liberality  of 
the  Danish  Court ;  but,  in  all  cases,  a  man  should  decide 
for  himself  in  a  matter  touching  his  own  honor.  Others 
frequently  give  advice,  that  they  would  reject  in  their 
own  acts. 

In  1790,  Jones  was  at  Paris,  well  received  by  his 
friends ;  but  no  longer  a  lion,  or  a  subject  of  public 
attention.  He  manifested  strong  interest  in  his  Scottish 
relations  this  season,  and  speaks  of  the  education  of  his 
nephews  and  nieces.  But  it  is  to  the  credit  of  Jones, 
that,  throughout  his  whole  career,  and  while  most  flat 
tered  with  the  attentions  of  the  great,  he  never  forgot  to 
be  affectionate  and  kind  to  his  sisters.  It  was  a  blank 
year  to  him,  however,  his  time  being  mostly  occupied 
in  endeavoring  so  to  settle  his  affairs  as  to  procure 
funds.  In  March,  1791,  he  addressed  the  empress, 
stating  that  his  "parole"  had  nearly  expired,  and 
desiring  to  be  ordered  to  return.  All  his  letters  and 
communications  show  that  his  spirit  was  a  good  deal 
broken,  and  the  elasticity  of  his  mind  partially  gone. 
He  still  thought  of  and  reasoned  about  ships,  but  it  was 
no  longer  with  the  fire  and  earnestness  of  his  youth. 
The  events  in  progress  at  Paris  may  have  had  some 
influence  on  him,  though  nowhere  does  he  speak  of 


JOHN     PAUL    JONES.  107 

them  in  his  letters.  His  silence,  in  this  respect,  is  even 
remarkable. 

The  new  American  Constitution  went  into  operation 
in  1789  ;  and  Jones  rightly  enough  predicted  that  this 
event  would  produce  a  regular  and  permanent  marine. 
His  hopes,  however,  outstripped  the  facts ;  the  results 
which  he  hoped  would  affect  himself,  and  that  soon, 
occurring  several  years  later.  He  expected,  and  with 
reason,  so  far  as  his  claims  were  concerned,  to  be  com 
missioned  an  admiral  in  the  new  marine ;  but  he  did 
not  live  to  see  the  marine  itself  established.  One  ray 
of  satisfaction,  however,  gleamed  on  his  last  days,  the 
government  of  Washington  giving  him  reason  to  expect 
a  diplomatic  appointment,  to  arrange  certain  difficulties 
with  some  of  the  Barbary  powers.  The  appointment 
came  shortly  after  Jones  was  laid  in  his  grave  ;  proving 
beyond  a  question  that  he  possessed  the  confidence  of 
some  of  the  wisest  and  best  men  of  America,  as  long  as 
he  lived. 

Jones'  health  had  been  impaired  for  some  years.  The 
form  which  his  disease  assumed — jaundice — renders  it 
probable  that  the  state  of  his  mind  affected  his  health. 
Dropsy  supervened,  and  in  July,  1792,  he  was  thought 
so  ill,  as  to  send  for  Mr.  Morris,  and  other  friends,  in 
order  to  make  his  will.  For  two  days  he  was  so  much 
swollen  as  not  to  be  able  to  button  his  vest ;  this  it  was 
that  induced  him  to  make  his  will.  It  was  signed 
about  eight  o'clock,  in  the  evening  of  the  18th,  and  he 
was  then  left,  seated  in  his  chair,  by  the  friends  who 
had  witnessed  it.  Shortly  after,  he  walked  into  his 
bed-room,  by  himself.  It  was  not  long  before  his  phy 
sician  came  to  see  him.  The  bed-room  was  entered, 


108  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

and  Jones  was  found  lying  on  his  face,  on  the  bed,  with, 
his  feet  on  the  floor,  quite  dead. 

The  death  of  Jones  was  honorably  noticed  in  France. 
The  National  Assembly  sent  a  deputation  of  twelve  of 
its  members  to  attend  the  funeral,  and  other  honors 
were  shown  his  remains.  He  was  interred  in  a  cemetery 
that  no  longer  exists,  but  which  then  was  used,  near  la 
Barriere  du  Combat,  for  the  interment  of  Protestants.  It 
is  probable  that  no  traces  of  his  grave  could  now  be  found. 

The  estate  left  by  Jones  was  respectable,  though  far 
from  large.  Still  he  could  not  be  said  to  have  died  in 
poverty ;  though  so  much  of  his  estate  was  in  claims, 
that  he  often  wanted  money.  Among  other  assets 
mentioned  in  his  will  were  $9000  of  stock  in  the  Bank 
of  North  America,  with  sundry  unclaimed'  dividends. 
On  the  supposition  that  two  years  of  dividends  were  due, 
this  item  alone  must  have  amounted,-  with  the  premium, 
to  something  like  £2000  sterling.  He  bequeathed  all 
he  owned  to  his  two  sisters,  and  their  children.* 

There  can  be  no  question  that  Paul  Jones  was  a  great 
man.  By  this  we  mean  far  more  than  an  enterprising 

*  Those  who  take  an  interest  in  such  details,  may  be  pleased  to 
know  that  the  heirs  of  Paul  Jones  realized  about  $40,000  from  his 
estate,  though  much  of  it  was  lost.  Among  other  assets,  was  the 
sword  presented  to  him  by  Louis  XVI.  This  sword  is  said  to 
have  cost  500  louis  d'or,  near  $2400.  As  there  has  been  some 
controversy  respecting  it,  growing  out  of  a  hasty  and  ill-considered 
statement  of  Capt.  Mackenzie's,  we  will  give  the  history  of  the 
transaction,  as  it  has  been  communicated  to  us  by  Miss  Janette 
Taylor,  Jones'  niece,  in  part,  and  in  part  ascertained  from  other 
sources. 

Jones  made  no  bequest  of  the  sword,  which  became  the  property 
of  his  ten  heirs.  It  was  sent  to  Scotland,  where  it  was  a  bone  of 
contention,  and  was  the  cause  of  an  unpleasant  legal  proceeding 


109 

and  dashing  seaman.  The  success  which  attended 
exploits  effected  by  very  insufficient  means,  forms  the 
least  portion  of  his  claims  to  the  character.  His  mind 
aimed  at  high  objects,  and  kept  an  even  pace  with  his 
elevated  views.  We  have  only  to  fancy  such  a  man  at 
the  head  of  a  force  like  that  with  which  Nelson  achieved 
the  victory  of  the  Nile — twelve  as  perfect  and  well  com 
manded  two-decked  ships  as  probably  ever  sailed  in 
company — in  order  to  get  some  idea  of  what  he  would 
have  done  with  them,  having  a  peerage  or  Westminster 
Abbey  in  the  perspective.  No  sea  captain,  of  whom 
the  world  possesses  any  well  authenticated  account, 
ever  attempted  projects  as  bold  as  those  of  Jones,  or 
which  discovered  more  of  the  distinctive  qualities  of  a 
great  mind,  if  the  character  of  his  enemy  be  kept  in  view, 
as  well  as  his  own  limited  and  imperfect  means.  The 
battle  between  the  Serapis  and  the  Richard  had  some 

between  Mrs.  Taylor  and  a  brother-in-law.  At  last  it  was  deter 
mined  to  present  the  sword  to  Robert  Morris,  as  a  testimonial  of 
his  services  to  its  original  owner.  How  it  passed  from  Mr.  Morris 
to  Com.  Barry  is  a  disputed  point.  Capt.  Mackenzie  has  said  it 
was  presented  to  the  navy,  to  be  worn  by  its  senior  officer ;  but 
this  cannot  have  been  true,  without  making  Barry  unfaithful  to  his 
trust,  and  without  any  visible  reason,  as  he  undoubtedly  bequeathed 
it  to  Dale,  in  his  will ;  Dale,  who  never  was  the  senior  officer  of 
the  navy,  and  who  was  not  in  the  navy  at  all  when  the  bequest 
was  made.  Mr.  Morris,  in  the  letter  acknowledging  the  gift,  re 
marks,  that,  being  a  civilian,  he  had  given  the  sword,  not  to  the 
navy,  but  to  a  naval  officer.  Nothing  is  said  of  any  conditions. 
Barry  bequeathed  it  to  Dale,  as  the  man  of  all  others — Jones' 
family  excepted — who  had  the  best  right  to  it,  and  it  is  now  the 
property  of  his  son,  Capt.  Montgomery  Dale,  of  the  navy.  It  is 
not  our  intention  to  express  any  opinion  on  the  subject  of  the  per 
son  who  has  now  the  best  moral  right  to  use  this  sword,  though  we 
think  the  legal  right  of  Capt.  Dale  is  indisputable. 
VOL.  u.  10 


110  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

extraordinary  peculiarities,  beyond  a  question,  and  yet, 
as  a  victory,  it  has  been  often  surpassed.  The  pecu 
liarities  belong  strictly  to  Jones ;  but  we  think  his  offer 
ing  battle  to  the  Drake,  alone  in  his  sloop,  in  the  centre 
of  the  Irish  Channel,  with  enemies  before,  behind,  and 
on  each  side  of  him,  an  act  of  higher  moral  courage 
than  the  attack  on  the  Serapis.  Landais'  extraordinary 
conduct  could  not  have  been  foreseen,  and  it  was  only 
when  Jones  found  himself  reduced  to  an  emergency  in 
this  last  affair,  that  he  came  out  in  his  character  of  indomi 
table  resolution.  But  all  the  cruises  of  the  man  indicated 
forethought,  intrepidity,  and  resources.  Certainly,  no 
sea  captain  under  the  American  flag,  Preble  excepted, 
has  ever  yet  equaled  him,  in  these  particulars. 

That  Jones  had  many  defects  of  character  is  certain. 
They  arose  in  part  from  temperament,  and  in  part  from 
education.  His  constant  declarations  of  the  delicacy  of 
his  sentiments,  and  of  the  disinterestedness  of  his  ser 
vices,  though  true  in  the  main,  were  in  a  taste  that 
higher  associations  in  youth  would  probably  have  cor 
rected.  There  was,  however,  a  loftiness  of  feeling  about 
him,  that  disinclined  him  equally  to  meanness  and  vul 
garity  ;  and  as  for  the  coarseness  of  language  and  deport 
ment  that  too  much  characterized  the  habits  of  the  sea, 
in  his  time,  he  appears  never  to  have  yielded  to  them. 
All  this  was  well  in  itself,  and  did  him  credit ;  but  it 
would  have  been  better  had  he  spoken  less  frequently  of 
his  exemption  from  such  failings,  and  not  have  alluded 
to  them  so  often  in  his  remarks  on  others. 

There  was  something  in  the  personal  character  of 
Jones  that  weakened  his  hold  on  his  contemporaries, 
though  it  does  not  appear  to  have  ever  produced  a  want 


JOHN    PAUL    JONES.  Ill 

of  confidence  in  his  services  or  probity.  Com.  Dale 
used  to  mention  him  with  respect,  and  even  with  attach 
ment  ;  often  calling  him  Paul,  with  a  degree  of  affection 
that  spoke  well  for  both  parties.  Still,  it  is  not  to  be 
concealed  that  a  species  of  indefinite  distrust  clouded 
his  reputation  even  in  America,  until  the  industry  of 
his  biographers,  by  means  of  indisputable  documents 
and  his  own  voluminous  correspondence,  succeeded  in 
placing  him  before  the  public  in  a  light  too  unequivo 
cally  respectable  to  leave  any  reasonable  doubts  that 
public  sentiment  had  silently  done  him  injustice.  The 
power  of  England,  in  the  way  of  opinion,  has  always 
been  great  in  this  country,  and  it  is  probable  the  dis 
credit  that  nation  threw  on  the  reputation  of  Jones,  pro 
duced  an  influence,  more  visible  in  its  results  than  in 
its  workings,  on  his  standing  even  with  those  he  had  so 
well  served. 

Notwithstanding  the  many  proofs  furnished  by  him 
self,  of  a  weakness  on  the  subject  of  personal  consider 
ation,  Jones  gave  some  proofs  of  a  high  feeling  of  self- 
respect.  His  cards  bore  the  simple,  but  proud  name  of 
"Paul  Jones,"  without  any  titles  or  official  rank.  His 
associations,  too,  were  unquestionably  high,  at  one 
period  of  his  life.  Even  Englishmen  of  rank  and 
reputation  drew  accurate  distinctions  between  his  real 
character  and  career,  and  those  which  were  so  assidu 
ously  imputed  to  him  by  Grub  Street  writers.  The 
Duke  of  Dorset,  the  English  ambassador  at  Paris, 
freely  received  him,  and  he  is  said  to  have  lived  on 
terms  of  intimacy  with  Lord  Wemys,  Admiral  Digby, 
and  others  of  like  condition. 

In  person,  Jones  was  of  the  middle  stature,  with  a 


112  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

complexion  that  was  colorless,  and  with  a  skin  that 
showed  the  exposure  of  the  seas.  He  was  well  formed 
and  active.  His  contemporaries  have  described  him  as 
quiet  and  unpresuming  in  his  manners,  and  of  rather 
retiring  deportment.  The  enthusiasm  which  ran  in  so 
deep  a  current  in  his  heart,  was  not  of  the  obtrusive 
sort ;  nor  was  it  apt  to  appear  until  circumstances  arose 
to  call  it  into  action ;  then,  it  seemed  to  absorb  all  the 
other  properties  of  his  being.  Glory,  he  constantly 
avowed,  was  his  aim,  and  there  is  reason  to  think  he 
did  not  mistake  his  own  motives  in  this  particular.  It 
is  perhaps  to  be  regretted  that  his  love  of  glory  was  so 
closely  connected  with  his  personal  vanity ;  but  even 
this  is  better  than  the  glory  which  is  sought  as  an  instru 
ment  of  ruthless  power. 

If  an  author  may  be  permitted  to  quote  from  himself, 
we  shall  conclude  this  sketch  by  adding  what  we  have 
already  said,  by  way  of  summary,  of  this  remarkable 
man,  in  a  note  to  the  first  edition  of  the  History  of  the 
United  States  Navy,  viz. :  "  In  battle,  Paul  Jones  was 
brave ;  in  enterprise,  hardy  and  original ;  in  victory, 
mild  and  generous  ;  in  motives,  much  disposed  to  disin 
terestedness,  though  ambitious  of  renown  and  covetous 
of  distinction ;  in  his  pecuniary  relations,  liberal ;  in  his 
affections,  natural  and  sincere ;  and  in  his  temper,  except 
in  those  cases  which  assailed  his  reputation,  just  and  for 
giving."  That  these  good  qualities  were  without  alloy,  it 
would  be  presumptuous  to  assert ;  but  it  appears  certain 
that  his  defects  were  relieved  by  high  proofs  of  great 
ness,  and  that  his  deeds  were  no  more  than  the  proper 
results  of  the  impulses,  talents,  and  native  instincts  of 
the  man. 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY. 


THE  subject  of  this  sketch  was  a  native  of  New  York, 
in  which  state  his  family  has  long  been  resident.  His 
father  was  Melancthon  L.  Woolsey,  an  officer  of  the 
Revolution,  and  subsequently  known  as  General  Wool 
sey,  and  collector  of  Plattsburg.  His  mother  was  a 
lady  of  the  well-known  family  of  Livingston,  and  a 
daughter  of  a  divine  of  some  eminence.  The  Woolseys 
were  from  Long  Island,  where  they  were  very  respect 
ably  connected  ;  while,  by  his  mother,  young  Woolsey, 
in  addition  to  his  Livingston  descent,  certainly  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  of  America,  was  connected  with 
the  Platts,  Breeses,  and  other  families  of  respectability, 
in  the  interior  of  his  native  state.  The  present  Capt. 
Breese  and  the  subject  of  this  notice  were  cousins  once- 
removed. 

Young  Woolsey  was  born  about  the  year  1782,  his 
parents  having  married  near  the  termination  of  the  war 
of  the  Revolution.  His  early  education  was  that  usually 
given  to  young  gentlemen  intended  for  the  professions, 
and  the  commencement  of  the  year  1800  found  him  a 
student  in  the  office  of  the  late  Mr.  Justice  Platt,  then 
a  lawyer  of  note,  residing  at  Whitesborough,  in  Oneida 
County,  and  the  member  of  Congress  for  his  district. 
This  was  the  period  when  the  present  navy  may  be 
10*  113 


114  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

said  to  have  been  formed,  the  armaments  of  1798  and 
1799  having  substantially  brought  it  into  existence 
Young  Woolsey,  being  of  an  athletic  frame  and  manly 
habits,  had  early  expressed  a  desire  to  enter  the  service, 
a  wish  that  was  gratified  through  the  influence  of  Mr. 
Platt,  as  soon  as  that  gentleman  attended  in  his  seat  in 
Congress,  which  then  sat  in  Philadelphia.  We  ought 
to  have  mentioned  that  Mr.  Justice  Platt  was  the  hus 
band  of  a  sister  of  his  pupil's  mother,  and  consequently 
was  the  latter's  uncle  by  marriage. 

As  the  warrant  of  Mr.  Woolsey  was  dated  in  1800, 
he  was  about  eighteen  years  of  age  when  he  first  entered 
the  service.  He  was  ordered  to  the  Adams  28,  Capt. 
Valentine  Morris,  which  vessel  was  bound  to  the  West 
India  station.  The  Adams,  which  was  familiarly 
known  to  the  service  by  the  name  of  the  "Little 
Adams,"  to  distinguish  her  from  the  John  Adams,  was 
a  vessel  of  great  sailing  qualities,  and  was  one  of  the 
favorite  ships  of  the  navy.  She  was  so  sharp,  and  yet 
so  slightly  built,  that  it  has  been  said  it  was  not  easy  to 
write  in  her  cabin,  on  account  of  the  tremor,  when  she 
was  going  fast  through  the  water.  The  Adams  met 
with  some  success  on  this  cruise,  capturing  no  less  than 
five  French  privateers,  though  neither  was  of  a  force 
to  make  any  resistance.  These  vessels  were  named 
PHeureuse  Rencontre,  le  Gambeau,  la  Renommee,  the 
Dove,  and  le  Massena.  This  was  active  service,  and 
proved  a  good  school  for  all  the  young  men  who  served 
in  the  ship.  Young  Woolsey  was  conspicuous  for  at 
tention  to  his  duty,  and  was  a  general  favorite.  When 
the  cruise  was  up,  the  ship  returned  to  New  York. 

Woolsey  learned  a  great  deal  of  the  elementary  por- 


MELANCTHON    TAYLOR    WOOLSEY.       115 

tions  of  his  profession  during  the  few  months  he  served 
in  the  Adams.  He  was  of  an  age  to  see  the  necessity 
for  exertion,  as  well  as  to  comprehend  the  .reasons  of 
what  he  saw  done,  and  few  midshipmen  made  better 
use  of  their  time. 

Young  Woolsey  was  transferred  to  the  Boston  28, 
Capt.  McNiell,  as  soon  as  the  Adams  was  paid  off. 
This  was  the  ship,  commander,  and  cruise,  that  have 
since  given  rise  to  so  many  rumors  and  anecdotes  in 
the  service.  Although  the  proper  place  to  record  the 
more  material  incidents  of  this  singular  cruise,  as  well 
as  the  striking  personal  peculiarities  of  Capt.  McNiell 
himself,  will  be  in  the  biography  of  that  officer,  one  or 
two  that  were  connected  with  the  subject  of  this  sketch 
may  be  related  here. 

In  dropping  out  of  the  East  River  into  the  Hudson, 
the  pilot  got  the  Boston  on  a  reef  of  rocks  that  lie  near 
the  Battery.  Woolsey,  who  had  made  himself  a  good 
deal  of  a  seaman  while  in  the  Adams,  was  rated  as  a 
master's  mate  on  board  the  Boston,  and  he  was  sent 
ashore  with  a  boat,  with  orders  to  go  to  the  navy-agent, 
in  order  to  direct  him  to  send  off  a  lighter,  with  spare 
anchors  and  cables.  On  landing,  he  met  the  navy-agent 
on  the  battery,  and  communicated  his  orders.  The 
latter  asked  Mr.  Woolsey  to  proceed  with  his  boat  a 
short  distance,  in  order  to  tow  a  lighter  round  to  a  point 
where  it  could  receive  the  ground-tackle  needed.  Sup 
posing  he  should  be  conforming  to  the  wishes  of  his 
captain,  and  knowing  that,  in  consequence  of  meeting 
the  navy-agent  on  the  Battery,  he  might  still  return  to 
the  ship  sooner  than  he  was  expected,  the  young  officer 
complied.  As  soon  as  the  duty  was  over,  Woolsey 


116  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

returned  on  board  the  Boston,  repaired  to  the  cabin,  and 
reported  all  that  he  had  done.  His  captain  heard  him 
with  grave  attention.  When  the  midshipman  had  got 
through  with  his  story,  and  expected  to  be  applauded 
for  his  judicious  decision,  the  reasons  for  which  he  had 
paraded  with  some  little  effort,  Capt.  McNiell  looked 
intently  at  him,  and  uttered,  in  a  slow,  distinct  manner, 
the  words,  "  D — d  yahoo  !"  Woolsey  remonstrated, 
with  some  warmth,  but  the  only  atonement  he  received 
was  a  repetition  of  "  D — d  yahoo  !"  uttered  in  a  more 
quick  and  snappish  manner. 

This  little  affair  was  very  near  driving  our  young 
officer  out  of  the  ship  ;  but  his  good  sense  got  the  better 
of  his  pride,  and  he  came  to  the  wise  decision  not  to  let 
his  public  career  be  affected  by  his  private  feelings. 
Ships  were  then  difficult  to  be  found ;  the  cruise  pro 
mised  to  be  both  instructing  and  agreeable,  in  other 
respects ;  and  large  allowances  were  always  made  for 
Capt.  McNielPs  humor.  We  say  the  wise  decision, 
since  an  officer  is  usually  wrong  who  suffers  a  misun 
derstanding  with  a  superior  to  drive  him  from  his 
vessel.  So  long  as  he  is  right  and  does  his  duty,  he 
can  always  maintain  his  position  with  dignity  and  self- 
respect. 

The  Boston  was  the  ship  that  carried  Chancellor  Li 
vingston  and  suite  to  France,  when  the  former  went  as 
a  minister  to  negotiate  the  treaty  for  the  cession  of 
Louisiana.  The  passage  was  pleasant  enough,  until 
the  ship  got  near  her  port,  when  she  was  caught  in  a 
fearful  gale,  that  blew  directly  on  shore,  and  came  very 
near  being  lost.  Every  one  admitted  that  the  frigate 
was  saved  by  the  steadiness  and  seamanship  of  the  old 


MELANCTHON     TAYLOR     WOOLSEY.        117 

officer  who  commanded  her.  He  carried  sail  in  a  way 
that  astounded  all  on  board,  but  succeeded  in  clawing 
offthe  land.  We  have  heard  Woolsey  say  that  he  car 
ried  on  the  ship  so  hard  that  the  muzzles  of  the  quarter 
deck  guns  were  frequently  under  water.  In  a  word,  the 
struggle  seemed  to  be  between  the  power  of  the  elements 
and  the  resolution  and  perseverance  of  a  single  man, 
and  the  last  'prevailed. 

After  landing  the  minister,  the  Boston,  in  pursuance 
of  her  instructions,  proceeded  to  the  Mediterranean, 
where  she  was  to  join  the  squadron  under  the  orders 
of  Com.  Dale.  But  it  did  not  suit  the  caprices  of  Capt. 
McNiell  to  come  within  the  control  of  a  superior,  and 
he  managed  in  a  way  to  avoid  both  of  the  officers  who 
commanded  while  the  ship  was  out.  He  gave  convoy, 
and  for  a  short  time  was  off  Tripoli,  blockading,  but  the 
Constellation  appearing  before  that  port,  he  immediately 
left  it,  and  did  not  return.  Woolsey  used  to  relate  a 
hundred  laughable  anecdotes  concerning  this  cruise, 
during  which  Capt.  McNiell  committed  some  acts  that 
hardly  could  be  excused  by  the  oddity  of  his  character. 
While  the  ship  was  on  the  African  coast,  the  captain 
sent  for  the  pilot,  a  Frenchman,  in  order  to  ascertain  the 
position  of  a  particular  reef,  or  a  shoal,  about  which  he 
had  some  misgivings.  Woolsey  entered  the  cabin  on 
duty  just  as  this  consultation  was  held.  The  French 
man  was  pointing  to  the  chart,  and  he  said,  a  little  at  a 
loss  to  indicate  the  precise  spot,  "  La-la,  Monsieur.''1 
"La-la-la,  b — r  Id,  where's  the  reef?"  demanded 
McNiell. 

On  another  occasion,  while  the  ship  lay  at  Malaga, 
Woolsey  was  sent  on  shore,  at  nine,  for  the  captain, 


118 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 


who  had  dined  that  day  with  the  consul.  Sweden  was 
at  war  with  Tripoli,  at  that  time,  as  well  as  ourselves, 
and  a  Swedish  squadron  was  then  at  Malaga,  the  admi 
ral  and  captains  also  dining-  with  the  consul  on  this 
occasion.  McNiell  was  seated  between  the  admiral 
and  one  of  his  captains,  when  Woolsey  was  shown  into 
the  dining-room.  The  young  man  reported  the  boat. 
"What  do  you  say?"  called  out  Capt.  McNiell. 
Woolsey  repeated  what  he  had  said.  McNiell  now 
leaned  forward,  and,  his  face  within  two  feet  of  that  of 
the  admiral,  he  called  out,  "  These  bloody  Swedes  keep 
such  a  chattering,  you  must  speak  louder." 

But  these  were  trifles  in  the  history  of  this  extraordi 
nary  man,  and  we  only  relate  them  on  account  of  their 
connection  with  the  subject  of  this  sketch.  After 
remaining  abroad  near  or  quite  a  twelve-month,  the 
Boston  returned  home,  where  her  commander  was  dis 
charged  from  the  service,  and  the  ship  was  laid  up  in 
ordinary,  never  to  be  re-commissioned.  She  was  sub 
sequently  burned  at  the  taking  of  Washington. 

We  do  not  happen  to  possess  the  proofs  to  say  whe 
ther  Woolsey  returned  to  America  in  the  Boston,  or 
whether  he  joined  one  of  the  ships  of  Com.  Morris' 
squadron,  at  Gibraltar.  We  cannot  find  any  evidence 
that  Capt.  McNiell  ever  joined  either  commodore,  and 
it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  one  of  his  midshipmen  could 
have  got  into  another  ship  without  such  a  junction.  At 
any  rate,  Woolsey  was  certainly  in  the  Chesapeake,  as 
one  of  her  midshipmen,  while  Com.  Morris  had  his 
pennant  flying  in  her,  and  he  went  with  that  officer  to 
the  New  York,  acting  Capt.  Chauncey.  On  the  pas 
sage  between  Gibraltar  and  Malta,  the  Enterprise  in 


MELANCTHON     TAYI/OR     WOOLSEY.       119 

company,  occurred  the  explosion  on  board  the  New 
York,  by  means  of  which  that  frigate  came  very  near 
being  lost.  WooJsey  always  spoke  in  the  highest 
terms  of  the  coolness  and  decision  of  Chauncey,  on  this 
trying  occasion,  by  which  alone  the  vessel  was  saved. 
As  it  was,  nineteen  officers  and  men  were  blown  up,  or 
were  seriously  burned,  fourteen  of  whom  lost  their  lives. 
The  sentinel  in  the  magazine  passage  was  driven  quite 
through  to  the  filling-room  door,  and  only  a  single  thick 
ness  of  plank  lay  between  the  fire  and  the  powder  of 
the  magazine,  when  the  flames  were  extinguished. 

Woolsey  went  off  Tripoli  again,  in  the  New  York, 
and  was  present  when  Porter  made  his  spirited  attack 
on  the  wheat-boats  ashore,  and  in  the  abortive  attempt 
that  was  subsequently  made  at  cannonading  the  town. 
We  are  not  certain  whether  Mr.  Woolsey  returned 
home  in  the  Adams,  with  Com.  Morris,  or  whether  he 
continued  out  on  the  station  until  the  New  York's 
cruise  was  up.  There  could  not  have  been  much  dif 
ference  in  the  time,  however,  our  young  officer  serving 
afloat  in  the  Adams,  Boston,  Chesapeake,  New  York, 
and,  we  believe,  in  the  Adams,  again,  with  little  or  no 
interruption,  from  the  time  he  entered  the  service,  in 
1800,  to  the  close  of  the  year  1803.  During  these 
cruises,  Woolsey  made  himself  a  sailor,  and  a  good  one 
he  was  for  the  time  he  had  been  at  sea,  and  the  oppor 
tunities  he  had  enjoyed. 

In  consequence  of  having  been  attached  to  the  pre 
vious  squadron,  or  that  of  Com.  Morris,  Woolsey  had 
riot  the  good  fortune  to  belong  to  that  of  Preble,  which 
so  much  distinguished  itself  in  the  succeeding  year. 
His  next  service  was  in  the  Essex  32,  Capt.  James 


120  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Barren,  a  ship  that  was  then  justly  deemed  one  of  the 
best  ordered  in  the  navy.  The  Essex  formed  one  of 
the  vessels  that  were  placed  under  the  orders  of  Com. 
Samuel  Barren,  and  she  arrived  out  shortly  after  the 
explosion  of  the  Intrepid  ketch.  When  Com.  Rodgers 
assumed  the  command  of  the  force  in  the  Mediterranean, 
the  Essex  was  one  of  his  squadron,  which  consisted  of 
no  less  than  twenty-four  sail,  gunboats  included.  Thir 
teen  of  these  vessels  appeared  in  company  before  the 
town  of  Tunis,  dictating  the  terms  of  a  treaty  of  indem 
nity  to  that  regency.  The  Essex  was  of  the  number. 

In  the  course  of  the  exchanges  that  were  made,  Capt. 
Campbell  took  command  of  the  Essex.  About  this 
time  Woolsey  received  an  acting  appointment  as  a 
lieutenant,  and  when  Capt.  Campbell  again  exchanged 
with  Com.  Rodgers,  the  latter  coming  home,  and  the 
former  remaining  out  in  command,  Woolsey  went,  with 
a  large  proportion  of  the  officers  of  the  Essex,  to  the 
Constitution  44. 

In  the  Constitution,  then  the  commanding  ship, 
Woolsey  remained  on  the  Mediterranean  station,  until 
near  the  close  of  the  year  1807.  He  had,  for  his  mess 
mates,  Charles  Ludlow,  William  Burrows,  and  various 
other  young  men  of  merit.  None  of  the  lieutenants, 
Ludlow  excepted,  were  commissioned,  but  they  were 
all  held  in  abeyance,  with  orders  to  Com.  Campbell  to 
report  on  their  qualifications  and  conduct.  That  officer 
was  so  well  satisfied  with  his  young  men,  however, 
that  in  the  end  each  of  them  got  his  proper  place  on 
the  list.  In  that  day,  lieutenants  were  frequently  very 
young  men,  and  it  sometimes  happened  that  their 
frolics  partook  more  of  the  levity  of  youth  than  is  now 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.   121 

apt  to  occur,  in  officers  of  that  rank.  One  little  inci 
dent,  which  occurred  to  Woolsey  while  he  was  under 
the  command  of  Com.  Campbell,  tells  so  well  for  the 
parties  concerned,  that  we  cannot  refrain  from  relating 
it ;  more  especially  as  the  officer  whose  conduct  ap 
peared  to  the  most  advantage  in  the  affair  is  still  living, 
and  it  may  serve  to  make  his  true  character  known  to 
the  country. 

Com.  Campbell  had  brought  with  him,  to  his  ship, 
a  near  relative,  of  the  name  of  Read.  This  young  gen 
tleman  was  one  of  the  midshipmen  of  the  frigate,  while 
Woolsey  and  Burrows  were  two  of  her  lieutenants. 
On  a  certain  occasion,  when  the  latter  was  «'« filled  with 
wine,"  he  became  pugnacious,  and  came  to  voies  de 
fait  with  his  friend  Woolsey.  The  latter,  always  an 
excellently  tempered  man,  as  well  as  one  of  great  per 
sonal  strength,  succeeded  in  getting  his  riotous  mess 
mate  down  on  the  ward-room  floor,  where  he  dictated 
the  terms  of  peace.  As  such  an  achievement,  notwith 
standing  Burrows'  condition,  could  not  be-  effected 
without  some  tumult  and  noise,  the  fact  that  two  of  the 
ward-room  officers  had  come  to  something  very  like 
blows,  if  not  actually  to  that  extremity,  necessarily  be 
came  known  to  their  neighbors  in  the  steerage.  From 
the  steerage,  the  intelligence  traveled  to  the  cabin,  and, 
next  morning,  both  Woolsey  and  Burrows  were  placed 
under  arrest.  As  between  the  two  parties  to  the  scene 
nothing  further  passed  or  was  contemplated,  they 
were  particularly  good  friends,  and  the  offender  no 
sooner  came  to  his  senses  than  he  expressed  his  regrets, 
and  no  more  was  thought  of  the  affair.  Capt.  Camp 
bell  himself  was  willing  to  overlook  it,  when  he  learned 

VOL.  II.  11 


122  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

the  true  state  of  things,  and  all  was  forgotten  but  the 
manner  in  which  it  was  supposed  the  commodore  ob 
tained  his  information.  That  the  last  came  from  some 
one  in  the  steerage  was  reasonably  certain,  and  the 
ward-room  officers  .decided  that  the  informer  must  have 
been  Mr.  Read,  on  account  of  his  near  consanguinity 
to  the  commanding  officer.  On  a  consultation,  it  was 
resolved  to  send  Mr.  Read  to  Coventry,  which  was 
forthwith  done. 

For  a  long  time,  Mr.  Read  was  only  spoken  to  by 
the  gentlemen  of  the  ward-room  on  duty.  They  even 
went  out  of  their  way  to  invite  the  other  midshipmen 
to  dine  with  them,  always  omitting  to  include  the  sup 
posed  informer  in  their  hospitalities.  Any  one  can 
imagine  how  unpleasant  this  must  have  been  to  the 
party  suffering,  who  bore  it  all,  however,  without  com 
plaining.  At  length  Woolsey,  while  over  a  glass  of 
wine  in  the  cabin,  ascertained  from  the  commodore 
himself  the  manner  in  which  the  latter  had  obtained  his 
knowledge  of  the  fracas.  It  was  through  his  own 
clerk,  who  messed  in  the  steerage. 

The  moment  an  opportunity  offered,  Woolsey,  than 
whom  a  nobler  or  better-hearted  man  never  existed, 
went1  up  to  young  Read  on  the  quarter-deck,  and,  rais 
ing  his  hat,  something  like  the  following  conversation 
passed  between  them. 

"You  must  have  observed,  Mr.  Read,  that  the  officers 
of  the  ward-room  have  treated  you  coldly,  for  some 
months  past  ?" 

"I  am  sorry  to  say  I  have,  sir." 

"It  was  owing  to  the  opinion  that  you  had  informed 


MELANCTHON     TAYLOR    WOOLSEY.       123 

Com.  Campbell  of  the  unpleasant  little  affair  that  took 
place  between  Mr.  Burrows  and  myself." 

"  I  have  supposed  it  to  be  owing  to  that  opinion, 
sir." 

"  Well,  sir,  we  have  now  ascertained  that  we  have 
done  you  great  injustice,  and  I  have  come  to  apologize 
to  you  for  my  part  of  this  business,  and  to  beg  you 
will  forget  it.  I  have  it  from  your  uncle,  himself,  that 
it  was  Mr. ;" 

"  I  have  all  along  thought  the  commodore  got  his  in 
formation  from  that  source." 

"  Good  Heaven !  Mr.  Read,  had  you  intimated  as 
much,  it  would  have  put  an  end  at  once  to  the  unplea 
sant  state  of  things  which  has  so  long  existed  between 
yourself  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  ward-room." 

"That  would  have  been  doing  the  very  thing  for 
which  you  blamed  me,  Mr.  Woolsey— turning  in 
former." 

Woolsey  frequently  mentioned  this  occurrence,  and 
always  in  terms  of  high  commendation  of  the  self-denial 
and  self-respect  of  the  midshipman..  We  had  it,  much 
as  it  is  related  here,  from  the  former's  mouth.  It  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  tell  those  who  are  acquainted 
with  the  navy  that  the  young  midshipman  was  the  pre 
sent  Commodore  George  Campbell  Read,  now  in  com 
mand  of  the  coast  of  Africa  squadron. 

The  Constitution  was  kept  out  on  the  station  some 
months  longer  than  had  been  intended,  in  consequence 
of  the  attack  that  was  made  on  the  Chesapeake,  the 
ship  that  was  fitted  out  to  relieve  her.  This  delay 
caused  the  times  of  the  crew  to  be  up,  and  the  frigate 


124  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

was  kept  waiting  at  Gibraltar  in  hourly  expectation  of 
this  relief.  Instead  of  receiving  the  welcome  news 
that  the  anchors  were  to  be  lifted  for  home,  the  com 
modore  was  compelled  to  issue  orders  to  return  to  some 
port  aloft.  These  orders  produced  one  of  the  very  few 
mutinies  that  have  occurred  in  the  American  marine, 
the  people  refusing  to  man  the  capstan  bars.  On  this 
trying  occasion,  the  lieutenants  of  the  ship  did  their 
duty  manfully.  They  rushed  in  to  the  crowd,  brought 
out  the  ringleaders  by  the  collar,  and,  sustained  by  the 
marine  guard,  which  behaved  well,  they  soon  had  the 
ship  under  complete  subjection.  This  was  done  too, 
as  the  law  then  stood,  with  very  questionable  authority. 
Subsequent  legislation  has  since  provided  for  such  a 
dilemma,  but  it  may  be  well  doubted  if  the  majority  of 
the  Constitution's  crew  could  have  been  legally  made 
to  do  duty  on  that  occasion.  So  complete,  however, 
was  the  ascendancy  of  discipline,  that  the  officers 
triumphed,  and  the  ship  was  carried  wherever  her 
commander  pleased. 

Nor  was  this  all.  When  the  Constitution  did  come 
home,  she  went  into  Boston.  Instead  of  being  paid 
off  in  that  port,  which  under  the  peculiarities  of  her 
case  certainly  ought  to  have  been  done,  orders  arrived 
to  take  her  round  to  New  York.  When  all  hands 
were  called  to  "up  anchor,"  her  officers  fully  expected 
another  revolt !  but,  instead  of  that,  the  people  manned 
the  bars  cheerfully,  and  no  resistance  was  made  to  the 
movement.  The  men,  when  spoken  to  in  commenda 
tion  of  their  good  conduct,  admitted  that  they  had  been 
so  effectually  put  down  on  the  former  occasion,  that 
they  entertained  no  further  thoughts  of  resistance. 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.    125 

Woolsey  did  his  full  share  of  duty  in  these  critical  cir 
cumstances,  as,  indeed,  did  all  of  her  lieutenants. 

Woolsey  had  greatly  improved  himself  not  only  in 
his  profession,  but  in  his  mind  generally,  during  his 
different  Mediterranean  cruises.  Shortly  after  the  Con 
stitution  was  paid  off,  he  repaired  to  Washington, 
where  he  remained  some  time,  employed  in  preparing 
a  system  of  signals.  The  year  1808  was  one  during 
which  the  relations  between  this  country  and  England 
very  seriously  menaced  war.  The  government,  in  an 
ticipation  of  such  an  event,  saw  the  necessity  of  making 
some  provisions  of  defence  on  lakes  Ontario  and  Cham- 
plain.  Woolsey,  during  his  stay  at  Washington,  had 
so  far  gained  the  confidence  of  the  Department,  that  he 
was  selected  to  superintend  at  the  construction  of,  and 
to  command  the  first  regular  armaments  ever  made 
under  the  Union,  on  these  inland  waters.  It  was  de 
cided  to  build  a  brig  of  sixteen  guns  on  Lake  Ontario, 
and  two  gun-boats  on  Champlain.  Five  officers  were 
detached  for  this  service,  including  Lieut.  Woolsey, 
who  had  command  on  both  lakes.  Lieut.  John  Mon- 
tresor  Has  well  was  sent  to  Champlain,  with  Messrs. 
Walker  and  Hall,  while  Woolsey  took  with  himself, 
to  Ontario,  Messrs.  Gamble  and  Cooper.  It  is  be 
lieved  that  all  these  gentlemen  are  now  dead,  with  the 
exception  of  the  last,  who  is  here  making  an  imperfect 
record  of  some  of  the  service  of  his  old  friend  and 
messmate. 

The  port  of  Oswego  was  selected  as  the  place  where 
the  brig  was  to  be  constructed.  The  contractors  were 
Christian  Bergh  and  Henry  Eckford,  both  of  whom 
afterwards  became  known  to  the  country  as  eminent 

n* 


126  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

constructors  and  shipwrights.  The  brig  was  called  the 
Oneida,  and  she  was  laid  down  on  the  eastern  point 
that  formed  one  side  of  the  outlet  of  the  river.  In  1808 
Oswego  was  a  mere  hamlet  of  some  twenty,  or  five-and- 
twenty,  houses,  that  stood  on  a  very  irregular  sort  of  a 
line,  near  the  water,  the  surrounding  country,  for  thirty 
or  forty  miles,  being  very  little  more  than  a  wilderness. 
On  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river,  and  opposite  to  the  vil 
lage,  or  on  the  side  of  the  stream  on  which  the  Oneida 
was  built,  there  was  but  a  solitary  log-house,  and  the 
ruins  of  the  last  English  fort. 

The  arrival  of  a  party  of  officers,  together  with  a 
strong  gang  of  ship-carpenters,  riggers,  blacksmiths, 
&c.,  produced  a  great  commotion  in  that  retired  hamlet, 
though  port  it  was,  and  made  a  sensible  change  in  its 
condition.  For  the  first  time,  money  began  to  be  seen 
in  the  place,  the  circulating  medium  having  previously 
been  salt.  The  place  was  entirely  supported  by  the 
carrying  of  the  salt  manufactured  at  Salina.  Eight  or  ten 
schooners  and  sloops  were  employed  in  this  business, 
and  the  inhabitants  of  Oswego  then  consisted  of  some 
four  or  five  traders,  who  were  mostly  ship-owners,  the 
masters  and  people  of  the  vessels,  boatmen  who  brought 
the  salt  down  the  river,  a  few  mechanics,  and  a  quar 
ter-educated  personage  who  called  himself  doctor.* 

*  The  reader  can  form  a  sort  of  idea  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
men  who  then  practiced  medicine,  and  who  called  themselves 
"doctors"  on  the  frontiers,  by  the  following  anecdote.  Colonel, 
then  Ensign,  Gardner  of  the  "  old  sixth,"  had  been  a  student  of 
medicine  with  Hosack,  previously  to  his  entering  the  army. 
"  Faute  de  mieux,"  he.  prescribed  for  the  men  under  his  orders, 
and  the  writer  of  this  article,  in  the  familiarity  of  a  messmate, 
used  to  say  the  G  of  his  surname  stood  for  "  Galen."  When  Mr. 


MELANCTHON     TAYLOR     WQOLSEY.       127 

Woolsey  and  his  party  hired  a  house  and  commenced 
housekeeping,  their  mess  being  soon  increased  by  the 
arrival  of  a  small  detachment  of  the  Old  Sixth  Infantry, 
under  the  orders  of  Lieut.  Christie,  subsequently  the 
Colonel  Christie  who  died  in  Canada,  during  the  cam 
paign  of  1813.  Ensign  Gardner  accompanied  the 
party.  This  gentleman  rose  to  the  rank  of  Colonel 
also,  acting  as  adjutant-general  to  the  division  of  Gen. 
Brown  in  the  celebrated  campaign  of  '14,  and  has 
since  been  deputy  postmaster-general,  auditor  of  the 
Post-office  Department,  &c.,  &c. 

This  joint  mess  made  a  most  merry  winter  of  it.  Wool 
sey  was  its  head  by  rank,  and  he  was  its  soul  in  spirits 
and  resources.  Balls,  dinners,  and  suppers  were  given 


Gardner  joined  the  mess,  the  "  doctor"  mentioned  in  the  text  was 
absent,  nor  did  he  return  until  the  army  officers  had  been  some 
time  at  Oswego.  The  "doctor"  and  the  "mess"  were  next  door 
neighbors,  the  former  living  in  a  small  building  that  joined  the 
mess-house,  cooking  for  himself,  &c.,  &c.  Many  a  time  did  the 
late  Capt.  Gamble  and  the  writer  risk  breaking  their  necks,  to 
crawl  out  on  the  doctor's  wing  and  drop  snow-balls  and  other 
"  cooling  ingredients,"  by  means  of  the  chimney,  into  the  doctor's 
mess.  The  first  evening  of  this  personage's  return  to  Oswego, 
he  made  his  appearance  in  the  mess,  where  he  was  cordially  re 
ceived,  and  formally  introduced  to  the  ensign  by  the  writer. 

"By  the  way,  Galen,  let  me  make  you  acquainted  with  our 
neighbor,  Hippocrates,  of  whom  you  have  heard  us  speak 
so  often." 

Woolsey,  Gamble,  and  Gardner  smiled  at  the  sally,  but  the 
smile  was  converted  into  a  roar  when  the  little  doctor  held  out  his 
hand  to  Gardner,  and  answered,  with  a  simplicity  that  was 
of  proof— 

"  Don't  you  mind  what  Cooper  says,  Mr.  Galen;  he  is  always 
at  some  foolery  or  other,  and  has  nicknamed  me  Hippocrates ; 
why  I  do  not  know,  but  my  real  name  is ." 


128  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

to  the  better  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  and,  from  being 
regarded  with  distrust  as  likely  to  interfere  with  the 
free-trade  principles  that  the  embargo  then  rendered 
very  decided  on  all  the  Canada  frontier,  Woolsey  be 
came  highly  popular  and  beloved.  He  had  nothing  to 
do,  in  fact,  with  the  smugglers,  his  duty  being  strictly 
that  of  a  man-of-war's  man. 

In  the  mean  time,  things  did  not  drag  on  the  point. 
Eckford  was  present,  in  person,  and  he  went  into  the 
forest,  marked  his  trees,  had  them  cut,  trimmed,  and 
hauled,  and  in  the  frame  of  the  Oneida  in  a  very  few 
days.  The  work  advanced  rapidly,  and  a  small  sloop 
of  war,  that  was  pierced  for  sixteen  guns,  soon  rose  on 
the  stocks.  Understanding  that  the  floor-timbers  of  the 
salt-droggers  never  decayed,  Woolsey  had  the  frame 
of  this  brig  filled  in  with  salt,  using  the  current  coin  of 
the  place  for  that  purpose.  In  that  day,  every  thing 
was  reduced  to  the  standard  value  of  salt,  at  Oswego. 
A  barrel  of  salt  on  the  wharf  was  counted  at  two  dollars  ; 
and  so  many  barrels  of  salt  were  paid  for  a  cow,  so 
many  for  a  horse,  and  one  barrel  for  a  week's  board  of 
the  better  quality.  The  living  was  excellent,  salmon, 
bass,  venison  in  season,  rabbits,  squirrels,  wild-geese, 
ducks,  &c.,  abounding.  The  mess,  however,  pro 
nounced  cranberries  the  staple  commodity  of  the  region. 
They  were  uniformly  served  three  times  a  day,  and 
with  venison,  ducks,  &c.,  made  a  most  delicious  ac 
companiment.  WooLsey  was  a  notable  caterer,  keeping 
his  mess  in  abundance.  The  house  had  been  a  tavern, 
and  the  bar  was  now  converted  into  a  larder,  the  cold 
of  that  region  serving  to  keep  every  thing  sweet.  It 
did  the  eye  good  to  examine  the  collection  that  was 


MELANCTHON    TAYLOR    WOOLSEY.       129 

made  in  this  corner  by  Christmas !  At  the  fireside, 
Woolsey  was  the  life  of  the  mess  in  conversation,  anec 
dote,  and  amusement.  He  would  have  been  a  treasure 
on  such  an  expedition  as  that  of  Parry's. 

One  day,  an  inhabitant  of  Oswego  came  running  into 
the  mess- house  to  say  that  a  Lieut.  R — ,  from  Kings 
ton,  was  then  on  board  the  brig,  in  disguise,  examining 
her.  The  officers  were  at  the  table,  and  Woolsey 
coolly  expressed  his  regrets  that  Mr.  R.  had  not  let  him 
know  of  his  visit,  that  he  might  have  had  the  pleasure 
of  his  company  at  dinner.  As  the  gentleman  evidently 
wished  to  be  incog.,  however,  he  could  not  think  of 
disturbing  him.  This  visit  was  the  precursor  of  the 
construction  of  a  ship  at  Kingston,  of  a  force  to  over 
come  the  Oneida.  The  English  vessel  was  called  the 
Royal  George,  mounted  twenty-four  guns,  and  was 
much  larger  than  the  American  brig.  She  subse 
quently  figured  in  Sir  James  Yeo's  squadron,  under 
the  name  of  the  Montreal.  A  few  months  later,  while 
the  Royal  George  was  still  on  the  stocks,  Woolsey  had 
occasion  to  go  to  Kingston.  He  was  invited  by  a  friend 
in  that  place  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  navy-yard,  and,  put 
ting  on  his  uniform,  he  went.  While  on  board  the  new 
ship,  the  very  officer  who  had  been  at  Oswego  came 
up  and  remarked  it  was  contrary  to  orders  to  allow 
foreign  officers  to  examine  the  vessel.  Woolsey  apo 
logized,  said  he  was  ignorant  of  the  rule,  and  would 
retire. 

"  I  have  the  honor  of  seeing  Mr.  R — ,  I  believe," 
he  added,  as  he  was  about  to  quit  the  ship. 

The  other  admitted  he  was  that  person. 

"  I  regret  I  did  not  know  of  the  visit  you  did  us  the 


130  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

favor  to  make  on  board  the  Oneida,  until  it  was  too  late 
to  be  of  any  service  to  you.  The  next  time,  I  trust, 
you  will  apprize  us  of  your  intention,  when  I  shall  be 
extremely  happy  to  let  you  see  all  we  have  that  is 
worth  the  trouble  of  examining,  and  of  showing  you 
some  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  place." 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  lieutenant 
looked  very  foolish,  and  Woolsey  had  his  revenge.  It 
is  proper  to  add  that  this  personage  did  not  belong  to 
the  Royal,  but  to  the  Provincial  Navy,  and  was  a  man 
of  confessedly  inferior  manners  and  habits. 

The  Oneida  was  launched  early  in  the  spring,  and 
was  immediately  equipped  for  the  lake.  Erskine's 
arrangement,  as  it  was  called,  occurring  soon  after,  how 
ever,  she  was  not  immediately  used,  Woolsey  now 
determined  to  get  a  view  of  Niagara,  as  he  did  not  know 
at  what  moment  he  might  be  ordered  back  to  the  sea 
board.  Manning  and  provisioning  the  brig's  launch, 
therefore,  he  and  Mr.  Cooper  sailed  from  Oswego,  late 
in  June,  1809.  The  commencement  of  this  little 
voyage  was  favorable,  and  it  was  thought  the  boat 
would  reach  the  river  in  the  course  of  eight-and-forty 
hours  ;  but  the  winds  proved  very  variable,  and  came 
out  fresh  ahead.  Instead  of  making  the  passage  in  the 
anticipated  two  days,  the  launch  was  a  week  out,  en 
countering  much  bad  weather.  Relying  on  his  sails, 
Woolsey  had  taken  but  four  men.  and  this  was  not  a 
force  to  do  much  with  the  oars,  so  that  turning  to 
windward  was  the  business  most  of  the  time.  Three 
times  the  boat  beat  up  to  a  headland,  called  the  Devil's 
Nose,  and  twice  it  was  compelled,  by  the  wind  and  sea, 
to  bear  up,  before  it  could  weather  it.  Four  nights 


MELANCTHON     TAYLOR     WOOLSEY.       131 

were  passed  in  the  boat,  two  on  the  beach,  and  one  in 
a  hut  on  the  banks  of  the  Genessee,  a  few  miles  below 
the  falls,  and  of  course  quite  near  the  present  site  of 
Rochester. 

All  the  south  shore  of  Ontario,  with  here  and  there 
some  immaterial  exception,  was  then  a  wilderness ! 
Four  days  out,  the  provisions  failed,  and  there  was 
actually  a  want  of  food.  It  was  not  easy  to  starve  so 
near  the  forest,  certainly,  but  the  men  had  been  im 
provident,  and  a  fast  of  a  few  hours  threw  Woolsey  on 
his  resources.  Even  the  last  cracker  was  eaten,  and 
fish  could  not  be  taken.  One  old  seaman  had  passed 
forty  years  on  the  lake,  and  he  knew  the  position  of 
every  dwelling  that  stood  near  its  shore.  There  might 
then  have  been  a  dozen  of  these  little  clearings  between 
the  Oswego  and  the  Niagara,  and  one  that  contained 
three  or  four  log-houses  was  known  to  be  some  two  or 
three  leagues  distant.  There  was  no  wind,  and  the 
launch  was  pulled  up  to  a  beach  where  it  was  easy  to 
land,  and  at  a  point  at  no  great  distance  from  these 
houses.  It  T*ras  so  late,  however,  that  it  was  not  thought 
expedient  to  search  for  the  habitations  that  evening. 
The  whole  party  was  about  to  bivouac  supperless,when 
Mr.  Cooper  accidentally  came  across  a  hedge-hog,  which 
he  killed  with  the  sword  of  a  cane.  On  this  animal 
all  hands  supped,  and  very  good  eating  it  proved  to  be. 

The  next  morning,  the  two  gentlemen,  accompanied 
by  the  old  laker  and  another  man,  set  out  in  quest  of 
the  log-huts,  which  stood  a  mile  or  two  inland.  One 
was  found  at  the  end  of  an  hour,  but  no  one  was  near 
it.  It  was  inhabited,  however,  and  in  a  pantry  were 
found  two  loaves  of  bread,  and  a  baking  of  dried 


132  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

whortleberry  pies,  as  well  as  some  milk.  Necessity 
having  no  law,  one  loaf,  two  of  the  pies,  and  a  gallon 
of  milk  were  sequestered,  two  silver  dollars  being  left 
in  their  places.  After  breakfasting,  and  sending  the 
old  man  to  the  boat  with  some  food,  the  two  officers 
followed  their  pilot  toward  the  other  cabins.  These 
were  also  found,  and  in  them  the  mistress  of  the  man 
sion  already  invaded.  A  full  confession  of  what '  had 
been  done  followed,  and  a  proposal  was  made  to 
purchase  the  remainder  of  the  pies.  This  alarmed  the 
good  woman,  who  returned  with  the  party  forthwith, 
but  who  took  things  more  composedly  when  she  got 
her  hand  on  the  silver.  So  difficult  was  it  to  obtain 
flour  in  those  isolated  clearings  that  she  could  not  be 
tempted  to  sell  any  thing  else,  and  the  party  returned 
to  the  boat,  with  about  a  fourth  of  a  meal  remaining  in 
their  possession.  A  breeze  springing  up,  sail  was 
made,  and  Woolsey  proceeded. 

Hunger  and  head  winds  again  brought  the  adven 
turers  to  a  stand.  A  solitary  dwelling  was  known  to 
be  at  no  great  distance  inland  from  the  pomt  where  the 
boat  now  was,  and  again  the  party  landed.  The  boat 
entered  by  a  narrow  inlet  into  a  large  bay,  that  was 
familiarly  called  Gerundegutt,  (Irondoquoit,)  and  was 
hauled  up  for  the  night.  The  whole  party  bivouacked 
supperless. 

In  the  morning,  the  two  officers  and  three  of  the  men 
went  in  qtiest  of  the  house,  which  was  found,  a  mile 
or  two  inland.  The  man  who  lived  here  was  a  cock 
ney,  who  had  left  London  some  fifteen  years  before,  and 
pitched  his  tent,  as  he  said  himself,  twenty  miles  from 
his  nearest  neighbors.  He  went  forty  miles  to  mill,  by 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.   133 

his  account,  making  most  of.  the  journey  in  a  skiff. 
He  had  neither  bread  nor  flour  to  spare,  nor  would 
money  tempt  him.  He  had  four  or  five  sheep,  but  his 
wife  remonstrated  against  parting  with  one  of  them ; 
she  wanted  the  fleeces  to  spin,  and  they  had  not  yet 
been  sheared.  Woolsey,  however,  persuaded  the  man 
to  have  the  sheep  penned,  when  the  sailors  caught  a 
wether,  and  began  to  feel  his  ribs.  The  animal  was 
pronounced  to  be  in  excellent  condition.  A  half  eagle 
was  now  exhibited,  and  old  Peter,  the  pilot,  got  his 
knife  out,  ready  for  work.  The  woman  remonstrated, 
on  a  high  key,  and  the  cockney  vacillated.  At  one 
moment  he  was  about  to  yield ;  at  the  next,  the  clamor 
of  the  woman  prevailed.  This  scene  lasted  near 
a  quarter  of  an  hour,  when  Woolsey  commenced  an 
attack  on  the  lady,  by  paying  compliments  to  her  fine 
children,  three  as  foul  little  Christians  as  one  could  find 
on  the  frontier.  This  threw  the  mother  off'  her  guard, 
and  she  wavered.  At  this  unguarded  moment,  the  man 
accepted  the  half  eagle,  about  five  times  the  value  of 
the  wether,  as  sheep  sold  at  that  season,  in  the  settled 
parts  of  the  country,  uttered  a  faint,  "  Well,  captain, 
since  you  wish  it — "  and  a  signal  from  Woolsey 
caused  the  animal's  throat  to  be  cut  incontinently.  At 
the  next  instant  the  woman  changed  her  mind  ;  but  it 
was  too  late,  the  wether  was  bleeding  to  death.  Not 
withstanding  all  this,  the  woman  refused  to  be  pacified 
until  Woolsey  made  her  a  present  of  the  skin  and 
fleece,  when  the  carcass  was  borne  off  in  triumph. 

This  sheep  was  all  the  food  the  party  had  for  that 
day,  and  it  was  eaten  without  salt  or  bread.  Woolsey 
contrived  to  make  a  sort  of  soup  of  it,  over  which  he 

VOL.  n.  12 


134 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 


laughed  and  feasted,  keeping  everybody  in  good 
humor  with  his  jokes  and  fine  temper.  Some  scrapings 
of  flour  were  thrown  into  the  pot,  and  Woolsey  called 
his  dish  a  "noodle  soup." 

These  things  are  related  more  to  show  the  state  of 
the  Ontario  frontier  five-and-thirty  years  since,  than  for 
any  great  interest  they  possess  of  themselves.  Pro 
visions  were  almost  of  as  much  importance  among  the 
dwellers  of  the  forest,  as  with  the  mariner  at  sea ; 
money  itself,  though  of  rare  occurrence  among  them, 
becoming  nearly  valueless  compared  with  flour,  in  par 
ticular.  Even  the  Oswego  currency,  salt,  did  not 
abound  among  them,  the  difficulties  of  transportation 
rendering  it  of  importance  to  husband  the  smallest 
article  of  subsistence.  The  party  could  get  no  salt  to 
eat  with  their  mutton. 

The  day  the  sheep  was  purchased,  the  launch  went 
out,  and  began  to  turn  to  windward,  in  squally  weather 
and  against  a  foul  wind.  In  crossing  Genessee  Bay  it 
came  near  filling  in  a  squall,  and  it  was  found  necessary 
to  bear  up  for  the  river.  Here  the  party  passed 
another  night,  in  a  solitary  log  cabin,  at,  or  near  the 
point  where  the  steamers  and  other  craft  must  now 
make  their  harbor.  A  little  bread  was  got  in  exchange 
for  some  sheep,  and  milk  was  purchased.  But  six 
hungry  sailors  seemed  to  create  a  famine  wherever 
they  went,  and  next  morning  the  launch  went  out, 
though  the  wind  was  still  foul.  Then  came  the  tug  at 
the  Devil's  Nose,  which  has  been  mentioned,  and  the 
running  to  leeward  to  lie  to  in  smooth  water.  At  length 
the  wind  came  off  the  land,  when  the  remainder  of  the 
distance  was  run  without  much  difficulty. 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.   135 

It  was  just  as  the  day  broke,  that  the  party  in  the 
launch  made  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara.  The  lantern 
was  still  burning  in  the  light-house ;  the  two  forts,  the 
town  of  Newark,  and  the  appearance  of  cultivation  on 
every  side,  had  an  effect  like  that  of  enchantment  on 
those  who  had  been  coasting  a  wilderness  for  a  week. 
Even  Oswego,  though  an  old  station,  had  little  the  air 
of  a  peopled  country,  but  the  region  along  the  banks  of 
the  Niagara  had  been  settled  as  long  as  that  on  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson,  and  the  transition  was  like  that 
of  suddenly  quitting  the  forest  to  be  placed  in  the  midst 
of  the  labors  of  man.  It  was  the  Fourth  of  July,  and 
the  launch  entered  the  river  with  an  American  ensign 
set.  It  proceeded  to  Newark,  where  the  two  officers 
took  up  their  quarters  for  a  week.  In  an  hour  a  depu 
tation  from  Fort  Niagara  came  across  to  inquire  who 
had  brought  the  American  ensign,  for  the  first  time,  in 
a  man-of-war's  boat,  into  that  river.  On  being  told,  a 
formal  invitation  was  given  to  join  the  officers  on  the 
other  side  in  celebrating  the  day. 

Woolsey  and  his  party  remained  some  time  in  and 
about  the  Niagara.  He  passed  up  on  the  upper  lake, 
and  paid  a  visit  on  board  the  Adams,  a  brig  that  belonged 
to  the  War  Department,  which  was  subsequently  taken 
by  the  British,  at  Hull's  surrender,  named  the  Detroit, 
and  cut  out  from  under  Fort  Erie,  by  Elliott,  in  1812. 
The  return  to  Oswego  was  less  difficult,  and  was  accom 
plished  in  two  days.  These  were  the  first  movements 
by  American  man-of-war's  men  that  ever  occurred  on 
the  great  lakes — waters  that  bave  since  become  famous 
by  the  deeds  of  M'Donough,  Perry,  and  Chauncey. 

Although  the  Oneida  was  put  out  of  commission, 


136  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Woolsey  still  remained  in  charge  of  the  station  that  had 
thus  been  created.  In  1810,  his  brig  was  again  fitted 
out,  and  she  continued  in  service  until  the  declaration 
of  war.  In  the  spring  of  '12,  Woolsey  seized  an  Eng 
lish  schooner  that  was  smuggling,  brought  her  in,  and 
had  her  condemned.  This  was  the  vessel  that  was 
subsequently  lost  under  Chauncey,  under  the  name  of 
the  Scourge.  A  characteristic  anecdote  is  related  of 
Woolsey,  in  connection  with  the  sale  of  some  of  the 
effects  taken  on  board  this  vessel.  Every  thing  on 
board  her  was  sold,  even  to  some  trunks  that  had  be 
longed  to  a  female  passenger.  Woolsey  took  care  that 
the  hardship  of  the  case  of  this  lady  should  be  made 
known,  in  the  expectation  no  one  would  be  found  mean 
enough  to  bid  against  her  agent.  But  in  this  he  was 
mistaken.  When  the  agent  bid  five  dollars,  a  blood 
sucker  of  a  speculator  bid  ten — "Twenty!"  shouted 
Woolsey,  seating  himself  on  one  of  the  trunks,  in  a  way 
that  said,  "I'll  have  them,  if  they  cost  a  thousand." 
This  movement  drove  off  the  miserable  creature,  and 
Woolsey  presented  the  lady  her  trunks,  free  of  charges. 
At  the  declaration  of  war,  in  1812,  which  came  so 
unlocked  for  on  the  country,  and  which  would  not  have 
been  made  at  the  time  it  was  but  for  a  concurrence  of 
unexpected  circumstances,  Woolsey  was  still  in  com 
mand  on  Lake  Ontario,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant. 
His  whole  force  consisted  of  the  Oneida  brig,  while  the 
enemy  could  muster  a  small  squadron  of  several  sail, 
among  which  was  the  Royal  George,  a  ship  heavy 
enough  to  engage  two  such  vessels  as  the  American 
brig,  with  every  chance  of  success.  As  soon  as  the 
Oneida  was  actively  employed,  the  naval  station  had 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.   137 

been  removed  from  Oswego  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  where 
she  was  lying  at  the  declaration  of  war.  On  the  19th 
of  July,  the  enemy  appeared  in  the  offing,  with  the 
Royal  George,  Earl  of  Moira,  Duke  of  Gloucester,  Se 
neca,  and  Simcoe.  The  two  first  were  ships,  the  third 
was  a  brig,  and  the  two  last  schooners.  As  soon  as  ap 
prised  of  the  presence  of  this  force,  Woolsey  got  the 
Oneida  under  way,  and  went  out,  with  the  view  of 
passing  the  enemy,  and  escaping  to  the  open  lake,  in 
the  hope  of  being  able  to  separate  his  enemies  in  chase. 
But  finding  this  impossible,  he  beat  back  into  the  har 
bor,  and  anchored  his  brig  directly  opposite  to  its 
entrance,  under  the  bank  that  is  now  occupied  by  Ma 
dison  Barracks.  The  utmost  activity  was  shown  in 
making  this  arrangement,  and  in  landing  all  the  guns 
on  the  off  side  of  the  brig,  and  in  placing  them  in  bat 
tery  on  the  bank. 

Finding  that  the  enemy  was  slowly  working  up  on 
the  outside  of  the  peninsula,  Woolsey  now  repaired  in 
person  to  a  small  work  that  had  been  erected  on  the 
high  land  above  the  navy-yard,  and  made  his  prepara 
tions  to  open  on  the  English  from  that  point.  A  long 
thirty-two  had  been  sent  on  for  the  Oneida,  but  never 
mounted,  being  much  too  heavy  for  that  brig,  of  which 
the  armament  consisted  of  twenty-four  pound  car- 
ronades.  This  gun  Woolsey  had  caused  to  be  mounted 
on  its  pivot,  in  the  work  named,  and,  as  soon  as  the 
enemy  got  within  range,  he  opened  on  them  with  it. 
The  English  had  captured  a  boat  in  the  offing,  and 
sent  in  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of  the  Oneida  and 
the  Lord  Nelson,  under  the  penalty  of  destroying  the 
place,  in  the  event  of  refusal.  This  demand  Woolsey 
12* 


138  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

answered  with  his  long  Tom,  when  a  cannonading  that 
lasted  two  hours  succeeded.  As  the  enemy  kept  at  long 
shot,  little  damage  was  done,  though  the  English  were 
supposed  to  have  suffered  sufficiently  to  induce  them 
to  bear  up  and  abandon  the  attempt.  Although  this 
affair  was  not  very  bloody,  Woolsey  did  all  that  circum 
stances  would  allow ;  he  preserved  his  brig,  and  saved 
the  town.  He  was  assisted  by  a  small  body  of  troops 
in  the  work.  If  the  enemy  did  not  press  him  harder, 
the  fault  was  their  own ;  he  had  not  the  means  of  acting 
on  the  offensive. 

The  government  deciding  to  increase  its  force  on 
Lake  Ontario,  Com.  Chauncey  was  ordered  to  assume 
the  command.  Woolsey  continued  second  in  rank  all 
that  season,  however,  retaining  the  command  of  the 
Oneida.  He  was  in  charge  of  this  brig  in  the  spirited 
dash  that  Chauncey  made  against  Kingston,  in  Novem 
ber,  on  which  occasion  the  Oneida  was  warmly  engaged, 
receiving  some  damage,  and  having  four  of  her  crew 
killed  and  wounded.  This  attack  virtually  closed  the 
war  on  the  lake  for  the  season,  as  the  affair  of  Sackett's 
Harbor  had  commenced  it. 

Both  parties  building  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  it 
was  found  necessary  to  send  several  officers  to  Ontario, 
who  ranked  Lieut.  Com.  Woolsey.  As  this  was  done 
only  to  take  charge  of  new  vessels,  he  ever  after  was 
employed  in  command,  when  employed  at  all.  Wool 
sey  was  second  in  command,  however,  at  the  attack  on 
York,  retaining  his  own  brig,  the  commodore  having 
hoisted  his  pennant  in  the  Madison.  Woolsey  was  also 
present  at  the  landing  and  the  attack  on  the  batteries  of 
Fort  George,  still  commanding  the  Oneida,  with  the 


MELANCTHON    TAYLOR    WOOLSEY.       139 

rank  of  lieutenant.  As  Perry  was  present  on  this  occa 
sion,  our  subject  was  only  third  in  rank  among  the  sea- 
officers  engaged. 

Shortly  after  the  landing  at  Fort  George,  Woolsey 
was  promoted  to  be  a  commander,  though  he  did  not 
learn  the  fact  for  some  time.  His  name  appears  as  the 
seventh  in  a  batch  of  fifteen.  Two  of  his  juniors, 
Trenchard  and  Elliott,  were  already  on  Lake  Ontario, 
and  several  of  his  seniors  were  shortly  afterward  sent 
there.  In  all  the  manceuvering,  and  in  the  skirmishes 
which  took  place  between  Commodores  Chauncey  and 
Yeo,  during  the  summer  of  '13,  Woolsey  still  remained 
in  charge  of  the  Oneida,  older  officers  and  post-captains 
coming  up  with  fresh  crews  for  the  larger  vessels. 
Sinclair  had  the  Pike,  and  Crane  the  Madison,  leaving 
Woolsey  the  fourth  in  rank  present. 

When  the  squadron  returned  to  port,  Woolsey  found 
his  new  commission,  and  he  was  transferred  to  a  large 
new  schooner,  called  the  Sylph,  Lieut.  Brown  succeed 
ing  him  in  his  old  command,  the  Oneida.  The  Sylph 
was  a  large,  fast-sailing  schooner,  that  carried  an  awk 
ward  armament  of  four  heavy  pivot-guns  amidships, 
mounted  to  fire  over  all.  Woolsey  was  in  this  vessel, 
on  the  2Sth  September,  when  Chauncey  so  nobly 
brought  the  whole  English  squadron  to  close  action, 
supported  for  a  considerable  time  only  by  Bolton,  in 
the  Governor  Tompkins,  and  the  Asp,  a  schooner  that 
the  Pike  had  in  tow.  This  was  one  of  the  sharpest 
affairs  of  the  war,  as  long  as  it  lasted,  and  would  have 
been  decisive  had  the  Madison  and  Sylph  been  able  to 
close ;  or,  had  not  Sir  James  Yeo  run  through  his  own 


140  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

line,  and  taken  refuge  under  the  batteries  of  Burlington 
Heights. 

As  is  usual,  when  success  does  not  equal  expectation, 
most  of  the  superior  officers  received  more  or  less  cen 
sure,  for  supposed  mistakes  on  this  occasion.  It  is  now 
well  known  that  a  complete  defeat  would  have  befallen 
the  enemy  had  he  been  hotly  pressed,  and  that  he  was 
seriously  worsted  as  it  was ;  but  it  is  easy  to  discover 
the  avenues  to  success,  after  the  road  has  been  once 
thoroughly  traveled.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  being 
remembered,  that  not  an  English  vessel  was  taken  in 
battle,  during  the  whole  of  the  war  of  1812,  with  two 
very  immaterial  exceptions,  unless  she  offered  freely  to 
engage.  The  exceptions  were  the  two  small  craft  taken 
at  the  close  of  Perry's  victory  on  Lake  Erie,  in  which 
the  whole  English  force  had,  in  the  first  instance,  very 
gallantly  offered  battle. 

Woolsey  did  not  escape  criticism  in  this  affair,  any 
more  than  other  commanders.  His  schooner  did  not 
prove  of  as  much  service  as  she  might  have  been,  on 
account  of  the  awkwardness  of  her  armament,  which 
was  changed  to  broadside  guns,  as  soon  as  the  squadron 
went  into  port  again.  Woolsey  alleged  that  he  was 
compelled  to  tow  a  large  schooner,  as  was  the  fact  with 
the  Madison.  Neither  dared  to  cast  off  the  tow,  in  the 
presence  of  the  commodore,  and  the  latter  had  sufficient 
reasons  for  not  ordering  them  to  do  so.  Woolsey  very 
frankly  admitted,  however,  that  he  impaired  the  sailing 
of  the  Sylph,  by  surging  on  the  tow-line  in  the  hope  it 
would  part ;  a  false  step,  that  dropped  his  schooner  so 
far  astern  that  she  greatly  embarrassed  him  by  her  yaw 
ing.  It  is  by  no  means  certain  Sir  James  Yeo  would 


MELANCTHON     TAYLOR     WOOLSEY.       141 

have  engaged  at  all,  could  the  whole  of  the  American 
force  have  closed  at  the  same  time,  and  he  always  had 
Burlington  Bay  under  his  lee. 

A  few  days  after  this  action,  Chauncey  chased  to  the 
eastward,  under  a  crowd  of  canvas,  with  the  mistaken 
notion  that  the  English  had  got  past  him  in  the  night. 
In  the  afternoon  of  the  5th  October,  seven  sail  were 
made  ahead,  and  it  was  supposed  the  British  squadron 
was  leading  down  the  lake.  An  hour  later,  the  ves 
sels  ahead  were  made  out  to  be  schooners,  when  the 
commodore  signalled  the  Sylph  and  Lady  of  the  Lake 
to  cast  off  their  tows.  This  was  no  sooner  done  than 
these  two  fast  schooners  shot  swiftly  ahead.  Seeing 
their  danger,  the  enemy  set  fire  to  the  dullest  craft,  and 
separated.  The  Pike  now  cast  off  her  tow,  and  she 
soon  succeeded  in  capturing  three  of  the  enemy. 
Woolsey  soon  after  joined  with  a  fourth,  and,  continuing 
on,  next  morning  he  brought  a  fifth  out  from  the  Ducks. 
The  prizes  were  gun-vessels,  and  near  300  prisoners 
were  made  in  them,  including  a  detachment  of  troops. 
Two  of  these  vessels  were  the  schooners  Chauncey  had 
lost  in  his  action  with  Sir  James,  earlier  in  the  season. 
This  affair  substantially  closed  the  cruising  service  of 
that  year. 

Woolsey  got  a  new  vessel  for  the  season  of  1814. 
She  was  a  large  brig  of  twenty-two  guns,  called  the 
Jones,  and  proved  a  fast  and  good  vessel.  Previously 
to  the  equipment  of  this  vessel,  however,  he  was  sent 
to  superintend  the  transportation  of  guns  and  cables, 
from  Oswego  to  the  Harbor,  by  water.  This  was  very 
delicate  service,  as  the  enemy  had  obtained  the  tempo 
rary  command  of  the  lake,  by  building.  He  was  at  the 


142  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Oswego  Falls,  engaged  in  this  duty,  when  the  English 
made  their  descent  at  Oswego.  Woolsey  showed  much 
address  on  this  occasion.  The  enemy  possessing  so 
many  means  of  obtaining  information,  he  was  compelled 
to  resort  to  artifice — spreading  a  report  that  the  direction 
of  the  stores  was  to  be  changed.  Allowing  sufficient 
time  for  this  rumor  to  reach  the  enemy,  he  caused  as 
many  guns  and  cables  to  be  run  over  the  fails  as  he  had 
boats  to  carry  them  in,  and  immediately  went  down  the 
river.  At  dusk,  on  the  evening  of  the  20th  May,  the 
look-outs  seeing  nothing  in  the  offing,  he  went  out  with 
a  brigade  of  nineteen  heavy  boats.  The  night  proved 
to  be  dark  and  rainy,  and  the  men  toiled  until  daylight 
at  the  oars.  When  light  returned,  the  boats  were  at 
the  mouth  of  Big  Salmon  River.  Here  the  party  was 
met  by  a  small  detachment  of  Indians  ;  a  party  of  rifle 
men,  under  Major  Appling,  having  formed  the  guard 
from  Oswego.  It  was  found  that  one  boat  had  parted 
company  in  the  night.  This  boat,  as  it  was  afterward 
ascertained,  attempted  to  pass  the  blockading  squadron, 
and  to  go  direct  to  the  Harbor  by  water.  It  was  cap 
tured  by  the  English. 

Woolsey  went  on,  and  entered  Big  Sandy  Creek, 
with  his  charge,  agreeably  to  a  previous  understanding. 
In  the  mean  time,  Sir  James  Yeo,  learning  the  situation 
of  the  brigade,  from  the  crew  of  the  captured  boat,  sent 
a  strong  party,  covered  by  three  gun-boats,  to  capture 
it.  The  English  entered  the  creek  with  confidence, 
throwing  grape  and  cannister  into  the  bushes  ahead  of 
them,  from  some  very  heavy  carronades.  Woolsey  set 
about  discharging  his  guns  and  cables,  in  order  to  secure 
them,  while  Major  Appling  placed  his  command  in  am- 


MELANCTHON    TAYLOR    WOOLSEY.       143 

bush,  a  short  distance  below  the  boats.  As  the  English 
advanced  they  were  met  by  a  most  destructive  fire,  and 
every  man  of  their  party  was  captured.  Among  the 
prisoners  were  two  captains,  four  sea  lieutenants,  ancf 
two  midshipmen.  The  stores  were  safely  conveyed  to 
the  Harbor,  and  Chauncey  was  enabled  to  raise  the 
blockade,  as  soon  as  he  could  arm  his  new  ships. 

After  the  American  squadron  got  out,  Woolsey  com 
manded  the  Jones  22.  He  was  only  the  sixth  in  rank 
on  the  lake  this  summer,  there  being  several  captains 
present,  beside  two  commanders  that  were  his  seniors. 
The  Jones  was  kept  in  the  squadron  until  Chauncey  had 
swept  the  lake,  but  the  commodore  going  off  Kingston 
with  a  diminished  force,  in  the  hope  of  tempting  Sir 
James  to  come  out,  he  ordered  Woolsey  to  cruise  be 
tween  Oswego  and  the  Harbor,  in  order  to  keep  the 
communication  between  these  two  important  points 
free.  At  a  later  day  Woolsey  was  sent  to  join  Ridgely, 
who  was  blockading  the  Niagara.  On  this  station  the 
Jefferson  and  the  Jones  experienced  a  tremendous  gale, 
in  which  the  former  had  to  throw  some  of  her  guns 
overboard. 

The  last  service  on  the  lake  that  season,  was  in 
transporting  the  division  of  Gen.  Izard  to  the  west 
ward.  Shortly  after,  Chauncey  collected  all  his  force 
at  the  Harbor,  and  prepared  to  repel  an  attack,  which 
it  was  expected  the  English  would  make,  having  got 
their  two-decker  out. 

Peace  being  made  the  succeeding  winter,  most  of 
the  officers  and  crews  were  transferred  to  the  seaboard. 
Woolsey,  however,  was  left  in  charge  of  the  station, 
where  he  remained  for  many  years.  There  was  a  vast 


144  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

amount  of  property  to  take  care  of,  and  a  little  fleet  of 
dismantled  vessels.  This  continued  for  several  years, 
but  gradually  the  charge  was  reduced,  officer  after 
officer  was  withdrawn,  ship  after  ship  was  broken  up, 
until,  in  the  end,  the  trust  was  one  that  might  well  be 
confided  to  a  subordinate.  In  1817,  Woolsey  was  pro 
moted  to  be  a  captain,  and  not  long  after  he  married  a 
lady  of  the  name  of  Tredwell,  a  member  of  the  Long 
Island  family  of  that  name. 

Woolsey  passed  the  flower  of  his  days  on  Lake 
Ontario.  No  doubt  this  was  of  disservice,  by  with 
drawing  him,  for  many  years,  from  the  more  active 
duties  of  his  profession.  But  he  liked,  and  was  liked 
in,  that  quarter  of  the  country,  and  family  ties  came  in 
aid  of  old  associations  to  keep  him  there.  After  re 
maining  something  like  fifteen  years  in  the  lake  service, 
however,  he  got  the  Constellation  frigate,  then  attached 
to  the  West  India  Squadron.  Com.  Warrington  had 
his  pennant  in  his  ship,  most  of  the  time,  and  there 
being  very  little  difference  in  the  dates  of  the  commis 
sions  of  these  two  officers,  Woolsey  always  spoke  with 
feeling  of  the  extreme  delicacy  with  which  he  was 
treated  by  his  superior.  On  his  return  from  this  station, 
he  had  charge  of  the  Pensacola  Yard. 

After  quitting  Pensacola,  Woolsey  preferred  his  own 
claims  for  a  squadron,  and  he  was  sent  to  the  coast  of 
Brazils,  Avhere  he  commanded,  with  a  broad  pennant, 
the  usual  term.  This  was  the  last  of  his  service  afloat, 
or,  indeed,  ashore.  His  health  began  to  decline,  not 
long  after  his  return,  and  he  died  in  1838. 

Commodore  Woolsey  was  of  the  middle  height,  sailor- 
built,  and  of  a  compact,  athletic  frame.  His  counte- 


MELANCTHON  TAYLOR  WOOLSEY.   145 

nance  was  prepossessing,  and  had  singularly  the  look 
of  a  gentleman.  In  his  deportment,  he  was  a  pleasing 
mixture  of  gentleman-like  refinement  and  seaman-like 
frankness.  His  long  intimacy  with  frontier  habits  could 
not,  and  did  not,  destroy  his  early  training,  though  it 
possibly  impeded  some  of  that  advancement  in  his  pro 
fessional  and  general  knowledge,  which  he  had  so  suc 
cessfully  commenced  in  early  life.  He  was  an  excellent 
seaman,  and  few  officers  had  more  correct  notions  of  the 
rules  of  discipline.  His  familiar  association  with  all  the 
classes  that  mingle  so  freely  together  in  border  life,  had 
produced  a  tendency,  on  his  excellent  disposition,  to 
relax  too  much  in  his  ordinary  intercourse,  perhaps,  but 
his  good  sense  prevented  this  weakness  from  proceed 
ing  very  far.  Woolsey  rather  wanted  the  grimace  than 
the  substance  of  authority.  A  better-hearted  man  never 
lived.  All  who  sailed  with  him  loved  him,  and  he  had 
sufficient  native  mind,  and  sufficient  acquired  instruc 
tion,  to  command  the  respect  of  many  of  the  strongest 
intellects  of  the  service. 

The  widow  of  Com.  Woolsey  still  lives.  She  has 
several  children,  and  we  regret  to  say,  like  those  of  her 
sex  who  survive  the  public  servants  of  this  country,  she 
is  left  with  few  of  the  world's  goods  to  console  her. 
Woolsey's  eldest  son  is  in  the  navy,  and  has  nearly 
reached  the  rank  of  lieutenant. 


VOL.  II.  13 


*•• 


OLIVER  HAZARD  PERRY. 


THE  family  of  Perry  has  now  been  American  for 
near  two  centuries.  The  first  of  the  name  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  was  a  native  of  Devonshire,  who  emi 
grated  to  the  new  world  about  the  middle  of  the  seven 
teenth  century,  settling  at  Plymouth,  in  Massachusetts. 
Being  of  the  sect  of  Friends,  however,  this  residence 
proved  to  be  as  unfavorable  to  the  indulgence  of  his 
peculiar  religious  opinions,  as  that  from  which  he  had 
so  lately  migrated  in  his  native  island,  and  he  was  in 
duced  to  go  deeper  into  the  wilderness.  He  finally 
established  himself,  accompanied  by  others  of  his  per 
suasion,  on  Narragansett  Bay,  at  a  place  called  South 
Kingston.  Here  Edmund  Perry,  for  so  was  the  emi 
grant  called,  acquired  a  landed  property  of  some  extent, 
from  the  Indians,  and  by  fair  purchase,  which  has  con 
tinued  in  the  possession  of  his  descendants  down  to  our 
own  time. 

From  Edmund  Perry  was  descended,  in  the  fourth 
generation,  Christopher  Raymond  Perry,  the  father  of 
the  subject  of  this  memoir,  who  was  born  in  1761. 
This  gentleman  chose  to  follow  the  sea.  After  serving 
for  some  time  in  private  armed  vessels  of  war,  during 
the  Revolution,  he.  turned  to  the  merchant  service  for 
employment  when  peace  was  made,  being  at  that  time 

116 

'  ** 


II 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  147 

a  very  young  man,  as  is  seen  by  the  date  of  his  birth. 
In  the  course  of  one  of  his  early  voyages,  Mr.  Perry 
met  with  a  passenger  of  the  name  of  Sarah  Alexander, 
a  lady  of  Irish  birth,  but  of  Scotch  extraction,  whom  he 
married,  in  the  year  1784.  The  fruits  of  this  union 
were  a  family  of  sons,  most,  if  not  all,  of  whom  have 
been  in  the  naval  service  of  the  country,  and  of  daugh 
ters,  one  of  whom,  at  least,  is  now  the  widow  of  an 
officer  of  rank.  From  this  marriage,  indeed,  have 
been  probably  derived  more  officers  of  the  navy,  than 
from  any  other  one  connection,  that  of  the  family  of 
Nicholson  excepted.  The  lady  who  so  soon  found 
herself  a  wife  and  a  mother,  in  the  country  of  her 
adoption,  proved  a  valuable  acquisition  to  her  new 
relatives,  and  left  a  strong  and  useful  impression  on 
most  of  those  who  have  derived  their  existence  from 
her. 

The  first  child  of  the  marriage  between  Christopher 
Raymond  Perry  and  Sarah  Alexander,  was  the  subject 
of  this  memoir.  He  was  called  Oliver  Hazard,  after 
an  ancestor  of  that  name  who  had  died  just  previously 
to  his  birth,  as  well  as  after  an  uncle  of  the  same  ap 
pellation,  who  had  been  recently  lost  at  sea.  Oliver 
Hazard  Perry  was  born  on  the  20th  of  August,  1785. 
The  early  years  of  the  child  were  distinguished  by  no 
unusual  occurrences.  He  was  kept  at  school,  at  dif 
ferent  places,  but  principally  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
residences  of  his  own  family.  The  armaments  against 
France,  however,  induced  a  sudden  and  material  in 
crease  of  the  naval  force  of  the  country ;  and  in  June, 
1798,  Christopher  Raymond  Perry,  the  father  of  Oliver, 
received  an  appointment  as  a  captain  in  the  new  ma- 


148  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

rine.  Capt.  Perry's  commission  placed  him  the  eighth 
on  the  list  of  officers  of  his  rank,  but  there  being  no 
ship  of  a  suitable  size  for  him  to  take,  he  was  directed 
to  superintend  the  construction  of  a  vessel  that  was  soon 
after  laid  down,  at  Warren,  in  his  native  State.  On 
this  occasion,  Capt.  Perry,  accompanied  by  his  wife, 
removed  to  Warren,  leaving  the  household  in  charge 
of  their  eldest  son,  then  a  boy  of  only  thirteen.  This 
may  be  said  to  have  been  Oliver  Perry's  first  command, 
and  it  is  the  tradition  of  the  family  that  he  acquitted 
himself  of  these  novel  duties  with  great  prudence, 
kindness  and  impartiality.  It  was  certainly  a  high 
trust  to  repose  in  a  boy  of  his  tender  years,  and  proves 
the  complete  confidence  his  parents  had  in  his  discre 
tion,  temper  and  good  sense.  At  this  period  of  his 
life,  as  indeed  he  continued  to  be  to  a  much  later  day, 
the  youth  was  obliging,  active  and  of  singularly  pre 
possessing  appearance ;  and  is  said  to  have  been  an 
object  of  great  interest  within  the  limited  circle  of  his 
acquaintance. 

Captain  Perry's  vessel  was  a  small  frigate,  that  was 
very  appropriately  named  the  General  Greene.  She 
appears  on  the  registers  of  the  department  as  a  vessel 
of  645  tons,  and  rating  as  a  24.  In  the  journals  of  the 
day,  however,  she  is  oftener  called  a  32,  which  was 
about  the  number  of  guns  she  actually  carried,  while 
her  true  rate  would  have  properly  made  her  a  28. 
This  ship  was  not  ready  to  sail  until  the  spring  of  the 
year  1799.  By  this  time  her  captain's  eldest  son  had 
resolved  to  enter  on  a  career  similar  to  that  of  his 
father's,  and,  having  some  time  previously  announced 
his  wishes,  a  warrant  was  issued  to  him  as  a  midship 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  149 

man.  Perry's  appointment  was  dated  April  7th, 
1799,  and  made  one  of  a  small  batch  which  occurred 
about  that  time,  generally  with  intervals  of  a  day  be 
tween  each  warrant,  and  which  contained  the  names 
of  Trippe,  Robert  Henly,  Joseph  Bainbridge,  Noel 
Cox,  &c.,  &c. 

Soon  after  Perry  joined  his  father's  ship,  or  about 
the  middle  of  May,  the  General  Greene  sailed  to  join 
the  force  in  the  West  Indies.  Capt.  Perry  was  di 
rected  to  proceed  to  the  Havana,  and  to  look  after  the 
trade  in  that  quarter,  as  "  well  as  that  which  passes 
down  the  straits  of  Bahama  to  the  Spanish  main." 
After  remaining  a  few  weeks  on  her  station,  the  yel 
low  fever  broke  out  in  the  ship,  and  she  returned  to 
Newport  about  the  close  of  the  month  of  July.  In  this 
short  cruise  Perry  was  first  initiated  in  his  sea  service, 
and  it  is  a  singular  circumstance  that  it  was  marked  by 
the  appearance  of  that  dire  disease  by  which  he  was, 
himself,  subsequently  lost  to  the  country. 

By  bringing  his  ship  north,  Capt.  Perry  soon  puri 
fied  her,  and  she  sailed  again,  for  the  same  station,  a 
few  weeks  later.  Thence  she  went  off  St.  Domingo, 
to  cruise  against  Rigaud's  barges,  which  committed 
many  and  sanguinary  outrages;  his  orders  directing 
him  to  circumnavigate  the  whole  island  of  St.  Do 
mingo.  While  employed  on  this  service,  the  General 
Greene  found  several  of  the  brigand's  light  craft  at 
anchor  under  the  protection  of  some  batteries.  The 
ship  stood  in,  and  anchoring,  a  warm  cannonade  com 
menced.  In  about  half  an  hour  the  batteries  were 
silenced,  as  was  supposed  with  some  loss,  but  a  vessel 
which  had  the  appearance  of  a  French  frigate  heaving 


150  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

in  sight  in  the  offing,  Capt.  Perry  lifted  his  anchor,  and 
went  out  to  meet  her,  without  taking  possession  of  his 
conquests.  The  stranger  proved  to  be  a  French  built 
vessel,  that  had  changed  masters ;  being,  at  that  time, 
in  the  English  navy. 

The  General  Greene  next  went  off  Jaquemel  to  assist 
Toussaint  to  reduce  the  place.  The  ship  is  said  to  have 
been  very  serviceable  on  this  duty,  and  to  have  had  her 
full  share  in  the  success  which  attended  the  expedition. 
In  all  this  service,  Perry  was  present,  of  course,  though 
in  the  subordinate  station  of  a  young  midshipman.  It 
was  the  commencement  of  his  career,  and  no  doubt  had 
an  influence  in  giving  him  useful  opinions  of  duty,  and 
in  favorably  forming  his  character. 

The  General  Greene  was  placed  under  the  particular 
command  of  Com.  Talbot,  by  special  orders  from  the 
department,  of  the  date  of  September  3d,  1799,  but  did 
not  fall  in  with  that  officer  until  April  of  the  following 
year,  when  Capt.  Perry  reached  Cape  Francois,  the 
point  from  which  he  had  sailed  to  make  the  circuit  of 
the  island.  Here  the  latter  officer  was  directed  to  pro 
ceed  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  receive  on 
board  Gen.  Wilkinson  and  family ;  that  officer  being 
then  at  the  head  of  the  army.  The  frigate  arrived  off 
the  Balize  about  the  20th  of  the  month,  and  sailed 
again  for  Newport  on  the  10th  of  May.  An  act  of 
spirit  manifested  by  the  elder  Perry,  on  his  return 
home  from  the  Balize,  is  recorded  to  his  credit,  and  as 
affording  a  proof  of  the  school  in  which  his  gallant  son 
was  educated.  The  General  Greene  had  taken  an 
American  brig  under  convoy  that  was  bound  into  the 
Havana.  Off  the  latter  port,  an  English  two-decked 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  151 

ship  fired  a  shot  ahead  of  the  brig  to  bring-  her  to. 
Capt.  Pe?ry  directing  his  convoy  to  disregard  the 
signal,  and  the  wind  being  light,  the  Englishman  sent 
a  boat  in  chase  of  the  brig.  When  sufficiently  near, 
the  General  Greene  fired  a  shot  ahead  of  the  boat,  as  a 
hint  to  go  no  closer.  The  boat  now  came  alongside  of 
the  frigate,  and  the  two-decker  closed  at  the  same  time, 
when  the  latter  demanded  the  reason  of  the  General 
Greene's  shot.  The  answer  was  that  it  had  been  fired 
to  prevent  the  boat  from  boarding  a  vessel  under  her 
convoy.  The  English  officer,  who  must  have  known 
that  this  reply,  which  manifested  far  more  spirit  in  the 
year  1800  than  it  would  to-day,  was  in  strict  conformity 
with  maritime  usage,  had  the  prudence  not  to  persist, 
and  the  honor  of  the  American  flag  was  vindicated. 
This  circumstance,  taken  in  connection  with  a  few 
others  of  a  similar  character,  which  occurred  about  the 
same  time,  had  a  strong  influence  in  elevating  the  re 
putation  of  the  infant  navy,  and  in  erasing  an  unfavor 
able  impression  that  had  been  made  by  the  impressment 
of  five  men,  two  years  earlier,  from  on  board  the  Balti 
more,  20. 

The  crew  of  the  General  Greene  were  paid  off,  as 
usual,  at  the  end  of  the  year ;  or,  soon  after  her  second 
return  to  Newport.  Capt.  Perry  was  continued  in  com 
mand  of  the  ship,  however,  and  orders  were  sent  to 
prepare  her  for  another  cruise  ;  but  the  negotiations  for 
peace  assuming  a  favorable  aspect,  the  orders  were 
countermanded,  and  the  ship  was  carried  to  Washing 
ton  and  laid  up.  The  peace-establishment  law  reduced 
the  list  of  captains  from  twenty-eight  to  nine,  and,  as 
Capt,  Perry  was  not  one  of  those  retained,  he  retired 

- 


152  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

from  service,  with  Talbot,  Sever,  the  elder  Decatur, 
Tingey,  Little,  Geddes,  Robinson,  and  others.  His 
son  Oliver,  however,  belonged  to  the  one  hundred  and 
fifty  midshipmen  that  the  law  directed  to  be  retained, 
and  his  fortunes  were  cast  for  life  in  the  service. 

Young  Perry  was  left  on  shore,  to  pursue  his  studies, 
from  the  time  the  General  Greene  returned  frpm  her 
second  cruise,  until  the  spring  of  the  year  1802,  when 
he  was  ordered  to  join  the  Adams  28,  Capt.  Camp 
bell,  which  ship  was  then  fitting  for  the  Mediterranean 
station.  This  frigate,  known  to  the  navy  by  the  sobri 
quet  of  the  little  Adams,  was  a  vessel  a  hundred  tons 
smaller  than  the  General  Greene,  but  was  deemed  one 
of  the  fastest  ships  the  country  had  sent  into  the  West 
Indies,  during  the  late  contest.  Her  present  com 
mander  was  an  officer  of  gentleman-like  habits  and 
opinions,  and  well  suited  to  inspire  young  men  with 
the  manners  and  maxims  appropriate  to  their  caste. 
The  ship  also  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  possessing  a 
thorough  practical  seaman  in  her  first  lieutenant,  the 
late  Com.  Hull,  who,  a  short  time  before,  had  filled 
the  same  station  on  board  the  Constitution  44,  Com. 
Talbot. 

The  Adams  sailed  from  Newport,  June  10th,  1802, 
and  arrived  at  Gibraltar  about  the  middle  of  July, 
where  she  found  Com.  Morris,  in  the  Chesapeake  38, 
who  sent  her  up  as  far  as  Malaga  with  a  convoy.  On 
her  return  from  this  duty,  the  ship  was  left  below  to 
watch  a  Tripoli  tan  that  was  then  lying  at  Gibraltar,  the 
remainder  of  the  squadron  going  aloft.  Here  the 
Adams  passed  the  winter,  cruising  in  the  Straits  much 
of  the  time  ;  a  duty  that  the  young  men  in  her  found 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  153 

irksome  beyond  a  question,  but  which  they  also  must 
have  found  highly  instructive,  as  nothing  so  much 
familiarizes  officers  to  maneuvering,  as  handling  a  ship 
in  narrow  waters,  and  with  the  land  constantly  aboard. 
One  of  the  favorite  traditions  of  the  service  relates  to 
the  steady  and  cool  manner  in  which  Hull  worked  the 
Adams  while  employed  on  this  duty,  the  ship  being  in 
great  danger  of  going  ashore  on  the  rocks.  Six  or  eight 
months  of  such  service  is  equal,  in  the  way  of  expe 
rience,  to  two  or  three  years  of  running  from  port  to 
port,  in  as  straight  lines  as  can  be  made ;  or  of  making 
sail  in  good  weather,  and  of  reducing  it  in  bad.  The 
Adams  must  have  commenced  her  blockade  of  the  Tri- 
politan  about  the  21st  July,  1802,  the  day  Com.  Morris 
sailed,  and  remained  actively  engaged  on  this  duty 
until  relieved  by  the  squadron,  which  did  not  reach  the 
rock  until  the  23d  March,  1803;  this  makes  a  period 
of  eight  months  and  two  days.  Apart  from  the  instruc 
tion  which  an  ambitious  youth  like  Perry  must  have 
been  conscious  of  obtaining  under  such  circumstances, 
this  blockade  contained  an  event  which  is  always  an 
epoch  in  the  life  of  a  young  officer.  Perry  was  a  fa 
vorite  with  his  captain,  and  being  studious,  attentive  to 
his  duties,  sedate  and  considerate  beyond  his  years, 
and  of  a  person  and  manner  to  set  off  all  these  qualities 
to  advantage,  that  officer  gave  him  an  acting  appoint 
ment  as  a  lieutenant.  To  enhance  the  gift,  Capt. 
Campbell  made  out  his  orders  on  the  young  man's 
birth-day.  This  was  transferring  young  Perry  from 
the  steerage  to  the  ward-room  the  day  he  was  seven 
teen,  one  of  the  very  few  instances  of  promotion  so 


154  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

young,  that  have  occurred  in  the  American  navy.*  As 
this  promotion  took  place  on  the  21st  August,  1803,  and 
Perry's  warrant  was  dated  April  7th,  1799,  it  follows 
that,  in  addition  to  his  youth,  he  got  this  important  step 
when  he  had  been  in  the  service  less  than  four  years 
and  five  months. 

As  soon  as  the  squadron  came  down  to  Gibraltar,  the 
Adams  was  sent  aloft  again  with  a  convoy.  As  the 
ship  touched  at  many  different  ports  on  the  North 
shore,  our  young  lieutenant  had  various  occasions  to 
visit  places  at  which  she  stopped,  and  to  store  his  mind 
with  the  pleasing  and  useful  information  with  which 
that  region  more  abounds,  probably,  than  any  other 
portion  of  the  globe.  There  is  little  doubt  that  one  of 
the  reasons  why  the  American  marine  early  obtained 
a  thirst  for  a  knowledge  that  is  not  uniformly  connected 
with  the  pursuits  of  a  seaman,  and  a  taste  which,  per 
haps  was  above  the  level  of  that  of  the  gentlemen  of 
the  country,  was  owing  to  the  circumstance  that  the 
wars  with  Barbary  called  its  officers  so  much,  at  the 
most  critical  period  of  its  existence,  into  that  quarter  of 
Europe.  Travellers  to  the  old  world  were  then  ex 
tremely  rare,  and  the  American  who,  forty  years  ago, 
could  converse,  as  an  eye-witness,  of  the  marvels  of  the 

*  The  writer  knows  of  but  two  other  instances  of  promotions  at 
so  very  young  an  age.  One  was  that  of  the  present  Capt.  Cooper  ; 
and  the  other  that  of  the  late  Lt.  Augustus  Ludlow,  who  fell  in 
the  Chesapeake.  In  both  these  instances,  he  thinks  the  gentle 
men  were  a  little  turned  ot  seventeen.  Mr.  Cooper,  however,  got 
a  commission,  which  was  not  the  case  with  either  Perry  or  Lud 
low.  Lawrence  must  have  been  made  acting  when  little  more 
than  eighteen,  and  Stewart's  original  appointment  was  made  when 
he  was  only  nineteen. 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  155 

Mediterranean;  who  had  seen  the  remains  of  Car 
thage,  or  the  glories  of  Constantinople ;  who  had 
visited  the  Coliseum,  or  was  familiar  with  the  affluence 
of  Naples,  was  more  than  half  the  time,  in  some  way  or 
other,  connected  with  the  Navy. 

In  May,  the  Adams,  in  company  with  the  rest  of  the 
squadron,  appeared  before  Tripoli,  but  no  service  of 
importance  occurred  in  which  there  is  any  evidence 
that  Perry  participated.  Soon  after,  Com.  Morris  left 
the  coast,  and  his  ships  separated.  The  Adams  cruised 
along  the  south  shore,  rejoining  the  squadron  at  Gibral 
tar.  This  gave  Perry  an  opportunity  of  seeing  some 
of  the  towns  of  Barbary.  At  Gibraltar,  the  commodore 
took  the  Adams,  in  person,  she  being  the  ship  which 
he  had  first  commanded  in  the  service,  and  came  home 
in  her,  Capt.  Campbell  going  to  the  John  Adams,  but 
taking  no  officers  with  him. 

Perry  reached  America  in  the  Adams,  in  November, 
1803.  His  cruise  had  lasted  eighteen  months  ;  much 
of  the  time  the  vessel  being  actually  under  her  canvas. 
This  was,  in  every  respect,  a  most  important  piece  of 
service  to  the  young  man,  and  probably  laid  the  prin 
cipal  foundation  of  his  professional  character,  besides 
contributing  largely  to  his  information  and  manners  as 
a  man.  On  his  return,  he  is  said  to  have  devoted  him 
self  earnestly  to  the  studies  peculiar  to  his  calling,  and 
to  have  made  laudable  efforts  to  do  credit  to  himself  in 
his  new  rank.  The  young  officers,  however,  who  made 
the  Mediterranean  cruise  in  1802  and  1803,  were  unfor 
tunate  as  to  the  time  of  their  service.  The  following- 
season,  or  that  of  the  summer  of  1804,  was  the  eventful 
period  of  the  Tripolitan  war,  and  this  was  the  moment 


156  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

when  accident  left  Perry  ashore,  devoting  himself  to 
useful  pursuits,  it  is  true,  but  removing  him  from  those 
scenes  of  active  warfare  in  which  he  was  so  well  quali 
fied  to  become  distinguished.  From  the  close  of  No 
vember,  1803,  until  the  summer  of  1804,  Perry  was  on 
furlough,  and  at  home.  One  cannot  know  this,  without 
regretting  that  a  young  officer  of  his  peculiar  fitness  for 
the  service  whiqh  then  occurred  before  Tripoli,  should 
not  have  had  it  in  his  power  to  have  been  with  Preble. 

In  May,  or  June,  of  the  latter  year,  however,  Lieut. 
Perry  received  orders  to  join  the  Constellation,  at  Wash 
ington,  then  fitting  for  the  Mediterranean,  again,  under 
his  old  commander  and  friend,  Capt.  Campbell.  The 
ship  sailed  in  July,  and  on  the  10th  of  September,  or 
six  days  after  the  explosion  of  the  Intrepid,  and  just  as 
the  last  shot  had  virtually,  if  not  actually,  been  fired  at 
the  town,  she  appeared  off*  Tripoli,  the  President  44, 
Com.  S.  Barron,  in  company.  The  Constellation  was 
subsequently  employed  near  Derne,  in  sustaining  the 
operations  of  Gen.  Eaton,  but  her  size  rendered  her  of 
no  great  use  on  that  coast. 

Among  the  vessels  off  Derne,  was  the  Nautilus  14, 
the  schooner  of  the  lamented  Somers,  and  being  in  want 
of  a  first  lieutenant,  Capt.  Campbell  ordered  Perry  to 
join  her  in  that  capacity.  Perry  was  now  in  his  twen 
ty-first  year,  and  had  been  about  six  years  in  the  navy. 
He  had  made  himself  a  very  good  seaman,  and  was 
accounted  a  particularly  efficient  deck-officer.  His 
acquirements  were  suited  to  his  profession,  his  manners 
good  and  considerate,  his  appearance  unusually  pleas 
ing,  his  steadiness  of  character  such  as  to  awaken  confi 
dence,  and  his  mind,  if  riot  of  an  unusually  high  order, 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  3  57 

was  sufficient  to  command  respect.  The  new  situ-  don 
in  which  he  was  placed,  was  one  to  put  his  professional 
qualities  to  the  test,  and  he  acquitted  himself,  notwith 
standing  his  youth,  with  great  credit. 

Perry  remained  in  the  Nautilus  till  the  autumn  of 
1805,  when  Com.  Rodgers  gave  him  an  order  to  join 
the  Constitution,  as  one  of  his  own  lieutenants.  As 
this  officer  was  very  rigid  in  his  exactions  of  duty,  and 
particularly  fastidious  in  the  choice  of  subordinates,  it 
was  a  compliment,  though  no  sinecure,  to  be  thus  select 
ed,  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  it  was  an  advan 
tage  to  one'  disposed  to  do  his  whole  duty  to  serve  under 
his  immediate  eye.  In  this  ship  Perry  remained  until 
the  autumn  of  the  succeeding  year,  when  he  went  to 
the  Essex,  as  second  lieutenant,  following  the  commo 
dore,  who  was  about  to  return  home,  where  they  arrive*! 
in  October. 

Perry  had  now  acquired  his  profession,  and  obtained 
respectable  rank.  At  this  period  of  his  life,  he  was 
known  as  one  of  the  more  promising  young  officers  of 
the  navy,  and  had  his  full '  proportion  of  friends  in  all 
the  grades  of  the  service.  He  was  employed  in  super 
intending  the  building  and  equipment  of  gun-boats, 
soon  after  his  arrival  at  home,  and  this  was  the  period 
of  his  life  when  he  is  said  to  have  formed  the  attach 
ment  which,  a  few  years  later,  produced  a  union  with 
the  lady  he  married.  After  seeing  the  gun-boats 
equipped,  he  was  attached  to  them,  for  some  years, 
with  the  command  of  a  division.  This  disagreeable 
service,  however,  finally  ended.  After  superintending 
the  construction  of  a  second  batch,  for  these  useless 
craft  were  literally  put  into  the  water  in  flotillas,  in 

VOL.   II.  14 


158  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

1808,  he  was  appointed  in  April,  1809,  to  his  first  proper 
command.  The  vessel  he  got  was  a  schooner,  called  The 
Revenge,  which  had  been  bought  into  the  service,  and 
which  proved  to  be  a  very  respectable  cruiser  of  her 
class ;  her  armament  consisting  of  fourteen  short  and 
light  guns.  His  predecessor  in  this  schooner  was  Jacob 
Jones,  who  had  been  one  of  the  oldest  lieutenants,  if  not 
the  very  oldest  lieutenant  in  the  navy,  at  the  time  he 
commanded  her.  As  Perry  had  several  seniors  on  the 
list,  his  selection  for  this  command  is  another  proof  of 
the  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  superiors. 

The  Revenge  had  been  introduced  into  the  navy 
more  as  a  despatch-boat  than  as  a  regular  cruiser,  but 
she  was  subsequently  put  into  the  coast  squadron,  and 
was  in  that  situation  when  Perry  took  her.  After  pass 
ing  the  summer  of  1809,  and  the  winter  of  1809-10,  in 
this  duty,  cruising  most  of  the  time  on  the  Northern  and 
Eastern  coast,  Perry  was  ordered  to  take  his  vessel  to 
Washington  for  repairs,  in  April  of  the  latter  year. 
From  this  place  the  Revenge  sailed  on  the  20th  of  May, 
for  the  Southern  coast,  where  she  was  to  be  stationed. 
While  thus  employed,  two  occasions  occurred  to  enable 
Perry  to  prove  the  spirit  by  which  he  was  animated, 
and,  on  both  of  which,  he  acquitted  himself  with  credit. 
The  first  was  the  seizure  of  an  American  vessel  that 

• 

had  been  run  away  with  by  her  master,  an  Englishman 
by  birth,  who  had  put  her  under  English  colors,  as 
English  built.  The  vessel  was  lying  in  the  Spanish 
waters,  off  Amelia  Island,  and  two  small  English  cruisers 
were  at  anchor  near  her.  The  Spanish  authorities 
consented  to  the  seizure,  which  was  made  by  the  Re 
venge,  sustained  by  three  gun-boats,  and  the  vessel 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  159 

brought  off  in  the  presence  of  the  two  English  cruisers. 
It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  the.  English  officers 
were,  or  were  not  apprised  of  the  true  circumstances 
of  the  case,  or  how  far  they  were  willing  to  see  justice 
done ;  but  the  spirit  of  Perry  is  not  affected  by  these 
facts,  as  he  proceeded  in  total  ignorance  of  whai  might 
be  their  determination.  While  carrying  his  prize  off 
to  sea,  an  English  sloop  of  war  was  met,  the  captain  of 
which  sent  a  boat  with  a  request  that  the  commander  of 
the  Revenge  would  come  on  board  and  explain  his  cha 
racter.  The  occurrence  between  the  Leopard  and  the 
Chesapeake  was  then  fresh,  and  the  utmost  feeling  ex* 
isted  in  the  service  on  the  subject  of  British  aggressions. 
Perry  refused  to  quit  his  vessel,  and  prepared  for  hosti 
lities.  His  plan  was  to  throw  all  hands  on  board  his 
expected  foe,  and  to  trust  the  chances  to  a  hand-to-hand 
struggle.  The  Revenge  was  well  manned,  and  so  judi 
cious  and  cool  were  his  arrangements,  that  the  proba 
bility  of  success  was  far  from  hopeless.  The  desperate 
resort  to  force,  however,  was  avoided  by  the  discretion 
of  the  English  officer,  who  did  not  press  his  demand. 

In  August,  1810,  the  Revenge  returned  north,  and 
was  stationed  on  the  coast  in  the  vicinity  of  Newport. 
On  the  8th  of  January,  1811,  this  schooner  was  unfor 
tunately  wrecked  on  Watch  Hill  Reef,  though  many 
of  her  effects  were  saved  through  the  activity  of  her 
commander  and  his  people,  aided  by  boats  from  the 
squadron  then  lying  in  the  Thames.  This  accident 
was  to  be  attributed  to  the  influence  of  the  tides  in  thick 
weather,  but  the  blame,  if  blame  there  was,  fell  solely 
on  the  coast  pilot,  who  was  in  charge  at  the  time.  It 
was  one  of  those  occurrences,  however,  to  which  all 


160  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

seamen  are  liable,  and  which  it  surpasses  human  means 
to  foresee  or  prevent,  while  the  duty  on  which  the  ves 
sel  was  employed  was  performed.  Perry's  conduct, 
on  this  occasion,  was  highly  spoken  of  at  the  time,  and 
he  at  least  gained  in  the  estimation  of  the  service  by 
an  event  which,  perhaps,  tries  a  commander's  true 
qualities  and  reputation  as  much  as  any  other  which 
can  occur  to  him.  A  court,  consisting  of  Com.  Hull, 
Lieut,  now  Com.  Morris,  and  Lieut,  the  late  Capt. 
Ludlow,  fully  acquitted  Perry  of  all  blame,  while  it  ex 
tolled  his  coolness  and  judgment.  By  this  accident 
Perry  lost  a  command,  which  he  had  held  about  twenty- 
one  months. 

On  the  5th  May,  1811,  Perry  was  married  to  Eliza 
beth  Champlin  Mason,  of  Rhode  Island,  the  lady  to 
whom  he  had  now  been  attached  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  year  1807,  and  to  whom  he  had  been 
affianced  for  most  of  the  intervening  time.  At  the 
time  of  his  marriage,  Perry  was  in  his  twenty-sixth 
year,  and  his  bride  was  about  twenty.  Not  long  after, 
he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  master  and  commander. 
Perry  obtained  this  step  when  he  had  not  been  quite 
fourteen  years  in  service,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty-six. 
This  was  a  fair  rate  of  preferment,  and  one  that  would 
be  observed  even  at  the  present  time,  with  a  proper 
division  of  the  grades,  and  a  judicious  restriction  on  the 
appointment  of  midshipmen,  a  class  of  officers  that 
ought  never  to  be  so  numerous  as  to  allow  of  idleness 
on  shore,  and  which,  in  time  of  peace,  should  be  so 
limited  as  to  give  them  full  employment  when  at  sea. 

The  declaration  of  war,  in  1812,  found  Perry  in 
command  of  a  division  of  gun-boats  on  the  Newport 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  161 

station.  This  being  a  duty  in  which  the  chance 
of  seeing  any  important  service  was  very  trifling,  his 
first  and  natural  desire  was  to  get  to  sea  in  a  sloop  of 
war.  Most  of  the  vessels  of  this  class,  which  the  navy 
then  possessed,  however,  were  commanded  by  his 
seniors  in  rank,  and  those  that  were  not,  accident  had 
put  in  the  hands  of  officers  whom  it  would  have  been 
ungracious  to  supersede.  Anxious  to  be  in  a  more  ac 
tive  scene,  in  the  course  of  the  winter  of  1812-13,  he 
made  an  offer  to  serve  on  the  Lakes.  This  offer  was 
accepted,  and  in  February,  1813,  he  was  ordered  to 
report  to  Com.  Chauncey,  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  to 
take  with  him  such  of  the  officers  and  men  of  his  flo 
tilla  as  were  suited  to  the  contemplated  service. 

Perry  met  his  commanding  officer  at  Albany,  on  the 
^th  February,  and  together  they  set  out  for  the  Har 
bor,  which  place  they  reached  on  the  3d  of  March. 
Here  Perry  remained  until  the  16th,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  Lake  Erie,  with  instructions  to  superintend 
the  equipment  of  a  force  on  those  waters.  On  the  27th, 
he  arrived  at  the  port  of  Presque  Isle,  or  Erie,  and  im 
mediately  urged  on  the  work,  which  had  been  already 
commenced.  There  is  a  portion  of  military  duty  that 
figures  but  little  in  histories  and  gazettes,  but  which  is 
frequently  the  most  arduous  of  any  on  which  an  officer 
can  be  employed.  To  this  class  of  service  belong  the 
preparations  that  are  limited  by  insufficient  means,  the 
procuring  of  supplies,  and  contending  with  the  diffi 
culties  of  hurried  levies,  undisciplined  men,  and  imper 
fect  equipments.  These  were  the  great  embarrassments 
with  which  Washington  had  to  contend  in  the  war  of 
the  Revolution,  and  his  conquests  over  them  entitle  him 

14* 


162  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

to  more  credit  than  he  might  have  obtained  for  a  dozen 
victories. 

As  respects  the  state  of  the  Northern  frontier  during 
the  last  war,  the  reader  of  history  is  not  apt  fully  to 
appreciate  all  the  obstacles  that  were  to  be  overcome  in 
conducting  the  most  important  operations.  In  1813, 
with  very  immaterial  exceptions,  the  whole  lake  fron 
tier,  on  the  American  side  of  those  inland  waters,  was 
little  different  from  a  wilderness.  The  few  roads 
which  communicated  with  the  older  parts  of  the 
country,  were  scarcely  more  than  avenues  cut  through 
the  forests,  and  not  always  these  ;  while  the  streams 
that  it  was  indispensable  to  navigate  were  often  ob 
structed  by  rapids  and  even  falls,  frequently  filled  with 
drift  wood,  and  rarely  aided  by  locks,  or  other  similar 
inventions.  Supplies  usually  had  to  be  brought  from 
the  Atlantic  towns,  and  most  of  the  artisans  were  trans 
ported  from  the  sea  coast,  into  those  distant  wilds. 
Against  the  difficulties  of  this  nature  Perry  had  now 
to  contend,  and  he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost.  At 
different  periods  he  received  reinforcements  of  officers 
and  men,  and  in  the  course  of  the  spring  all  of  his  ves 
sels  were  got  into  the  water.  Still  a  great  deal  re 
mained  to  be  done ;  stores,  guns,  munitions  of  war, 
and,  to  a  certain  extent,  crews  having  yet  to  be  assem 
bled. 

While  thus  employed,  Perry  received  the  welcome 
intelligence  that  the  squadron  and  army  below  were 
about  to  make  a  descent  on  Fort  George.  This  enter 
prise  had  been  contemplated  for  some  time,  and  Com 
modore  Chauncey  had  promised  to  give  our  young 
commander  the  charge  of  the  seamen  that  were  to  land. 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  163 

No  sooner  did  he  get  the  information  that  the  expedi 
tion  was  about  to  take  place,  than  he  left  Erie,  in  a  four- 
oared  boat,  on  a  dark  but  placid  night,  and  after  a  plea 
sant  passage  of  twenty-four  hours  he  reached  Buffalo. 
In  this  passage  he  was  accompanied  by  a  sailing  master 
of  the  name  of  Dobbins,  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  lake,  and  who,  in  fact,  had  been  his  predecessor  in 
the  command  on  Erie,  having  laid  down  and  nearly 
built  several  of  the  vessels  that  subsequently  formed  the 
fighting  squadron,  besides  having  got  out  most  of  the 
timber  of  the  two  principal  craft,  previously  to  Perry's 
having  reached  the  lake.  The  British  batteries  were 
then  passed  in  the  same  boat,  as  it  descended  the  Nia 
gara  river.  In  descending  the  river,  Perry  encountered 
no  danger,  falling  in  with  no  enemy  to  obstruct  his 
passage.  On  reaching  Schlosser  he  landed.  From 
Schlosser,  Perry  and  Dobbins  proceeded  on  foot  to  the 
falls,  leaving  the  men  with  the  boat.  At  the  falls  a 
horse  was  hired  for  him,  and  Perry  left  his  companion 
on  his  way  to  Fort  Niagara.  By  the  evening  of  the 
twenty-fifth  he  got  on  board  the  Madison  24,  in  which 
ship  Com.  Chauncey's  pennant  was  then  flying.* 

Chauncey  gave  his  visitor  a  warm  reception.  There 
was  a  scarcity  of  officers  of  rank  on  the  lakes,  and 
Perry  had  obtained  a  reputation  for  zeal  and  conduct 
that  would  be  apt  to  render  his  presence  acceptable  on 
the  eve  of  an  important  enterprise.  When  he  got  on 
board  the  ship,  he  found  the  officers  of  the  squadron 

*  The  reader  will  find  many  of  the  minor  incidents"  related  here, 
differing  from  those  originally  given  in  Graham.  The  corrections 
are  made  on  the  testimony  of  an  eye-witness  and  an  actor  in  the 
events. 


164  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

assembled  to  receive  their  orders,  and  a  general  wel 
come  met  him.  The  next  morning  the  commodore 
went  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  batteries,  taking  Perry 
with  him,  in  the  Lady  of  the  Lake.  Arrangements 
were  then  made  for  the  descent. 

It  would  not  be  easy  to  write  a  better  description  of 
the  appearance  of  the  fleet,  as  it  advanced  to  the  attack 
on  this  occasion,  than  has  been  simply  but  graphically 
given  by  Perry  himself,  in  one  of  his  published  letters. 
"The  ship  was  under  way,"  he  says,  "with  a  light 
breeze  from  the  eastward,  quite  fair  for  us ;  a  thick 
mist  hanging  over  Newark  and  Fort  George,  the  sun 
breaking  forth  in  the  East,  the  vessels  all  under  way, 
the  lake  covered  with  several  hundred  large  boats, 
filled  with  soldiers,  horses  and  artillery,  advancing 
toward  the  enemy,  altogether  formed  one  of  the  grandest 
spectacles  I  ever  witnessed."  It  had  be"en  decided 
that  a  body  of  seamen  were  to  be  landed,  under  the 
immediate  orders  of  Perry,  but  some  irregularity  exist 
ing  in  the  movements  of  the  brigades,  his  duties  took  a 
more  extended  range.  As  the  boats  pulled  toward  the 
shore,  Perry  saw  that  the  soldiers,  who  rowed  their 
own  boats,  were  getting  too  far  to  leeward,  for  the  wind 
had  freshened ;  and,  pointing  out  the  circumstance  to 
the  commodore,  he  was  desired  to  put  them  on  the  right 
course.  Pulling  toward  the  advance,  Perry  fortified 
his  authority  by  requesting  Col.  Scott,  who  led  the 
troops  in  front,  to  join  him,  and  together  they  proceeded 
on  the  duty,  which  was  successfully  and  very  oppor 
tunely  performed.  Col.  Scott  now  rejoined  his  com 
mand,  and  Perry  pulled  on  board  the  schooner  that  was 
nearest  in,  covering  the  debarkation.  Here  the  lookout 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  165 

aloft  informed  him  that  the  British  were  advancing 
toward  the  lake,  in  force.  Aware  that  the  Americans 
did  not  expect  such  a  meeting  on  the  shore,  Perry  now 
pulled  down  the  whole  line  to  reach  Col.  Scott,  and 
apprise  him  of  the  resistance  he  was  to  meet.  Before 
he  could  reach  that  point,  however,  the  British  appeared 
on  the  bank  and  gave  a  volley.  This  unexpected  at 
tack  checked  the  advance  but  a  moment ;  the  boats 
being  within  fifty  yards  of  the  beach  at  the  time,  were 
soon  on  it,  and  the  troops  landed.  Perry  now  went 
on  board  the  Hamilton,  a  schooner  of  9  guns,  which 
vessel  maintained  a  heavy  fire  of  grape  and  canister 
on  the  enemy.  Other  vessels  aided,  and  the  troops 
forming,  rushed  up  and  carried  the  bank.  At  this 
moment,  Maj.  Gen.  Lewis,  who  was  to  command 
in  chief  on  shore,  reached  the  schooner,  reconnoitered 
the  ground,  and  then  landed,  Perry  following  him. 
Throughout  all  this  affair,  the  latter  manifested  great 
temper,  the  utmost  coolness,  and  a  zeal  which  was  cer 
tain  to  carry  him  into  the  scenes  of  danger.  Commo 
dore  Chauncey  mentioned  his  services  honorably  in  his 
despatches. 

The  Americans  now  had  command  of  the  Niagara, 
and  Chauncey  profited  by  it  to  get  several  small  vessels, 
that  had  been  bought  for  the  service,  but  which  still 
lay  at  Black  Rock,  past  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and 
up  the  current  into  Lake  Erie.  Perry  superintended 
this  service  in  person,  which  was  immensely  laborious, 
but  was  successfully  performed,  in  little  more  than 
a  day.  This  was  clearing  the  way  for  assembling  all 
the  force  on  Lake  Erie,  at  a  single  point,  and  he  sailed 
from  Buffalo  for  Erie  about  the  middle  of  June.  At  this 


166  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

time  the  command  of  the  lake  was  with  the  enemy,  and  it 
was  a  great  point  to  collect  all  the  American  vessels,  in 
order  to  make  head  against  him.  This  was  now  done, 
the  enemy  actually  heaving  in  sight  off  their  port  as 
the  last  of  the  Americans  arrived. 

The  English  had  long  maintained  a  naval  force  on 
the  great  lakes,  which  was  termed  the  provincial 
marine.  The  vessels  were  employed  for  the  general 
purposes  of  a  maritime  police,  for  transporting  troops, 
and  for  conveying  supplies.  By  their  means  the  com 
munications  were  kept  up  with  the  different  military 
posts  of  the  interior,  and  the  command  of  those  inland 
waters  was,  at  need,  effectually  secured.  The  Ameri 
cans  had  not  imitated  this  policy.  On  the  upper  lakes, 
however,  they  kept  a  brig,  which  was  found  almost 
indispensable  to  convey  the  stores  needed  at  the  more 
distant  stations,  and  particularly  in  the  intercourse  with 
the  Indians  in  their  vicinity.  This  brig  belonged  to  the 
war  department,  however,  and  not  to  the  navy.  For 
some  years  previously  to  the  war  she  had  been  com 
manded  by  a  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Brevoort,  who 
was  then  an  officer  in  the  1st  Infantry.  This  brig  was 
called  the  Adams,  and  she  mounted  a  few  guns.  She 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  at  the  capture 
of  Michigan,  had  her  name  changed  to  that  of  Detroit, 
had  been  cut  out  from  under  Fort  Erie  the  previous 
autumn  by  the  Americans,  and  destroyed.  This  pro 
duced  the  necessity  of  creating  an  entirely  new  force, 
leaving  the  command  of  the  lake  with  the  enemy  until 
that  object  could  be  effected. 

In  the  face  of  a  thousand  obstacles,  Perry  succeeded 
in  getting  his  vessels  ready  to  go  out  by  the  early  part 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  167 

of  August,  though  he  was  still  greatly  in  want  of 
officers  and  of  men,  particularly  of  seamen.  Capt. 
Barclay,  who  commanded  the  enemy,  lay  off  the  port 
watching  him,  however,  and  there  existed  a  serious 
obstacle  in  a  har,  which  extended  some  distance  into 
the  lake.  To  cross  this  har  in  the  presence  of  the 
English  would  have  been  extremely  hazardous,  when, 
fortunately,  the  latter  unexpectedly  disappeared,  in  the 
Northern  hoard.  It  is  said  that  Capt.  Barclay  had  ac 
cepted  an  invitation  to  dine  on  the  Canada  shore,  and 
that  he  passed  over  with  this  intention,  probably 
deceived  by  his  spies  as  to  the  state  of  preparation  of 
the  Americans.  A  reinforcement  of  men  was  certainly 
expected  from  below,  and,  if  acquainted  with  this  fact, 
the  English  officer  may  very  well  have  supposed  that 
his  opponent  would  wait  for  it.* 

It  was  of  a  Sunday  afternoon  when  Perry  commenced 
his  movements ;  a  day  and  an  hour  when  the  measure 
was  probably  least  expected.  To  cross  the  bar,  it  was 
necessary  to  lift  the  larger  vessels  on  camels,  and  the 
work  required  not  only  great  labor,  but  much  time.  It 
was  attended  with  delays  and  embarrassments,  nor 
was  it  entirely  effected  before  the  British  re-appeared. 
Some  distant  firing  between  them  and  a  few  of  the 
American  small  vessels  succeeded,  but  with  little  or  no 
damage  on  either  side. 

*  The  dinner  is  said  to  have  been  given  to  Barclay,  on  the  1st 
or  2d  August,  1813,  by  the  inhabitants  of  a  small  place  called 
Dover.  In  replying  to  a  toast,  Barclay  stated  it  was  his  intention 
to  return  to  Erie  next  day,  where  he  should  find  the  Yankee  brigs 
hard  and  fast  on  the  bar,  when  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  de 
stroy  them.  Substantially,  Perry  gained  the  victory  of  the  10th 
September,  at  the  bar  of  Erie. 


168  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Once  in  the  lake,  incomplete  as  were  his  crews  and 
his  equipments,  Perry  was  decidedly  superior  to  the 
enemy,  who  had  not  yet  brought  their  principal  vessel, 
the  Detroit,  into  their  squadron.  Under  the  circum 
stances,  therefore,  he  wisely  determined  to  bring  on  an 
action  if  possible  without  any  unnecessary  delay.  Get 
ting  under  way  with  his  vessels,  he  went  off  Long  Point 
in  search  of  the  enemy,  but  failing  to  find  them,  as  they 
had  gone  into  Maiden  to  join  their  new  ship,  he  re 
turned  to  the  anchorage  off  Erie.  Here  he  received 
the  welcome  intelligence  that  a  party  of  seamen  was 
on  its  way  to  join  him,  from  the  lower  squadron.  This 
reinforcement  arrived  a  day  or  two  later.  It  was  under 
the  orders  of  Capt.  Elliott,  who  had  just  been  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  master  and  commander. 

As  soon  as  possible  after  the  arrival  of  the  party 
from  below,  the  squadron  sailed  again  in  quest  of  the 
enemy.  After  communicating  with  the  army  above, 
and  ineffectually  chasing  a  British  cruiser,  it  went  into 
Put  In  Bay,  a  haven  among  some  islands  that  lie  in  the 
vicinity  of  Maiden,  and  was  favorably  placed  for  watch 
ing  the  enemy.  The  malady  common  to  these  waters 
in  the  Fall  of  the  year,  had  attacked  the  crew,  and 
Perry  himself  was  soon  include^  among  those  on  the 
doctor's  list.  His  case  was  a  very  severe  one,  and  to 
render  the  matter  more  grave,  all  three  of  the  medical 
officers  of  the  squadron  were  taken  ill  also.  This  was 
a  critical  situation  to  be  in,  in  the  face  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  more  especially,  as  the  vessels  were  still  short 
of  their  complements.  The  latter  difficulty,  however, 
was  in  part  remedied,  by  receiving  a  hundred  volun 
teers  from  the  army.  While  lying  in  this  port,  the 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  169 

men  were  exercised  in  boats,  it  being  Perry's  intention 
to  make  an  attack  on  the  enemy  in  that  manner,  should 
the  latter  fail  to  come  out. ' 

Early  in  September,  Perry  had  so  far  recovered  as 
to  quit  his  cabin.  He  now  went  off  Maiden  to  recon 
noitre,  and  to  invite  the  British  to  meet  him.  After 
maneuvering  about  the  head  of  the  lake  for  a  few 
days,  the  Americans  returned  to  Put  In  Bay,  on  the 
6th  of  September.  It  would  seem  Perry  received  an 
intimation  at  Sandusky,  that  it  was  the  enemy's  inten 
tion  to  come  out  and  engage  him,  as  he  was  short  of 
provisions,  and  felt  the  immediate  necessity  of  opening 
a  communication  with  his  supplies.  Subsequent  in 
telligence  has  confirmed  this  report,  and  it  is  now 
known  that  the  battle  which  was  fought  a  few  days 
later  was  actually  owing  to  this  circumstance. 

As  Perry  now  fully  expected  that  the  English  would 
at  least  attempt  to  force  a  passage  toward  Long  Point, 
he  made  his  final  preparations  for  a  general  battle.  At 
a  meeting  of  some  of  his  officers,  on  the  evening  of  the 
9th  September,  it  was  determined,  at  all  events,  to  go 
out  next  day,  and  attack  the  enemy  at  anchor,  should 
it  be  necessary.  In  order,  however,  that  the  reader 
may  have  a  clear  idea  of  the  forces  of  the  respective 
parties  in  the  approaching  action,  as  well  as  of  their 
distinctive  characters,  it  is  now  necessary  to  give  lists 
of  the  two  squadrons,  from  the  best  authorities  it  has 
been  in  our  power  to  consult.  The  vessels  under  the 
command  of  Capt.  Perry,  and  which  were  present  on 
the  morning  of  the  10th  of  September,  1813,  were  as 
follows  ;  the  Ohio,  Mr.  Dobbins,  having  been  sent  down 
the  lake  on  duty,  a  few  days  before,  viz. 

VOL.  II.  15 


170  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Guns.  Metal. 

Lawrence,  Capt.  Perry,      20  2  long  12s,  IS  32lb.  carronades. 

Niagara,  Capt.  Elliott,         20  2  long  12s,  18  32lb.  carronades. 

Caledonia,  Lieut.  Turner,     3  2  long  24s,  1  32lb.  carronade. 

Ariel,  Lieut.  Packett,  4  4  12s. 

Somers,  Mr.  Almy,  2  1  long  24,  1  32lb.  carronade. 

Porcupine,  Mr.  Scnatt,         1  1  long  32. 

Scorpion,  Mr.  Champlin,      2  1  long  24,  1  32lb.  carronade. 

Tigress,  Lieut.  Conklin,       1  1  long  32. 

Trippe,  Lieut.  Holdup,         1  1  long  32. 

Total  number  of  guns,       54* 

It  is  proper  to  add,  that  all  the  guns  of  all  the  American 
vessels,  with  the  exception  of  those  of  the  Lawrence 
and  the  Niagara,  were  on  pivots,  and  could  be  used 
together.  The  vessels  which  carried  them,  however, 
were  without  bulwarks,  and  their  crews  were  exposed 
to  even  musketry  in  a  close  action.  Of  these  vessels, 
the  Lawrence,  Niagara,  and  Caledonia  were  brigs ;  the 
Trippe  was  a  sloop  ;  and  the  remainder  were  schooners. 
The  force  of  the  British  has  been  variously  stated, 
as  to  the  metal,  though  all  the  accounts  agree  as  to  the 
vessels  and  the  number  of  the  guns.t  No  American 

*  Mr.  Dobbins,  who  had  a  large  agency  in  equipping  this  force, 
says,  the  32  of  the  Trippe  ought  to  be  given  to  another  vessel, 
and  a  24  substituted  in  its  place. 

t  It  is  extremely  difficult  to  get  the  exact  truth  in  details  of  this 
nature.  With  the  best  intentions  men  make  mistakes,  and  the 
historian  is  obliged  to  depend  on  such  authority  as  he  can  get. 
The  foregoing  has  been  laid  before  the  world  by  the  English,  as 
Capt.  Barclay's  official  account  of  his  own  force.  .It  may  have 
some  inaccuracies,  but  it  is  doubtless  true  in  the  mai$f,  A 
biography  of  Perry  has  lately  appeared,  written  by  Alexander 
Slidell  Mackenzie,  a  gentleman  who  is  connected  with  the  family 
of  the  late  Com.  Perry,  and  who  ought  to  have  enjoyed  great  ad 
vantages  in  collecting  many  of  his  personal  facts,  but  the  work  is 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  171 

statement  of  the  English  metal  has  ever  been  officially 
made,  but  one  was  appended  to  Capt.  Barclay's  report 
of  the  engagement,  which  should  be  taken  as  substan 
tially  correct,  though  a  few  of  its  less  important  details 
have  been  questioned  by  some  of  the  American  officers, 
but  not,  so  far  as  we  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  on 
grounds  sufficient  to  render  their  own  recollections 
certain.  The  English  vessels  were  as  follows,  their 
force  being,  as  stated  by  Capt.  Barclay — 

written  in  too  partisan  a  spirit  to  be  at  all  relied  on  in  matters  re 
lating  to  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie.  As  respects  the  force  of  the  two 
squadrons,  for  instance,  Capt.  Mackenzie  has  fallen  into  material 
mistakes  even  in  relation  to  the  American  vessels  ;  or  not  only  ia 
the  writer  greatly  misinformed,  but  the  incidental  evidence  which 
has  appeared  in  the  course  of  the  controversy  that  has  arisen  from 
this  battle,  is  incorrect.  Thus  Capt.  Mackenzie  puts  the  force  of 
the  Somers  at  "two  long  thirty-twos."  Mack.  Per.  p.  228, 
vol.  i.  Now  this  is  contrary  to  the  English  official  account,  con 
trary  to  every  other  American  account  the  writer  can  get,  and 
contrary  to  the  certificate  of  Mr.  Nichols,  who  commanded  the 
Somers,  after  Mr.  Almy  was  sent  below.  This  officer  in  ex 
plaining  the  silly  story  about  Capt.  Elliott's  dodging  a  shot,  says 
— "  the  quarter-gunner  at  the  32,  being  about  to  fire,"  &c.  This 
language  "would  not  have  been  used  had  there  been  two  thirty- 
twos.  Capt.  Elliott  has  more  than  once  distinctly  called  the  32  a 
carronade,  in  speaking  of  this  transaction  to  the  writer,  and,  as  the 
fact  cannot  affect  any  question  connected  with  himself,  his  testi 
mony  is  certainly  go'od  on  such  a  point.  Capt.  Mackenzie  gives 
the  Scorpion  two  long  guns,  whereas  the  writer  believes  she  had 
but  one  ;  the  Caledonia  three  long  guns,  when  she  had  but  two, 
&c.  &c.  It  is  a  fact  which  would  seem  to  have  been  generally 
known  to  the  American  squadron,  that  the  third  gun  of  the  Cale 
donia,  a  32lb.  carronade,  was  dismounted  by  its  recoil,  and  fell  into 
the  hatchway.  Capt.  Mackenzie's  account  of  the  British  metal, 
the  writer  entertains  no  doubt,  is  materially  inaccurate  also,  while 
he  will  not  insist  that  the  one  he  gives  himself,  from  Capt.  Bar 
clay,  is  rigidly  correct. 


172  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Detroit,  Capt.  Barclay,  19  guns ;  2  long  24a,  1  long  18  on 
pivot,  6  long  12s,  8  long  9s,  1  241b.  carronade,  1  18lb.  do. 

Queen  Charlotte,  Capt.  Finnis,  17  guns;  1  long  12  on  pivot, 
2  long  9s,  14  24Ib.  carronades. 

Lady  Prevost,  Lieut.  Buchan,  13  guns ;  1  long  9  on  pivot,  2 
long  6s,  10  12lb.  carronades. 

Hunter,  Lieut.  Bignall,  10  guns ;  4  long  6s,  2  long  4s,  2  long 
2s,  2  12lb.  carronades. 

Little  Belt,  3  guns ;  1  long  12  on  pivot,  2  long  6s. 

Chippewa,  Mr.  Campbell,  1  long  9  on  pivot. 

Total  number  of  guns,  63. 

On  the  morning  of  the  10th  September,  the  British 
squadron  was  seen  in  the  offing,  and  the  American 
vessels  got  under  way,  and  went  out  to  meet  it.  The 
wind,  at  first,  was  unfavorable,  but  so  determined  was 
Perry  to  engage,  that  he  decided  to  give  the  enemy  the 
weather-gage,  a  very  important  advantage  with  the 
armament  he  possessed,  should  it  become  necessary. 
A  shift  of  wind,  however,  brought  him  out  into  the 
lake  to  windward,  and  left  him  every  prospect  of  en 
gaging  in  a  manner  more  desirable  to  himself. 

The  enemy  had  hove-to,  on  the  larboard  tack,  in  a 
compact  line  ahead,  with  the  wind  at  south-east.  This 
brought  his  vessels'  heads  nearly,  or  quite,  as  high  as 
S.  S.  West.  He  had  placed  the  Chippewa  in  his  van, 
with  the  Detroit,  Barclay's  own  vessel,  next  to  her. 
Then  followed  the  Hunter,  Queen  Charlotte,  Lady 
Prevost,  and  Little  Belt,  in  the  manner  named.  Perry 
had  issued  his  order  of  battle  some  time  previously,  but 
finding  that  the  enemy  did  not  form  his  line  as  he  had 
anticipated,  he  determined  to  make  a  corresponding 
change  in  his  own  plan.  Originally,  it  had  been  in 
tended  that  the  Niagara  should  lead  the  American  line, 
in  the  expectation  that  the  Glueen  Charlotte  would  lead 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  173 

that  of  the  English ;  but  finding  the  Detroit  ahead  of 
the  latter  vessel,  it  became  necessary  to  place  the  Law 
rence  ahead  of  the  Niagara,  in  order  to  bring  the  two 
commanding  vessels  fairly  along  side  of  each  other. 
As  there  was  an  essential  difference  of  force  between 
the  two  English  ships,  the  Detroit  being  a  vessel  at 
least  a  fourth  larger  and  every  way  heavier  than  the 
Queen  Charlotte,  this  prompt  decision  to  stick  to  his 
own  chosen  adversary  is  strongly  indicative  of  the 
chivalry  of  Perry's  character,  for  many  an  officer  would 
not  have  thought  this  accidental  change  on  the  part  of 
his  enemy  a  sufficient  reason  for  changing  his  own 
order  of  battle  on  the  eve  of  engaging.  Calling  the 
leading  vessels  near  him,  however,  and  learning  from 
Capt.  Brevoort,  of  the  army,  and  late  of  the  brig 
Adams,  who  was  then  serving  on  board  the  Niagara 
as  a  marine  officer,  the  names  of  the  different  British 
vessels,  Capt.  Perry  communicated  his  orders  for  the 
Lawrence  and  Niagara  to  change  places  in  the  con 
templated  line,  a  departure  from  his  former  plan  which 
would  bring  him  more  fairly  abreast  of  the  Detroit. 

At  this  moment,  the  Lawrence,  Niagara,  Caledonia, 
Ariel  and  Scorpion  were  all  up,  and  near  each  other, 
but  the  Trippe,  Tigress,  Somers  and  Porcupine  were 
still  a  considerable  distance  astern.  All  of  the  last  named 
craft  but  the  Porcupine  had  been  merchant  vessels, 
purchased  into  the  service  and  strengthened ;  alter 
ations  that  were  necessary  to  enable  them  to  bear  their 
metal,  but  which  were  not  likely  to  improve  whatever 
sailing  qualities  they  might  possess. 

It  was  now  past  ten,  and  the  leading  vessels  ma 
neuvered  to  get  into  their  stations,  in  obedience  to  the 
15* 


174  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

orders  just  received.  This  brought  the  Scorpion  a 
short  distance  ahead,  and  to  windward  of  the  Law 
rence,  and  the  Ariel  a  little  more  on  that  brig's  wea 
ther  bow,  but  in  advance.  Then  came  the  Lawrence 
herself,  leading  the  main  line,  the  two  schooners  just 
mentioned  being  directed  to  keep  to  windward  of  her ; 
the  Caledonia,  the  Niagara,  the  Tigress,  the  Somers, 
the  Porcupine  and  the  Trippe.  The  prescribed  dis 
tance  that  was  to  be  maintained  between  the  different 
vessels  was  half  a  cable's  length. 

The  Americans  were  now  astern  and  to  windward 
of  their  enemies,  the  latter  still  lying  gallantly  with 
their  topsails  aback,  in  waiting  for  them  to  come  down. 
Perry  brought  the  wind  abeam,  in  the  Lawrence,  and 
edged  away  for  a  position  abreast  of  the  Detroit,  the 
Caledonia  and  Niagara  following  in  their  stations. 
The  two  schooners  ahead  were  also  well  placed, 
though  the  Ariel  appears  to  have  soon  got  more  on 
the  Lawrence's  beam  than  the  order  of  battle  had  di 
rected.  All  these  vessels,  however,  were  in  as  good 
order  as  circumstances  allowed,  and  Perry  determined 
to  close,  without  waiting  for  the  four  gun-vessels  astern 
to  come  up. 

The  wind  had  been  light  and  variable  throughout 
the  early  part  of  the  morning,  and  it  still  continued 
light,  though  sufficiently  steady.  It  is  stated  to  have 
been  about  a  two-knot  breeze  when  the  American  van 
bore  up  to  engage.  As  they  must  have  been  fully  two 
miles  from  the  enemy  at  this  time,  it,  of  course,  would 
have  required  an  hour  to  have  brought  them  up  fairly 
along  side  of  the  British  vessels,  most  of  the  way  under 
fire.  The  Lawrence  was  yet  a  long  distance  from  the 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  175 

English  when  the  Detroit  threw  a  twenty-four  pound 
shot  at  her.  When  this  gun  was  fired,  the  weight  of 
the  direct  testimony  that  has  appeared  in  the  case,  and 
the  attendant  circumstances,  would  show  that  the  inter 
val  between  the  heads  of  the  two  lines  was  nearer  two 
than  one  mile.  Perry  now  showed  his  signal  to  en 
gage,  as  the  vessels  came  up,  each  against  her  de 
signated  opponent,  in  the  prescribed  order  of  battle. 
The  object  of  this  signal  was  to  direct  the  different 
commanders  to  engage  as  soon  as  they  could  do  so 
with  effect ;  to  preserve  their  stations  in  the  line  ;  and 
to  direct  their  fire  at  such  particular  vessels  of  the 
British  as  had  been  pointed  out  to  them  severally 
in  previous  orders.  Soon  after  an  order  was  passed 
astern,  by  trumpet,  for  the  different  vessels  to  close  up 
to  the  prescribed  distance  of  half  a  cable's  length  from 
each  other.  This  was  the  last  order  that  Perry  issued 
that  day  from  the  Lawrence  to  any  vessel  of  the  fleet, 
his  own  brig  excepted.  It  was  intended  principally 
for  the  schooners  in  the  rear,  most  of  which  were  still 
a  considerable  distance  astern.  The  Caledonia  and 
Niagara  were  accurately  in  their  stations,  and  at  long 
gun-shot  from  the  enemy.  A  deliberate  fire  now 
opened  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  which  was  returned 
from  the  long  gun  of  the  Scorpion,  and  soon  after  from 
the  long  guns  of  the  other  leading  American  vessels, 
though  not  with  much  apparent  effect  on  either  side. 
The  first  gun  is  stated  to  have  been  fired  at  a  quarter 
before  twelve.  About  noon,  finding  that  the  Lawrence 
was  beginning  to  suffer,  Perry  ordered  her  carronades 
to  be  tried,  but  it  was  found  that  the  brig  was  still  too 
distant  for  the  shot  to  tell.  He  now  set  his  top-gallant- 


176  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

sail  and  edged  away  more  for  the  enemy,  suffering 
considerably  from  the  fire  of  the  long  guns  of  the  De 
troit  in  particular. 

The  Caledonia,  the  Lawrence's  second  astern,  was 
a  prize  brig,  that  had  been  built  for  burden,  rather  than 
for  sailing,  having  originally  been  in  the  employment 
of  the  Northwest  Company.  Although  her  gallant 
commander,  Lieut.  Turner,  pressed  down  with  her  as 
fast  as  he  could,  the  Lawrence  reached  ahead  of  her 
some  distance,  and  consequently  became  the  principal 
object  of  the  British  fire ;  which  she  was,  as  yet,  un 
able  to  return  with  more  than  her  two  long  twelves;  the 
larboard  bow  gun  having  been  shifted  over  for  that  pur 
pose.  The  Scorpion,  Ariel,  Caledonia  and  Niagara, 
however,  were  now  firing  with  their  long  guns,  also, 
carronades  being  still  next  to  useless.  The  latter  brig, 
though  under  short  canvas,  was  kept  in  her  station 
astern  of  the  Caledonia,  only  by  watching  her  sails, 
occasionally  bracing  her  main-topsail  sharp  aback,  in 
order  to  prevent  running  into  her  second  ahead.  As 
the  incidents  of  this  battle  have  led  to  a  painful  and  pro 
tracted  controversy,  which  no  biographical  notice  of 
Perry  can  altogether  overlook,  it  may  be  well  to  add, 
here,  that  the  facts  just  stated  are  proved  by  testimony 
that  has  never  been  questioned,  and  that  they  appear 
to  us  to  relate  to  the  only  circumstance  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  Niagara,  on  the  10th  of  September,  that  is 
at  all  worthy  of  the  consideration  of  an  intelligent  critic. 
At  the  proper  moment,  this  circumstance  shall  receive 
our  comments. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  each  of  the  American  ves 
sels  had  received  an  order  to  direct  her  fire  at  a  particular 


OLIVER     HAZARD    PERRY.  177 

adversary  in  the  British  line.  This  was  done  to  prevent 
confusion,  and  was  the  more  necessary,  as  the  Americans 
had  nine  vessels  to  the  enemy's  six.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  English,  waiting  the  attack,  had  to  take  such  oppo 
nents  as  offered.  In  consequence  of  these  orders,  the 
Niagara,  which  brig  had  also  shifted  over  a  long  twelve, 
directed  the  fire  of  her  two  chase-guns  at  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  and  the  Caledonia  engaged  the  Hunter,  the 
vessel  pointed  out  to  her  for  that  purpose  ;  leaving  the 
Lawrence,  supported  by  the  Ariel  and  Scorpion,  to  sus 
tain  the  cannonading  of  the  Detroit,  supported  by  the 
Chippewa,  as  well  as  to  bear  the  available  fire  of  all  the 
vessels  in  the  stern  of  the  English  line,  as,  in  leading 
down,  she  passed  ahead  to  her  station  abreast  of  her 
proper  adversary.  Making  a  comparison  of  the  aggre 
gate  batteries  of  the  five  vessels  thus  engaged  at  long 
shot,  or  before  carronades  were  fully  available,  we  get 
on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  one  24  and  six  12s,  or 
seven  guns  in  all,  to  oppose  to  one  24,  one  18,  three 
12s,  and  five  9  pounders,  all  long  guns.  This  is  esti 
mating  all  the  known  available  long  guns  of  the  Ariel, 
Scorpion  and  Lawrence,  and  the  batteries  of  the  Chip 
pewa  and  the  Detroit,  as  given  by  Capt.  Barclay,  in  his 
published  official  letter,  which,  as  respects  these  vessels, 
is  probably  minutely  accurate ;  though  it  is  proper  to 
add  that  an  American  officer,  who  subsequently  had 
good  opportunities  for  knowing  the  fact,  thinks  that  the 
Chippewa's  gun  was  a  12  pounder.  Although  the  dis 
parity  between  7  and  10  guns  is  material,  as  is  the  dif 
ference  between  96  and  123lbs.  of  metal,  they  do  not 
seem  sufficient  to  account  for  the  great  disparity  of  the 
injury  that  was  sustained  by  the  Lawrence,  more  espe- 


178  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

cially  in  the  commencement  of  the  action.  We  are 
left,  then,  to  look  for  the  explanation  in  some  additional 
causes. 

It  is  known  that  one  of  the  Ariel's  12s  burst  early  in 
the  day.  This  would  at  once  bring  the  comparison  of 
the  guns  and  metal,  as  between  the  five  leading  vessels, 
down  to  6  to  10  of  the  first,  and  84  to  123  of  the  last. 
But  we  have  seen  that  both  the  Lawrence  and  Niagara 
shifted  each  a  larboard  bow-gun  over  to  the  starboard 
side,  a  course  that  almost  any  commander  would  be 
likely  to  adopt  under  the  circumstances  of  the  action. 
It  is  not  probable  that  the  Detroit,  commencing  her  fire 
at  so  great  a  distance,  with  the  certainty  that  it  must  be 
some  time  before  her  enemy  could  get  within  reach  of 
his  short  guns,  neglected  to  bring  her  most  available 
pieces  into  battery  also.  Admitting  this  to  have  been 
done,  there  would  be  a  very  different  result  in  the 
figures.  The  Detroit  fought  ten  guns  in  broadside,  and 
she  had  an  armament  that  would  permit  her  to  bring  to 
bear  on  the  Lawrence,  at  one  time,  two  24s,  one  18,  six 
12s  and  one  9  pounder.  This  would  leave  the  compa 
rison  between  the  guns  as  6  are  to  11,  and  between  the 
metal  as  84  are  to  147.  Nor  is  this  all.  The  Hunter 
lay  close  to  the  Detroit,  and  as  the  vessel  which  assailed 
her  was  still  at  long  shot,  it  is  probable  that  she  also 
brought  the  heaviest  of  her  guns  into  broadside,  and 
used  them  against  the  nearest  vessel ;  more  particularly 
as  her  guns  were  light,  and  would  be  much  the  most 
useful  in  such  a  mode  of  firing. 

But  other  circumstances  conspired  to  sacrifice  the 
Lawrence.  Finding  that  he  was  suffering  heavily, 
and  that  he  had  got  nearly  abreast  of  the  Detroit,  Perry 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  179 

failed  his  topgallant-sail,  hauled  up  his  fore-sail,  and 
rounded  to,  opening  with  his  carronades.  The  distance 
from  the  enemy  at  which  this  was  done,  as  well  as  the 
length  of  time  after  the  commencement  of  the  fire,  have 
given  rise  to  contradictoiy  statements.  The  distance, 
Perry  himself,  in  his  official  letter,  says  was  "  within 
canister-shot,"  a  term  too  vague  to  give  any  accurate 
notion  that  can  be  used  in  a  critical  analysis  of  the  facts 
of  the  engagement.  A  canister-shot,  thrown  from  a 
heavy  gun,  would  probably  kill  at  a  mile  ;  though  sea 
men  are  not  apt  to  apply  the  term  to  so  great  a  range. 
Still  they  use  all  such  phrases  as  "  yard-arm  and  yard- 
arm,"  "musket-shot,"  "canister-shot,"  and  "pistol- 
shot,"  very  vaguely  ;  one  applying  a  term  to  a  distance 
twice  as  great  as  would  be  understood  by  another.  The 
distance  from  the  English  line,  at  which  the  Lawrence 
backed  her  topsail,  has  been  placed  by  some  as  far  as 
half  a  mile,  and  by  others  as  near  as  300  yards.  It 
was  probably  between  the  two,  nearer  to  the  last  than 
to  the  first ;  though  the  brig,  as  she  became  crippled 
aloft,  and  so  long  as  there  was  any  wind,  must  have 
been  slowly  drifting  nearer  to  her  enemies. 

On  the  supposition  that  there  was  a  two-knot  breeze 
the  whole  time,  that  the  action  commenced  when  the 
Lawrence  was  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  enemy,  and 
that  she  went  within  a  quarter  of  a  mile  of  the  British 
line,  she  could  not  have  backed  her  topsail  until  after 
she  had  been  under  fire  considerably  more  than  a  half 
an  hour.  This  \vas  a  period  quite  sufficient  to  cause 
her  to  suffer  heavily,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  case. 

The  effect  of  a  cannonade  is  always  to  deaden,  or 


180  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

even  "to  kill,"  as  it  is  technically  termed  by  seamen,  a 
light  wind.  Counteracting  forces  neutralize  each  other, 
and  the  constant  explosions  from  guns  repel  the  currents 
of  the  atmosphere.  This  difficulty  came  to  increase 
the  critical  nature  of  the  Lawrence's  situation,  the  wind 
falling  to  something  very  near,  if  not  absolutely  to  a  flat 
calm.  This  fact,  which-  is  material  to  a  right  under 
standing  of  the  events  of  the  day,  is  unanswerably  shown 
in  the  following  manner. 

The  fact  that  the  gun-boats  had  been  kept  astern  by 
the  lightness  of  the  Avind,  is  mentioned  by  Perry,  him 
self,  in  his  official  account  of  the  battle.  He  also  says, 
"  at  half  past  two,  the  wind  springing  up,  Capt.  Elliott 
was  enabled  to  bring  his  vessel,  the  Niagara,  gallantly 
into  close  action,"  leaving  the  unavoidable  inference 
that  a  want  of  wind  prevailed  at  an  earlier  period  of  the 
engagement.  Several  officers  testify  that  it  fell  nearly 
calm,  while  no  one  denies  it.  One  officer  says  it  be 
came  "perfectly  calm,"  and  others  go  near  to  substan 
tiate  the  statement.  There  is  a  physical  fact,  however, 
that  disposes  of  this  point  more  satisfactorily  than  can 
ever  be  done  by  the  power  of  memories  or  the  value  of 
opinions.  Both  Perry  and  his  sailing-master  say  that 
the  Lawrence  was  perfectly  unmanageable  for  a  consi 
derable  time.  This  period,  a  rigid  construction  of  Per 
ry's  language  would  make  two  hours  ;  and  by  the  most 
liberal  that  can  be  given  to  that  of  the  master,  must  have 
been  considerably  more  than  one  hour.  It  is  physi 
cally  impossible  that  an  unmanageable  vessel,  with  her 
sails  loose,  should  not  drift  half  a  mile,  in  an  hour, 
had  there  been  only  a  two-knot  breeze.  The  want  of 
this  drift,  which  would  have  carried  the  Lawrence 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  181 

directly  down  into  the  English  line,  had  it  existed, 
effectually  shows,  then,  that  there  must  have  been  a 
considerable  period  of  the  action  in  which  there  was 
little  or  no  wind,  and  corroborates  the  direct  testimony 
that  has  been  given  on  this  point.* 

*  In  the  battle  of  Plattsburg  Bay,  which  took  place  the  succeed 
ing  year,  the  wind  was  so  light  and  baffling,  that  the  British  an 
chored  before  they  got  as  close  as  they  had  intended  to  go.  Still, 
one  of  their  vessels,  the  Chubb,  was  crippled,  and  she  drifted  into 
the  American  line,  in  the  first  half  hour  of  the  engagement.  The 
distance  this  vessel  actually  drifted,  under  such  circumstances,  was 
about  as  far  as  that  at  which  Perry  engaged  the  enemy,  proving 
that  the  latter  must  also  have  drifted  an  equal  distance,  after  he 
was  disabled,  had  there  been  any  wind.  The  Chubb,  too,  was  a 
fore-and-aft  vessel,  a  species  of  craft  that  would  not  have  the  drift 
of  a  square-rigged  brig,  as  her  sails  would  be,  and  probably  were, 
lowered  ;  nor  would  they  hold  as  much  wind.  It  is  true  that  the 
English  on  Lake  Erie  were  not  anchored,  as  was  the  case  with  the 
Americans  on  Lake  Champlain;  but  a  vessel  hove-to  in  smooth 
water,  would  not  have  half  the  drift  of  one  that  was  all  abroad, 
and  the  difference,  as  a  principle,  would  be  only  one  of  time.  If 
the  Chubb  drifted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  half  an  hour,  the  Law 
rence  should  have  drifted  twice  that  distance  in  twice  that  time. 
She  should  have  drifted  farther,  being  of  light  draught  of  water, 
and  having  the  most  top-hamper.  Again.  The  drift  of  a  vessel 
in  the  situation  of  the  Lawrence  would  have  been  astern  and  to 
leeward,  while  that  of  vessels  hove-to  would  have  been  ahead  and 
to  leeward.  On  the  supposition  that  there  was  any  wind,  these 
last  facts  would  effectually  have  prevented  the  Lawrence  from  re 
maining  abeam  of  her  enemies  two  whole  hours,  as  is  admitted  to 
have  been  the  case.  In  our  former  edition  we  did  not  advert  to 
the  circumstance  of  McDonough's  being  anchored,  simply  because 
we  believed,  with  Marshall,  that  "a  Chief  Justice  of  the  United 
States  might  be  presumed  to  know  something."  We  never  in 
tended  to  say  that  Perry  would  have  reached  the  English  line  as 
soon  as  the  Chubb  reached  the  American,  but  that  he  must  have 
reached  it  during  the  battle  ;  meaning  the  rear  of  that  line.  The 
Chubb  was  probably  in  the  American  line  within  ten  minutes  after 
VOL.  II.  16 


182  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Previously,  however,  to  its  falling  calm,  or  nearly  so, 
and  about  the  time  the  Lawrence  backed  her  topsail,  a 
change  occurred  in  the  British  line.  The  Queen  Char 
lotte  had  an  armament  of  three  long  guns,  the  heaviest 
of  which  is  stated  by  Capt.  Barclay  to  have  been  a  12 
pounder,  on  a  pivot,  and  fourteen  24lb.  carronades. 
The  latter  guns  were  shorter  than  common,  and,  of 
course,  were  useless  when  the  ordinary  American  321b. 
guns  of  this  class  could  not  be  served.  For  some  rea 
son,  which  has  not  been  quite  satisfactorily  explained, 
this  ship  shifted  her  berth,  after  the  engagement  had 
lasted  some  time,  filling  her  topsail,  passing  the  Hunter, 
and  closing  with  the  Detroit,  under  her  lee.  Shortly 
after,  however,  she  regained  the  line,  directly  astern  of 
the  commanding  British  vessel.  The  enemy's  line 
being  in  very  compact  order,  and  the  distance  but 

she  became  unmanageable,  having  been  in  our  possession  within 
the  first  half  hour  of  the  battle. 

Capt.  Pring,  in  his  official  account  of  this  battle,  excuses  his  not 
cutting  the  brig  Linnet's  cable,  after  the  Confiance  had  struck,  and 
endeavoring  to  escape,  on  the  ground  that  his  vessel  was  crippled, 
and  that  had  he  done  so  she  would  have  drifted  directly  into  the 
American  line.  "The  result  of  doing  so,  (cutting  the  cable,) 
must,"  he  says,  "  in  a  few  minutes,  have  been  her  drifting  alongside 
of  the  enemy's  vessels  close  under  our  lee."  The  distance  was 
about  two  cables'  length,  or  480  yards;  440  yards  being  a  quarter 
of  a  mile.  Those  who  believe  that  Perry  engaged  the  enemy  at  a 
less  distance  than  this,  increase  the  probability  of  his  drifting  into 
the  British  line,  had  there  been  any  wind.  The  fact  that  he  did 
not,  is  conclusive  on  the  subject  of  the  wind.  It  should  also  be 
remembered  that  Perry,  in  saying  that  the  Lawrence  \vas  disabled, 
does  not  in  the  least  speak  figuratively,  but  literally.  His  words 
are,  "  every  brace  and  bowline  being  shot  away,  she  became  unma 
nageable,  notwithstanding  the  great  exertions  of  the  sailing -mas 
ter"  A  square -rigged  vessel,  without  a  brace  or  bowline,  is  per 
fectly  unmanageable,  as  a  matter  of  course. 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  183 

trifling,  the  Queen"  Charlotte  was  enabled  to  effect  this 
in  a  few  minutes,  there  still  being  a  little  wind.  The 
Detroit  probably  drew  ahead  to  enable  her  to  regain  a 
proper  position. 

This  evolution  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  Charlotte 
has  been  differently  accounted  for.  At  the  time  it  was 
made  the  Niagara  was  engaging  her  sufficiently  near 
to  do  execution  with  her  long  twelves,  and,  at  the  mo 
ment,  it  was  the  opinion  on  board  that  brig,  that  she  had 
driven  her  opponent  out  of  the  line.  As  the  Queen 
Charlotte  opened  on  the  Lawrence  with  her  carronades, 
as  soon  as  she  got  into  her  new  position,  a  more  plausi 
ble  motive  was  that  she  had  shifted  her  berth,  in  order 
to  bring  her  short  guns  into  efficient  use.  The  letter 
of  Capt.  Barclay,  however,  gives  a  more  probable  solu 
tion  to  this  manoeuvre,  than  either  of  the  foregoing  con 
jectures.  He  says  that  Capt.  Finnis,  of  the  Queen 
Charlotte,  was  killed  soon  after  the  commencement  of 
the  action,  and  that  her  first  lieutenant  was  shortly  after 
struck  senseless  by  a  splinter.  These  two  casualties 
threw  the  command  of  the  vessel  on  a  provincial  officer 
of  the  name  of  Irvine.  This  part  of  Capt.  Barclay's 
letter  is  not  English,  and  has  doubtless  been  altered  a 
little  in  printing.  Enough  remains,  however,  to  show, 
that  he  attaches  to  the  loss  of  the  two  officers  mentioned, 
serious  consequences ;  and  in  a  connection  that  alludes 
to  this  change  of  position,  since  he  speaks  of  the  pros 
pect  of  its  leaving  him  the  Niagara  also  to  engage. 
From  the  fact  that  the  Queen  Charlotte  first  went  under 
the  lee  of  the  Detroit,  so  close  as  io  induce  the  Ameri 
cans  to  think  she  was  foul  of  the  quarter  of  that  ship,  a 
position  into  which  she  never  would  have  been  carried 


184  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

had  the  motive  been  merely  to  get  nearer  to  the  Law 
rence,  or  farther  from  the  Niagara,  we  infer  that  the 
provincial  officer,  finding  himself  unexpectedly  in  his 
novel  situation,  went  so  near  to  the  Detroit  to  report  his 
casualties  and  to  ask  for  orders,  and  that  he  regained 
the  line  in  obedience  to  instructions  from  Capt.  Barclay 
in  person. 

Whatever  was  the  motive  for  changing  the  Queen 
Charlotte's  position  in  the  British  line,  the  effect  on  the 
Lawrence  was  the  same.  Her  fire  was  added  to  that 
of  the  Detroit,  which  ship  appeared  to  direct  all  her 
guns  at  the  leading  American  brig,  alone.  Indeed, 
there,  was  a  period  in  this  part  of  the  action,  during 
which  most,  if  not  all  of  the  guns  of  the  Detroit,  the 
Queen  Charlotte,  and  Hunter,  were  aimed  at  this  one 
vessel.  Perry  appears  to  have  been  of  opinion  that  it 
was  a  premeditated  plan,  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  to 
destroy  the  commanding  American  vessel.  It  is  true, 
that  the  Ariel,  Scorpion,  Caledonia  and  Niagara,  from 
a  fe\v  minutes  after  the  commencement  of  the  action, 
were  firing  at  the  English  ships,  but  that  the  latter  dis 
regarded  them,  in*the  main,  would  appear  from  the 
little  loss  the  three  small  American  vessels  sustained, 
in  particular.  The  Caledonia  and  Niagara,  moreover, 
were  still  too  distant  to  render  their  assistance  of  much 
effect.  About  this  time,  however,  the  gun-boats  astern 
got  near  enough  to  use  their  heavy  guns,  though  most 
of  them  were  yet  a  long  way  off.  The  Somers  would 
seem  to  have  engaged  a  short  time  before  the  others. 

.  At  length,  Capt.  Elliott  finding  himself  kept  astern 
by  the  bad  sailing  of  the  Caledonia,  and  his  own  brig 
so  near  as  again  to  be  under  the  necessity  of  bracing 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  185 

her  topsail  aback,  to  prevent  going  into  her,  determined 
to  assume  the  responsibility  of  changing  the  line  of 
battle,  and  to  pass  the  Caledonia.  He  accordingly 
hailed  the  latter,  and  directed  that  brig  to  put  her  helm 
up  and  let  the  Niagara  pass  ahead.  As  this  order  was 
obeyed,  the  Niagara  filled  and  drew  slowly  head,  con 
tinuing  to  approach  the  Lawrence  as  fast  as  the  air 
would  allow.  This  change  did  not  take  place,  however, 
until  the  Lawrence  had  suffered  so  heavily  as  to  render 
her  substantially  a  beaten  ship. 

The  evidence  that  has  been  given  on  the  details  is 
so  contradictory  and  confused,  as  to  render  it  exceed 
ingly  difficult  to  say  whether  the  comparative  calm  of 
which  we  have  spoken  occurred  before  or  after  this 
change  in  the  relative  positions  of  the  Lawrence  and 
Caledonia.  Some  wind  there  must  have  been,  at  this 
time,  or  the  Niagara  could  not  have  passed.  As  the 
wind  had  been  light  and  baffling  most  of  the  day,  it  is 
even  probable  that  there  may  have  been  intervals  in  it, 
to  reconcile  in  some  measure  these  apparent  contradic 
tions,  and  which  will  explain  the  inconsistencies. 
After  the  Niagara  had  passed  her  second  ahead,  to  do 
which  she  had  made  sail,  she  continued  to  approach 
the  Lawrence  in  a  greater  or  less  degree  of  movement, 
as  there  may  have  been  more  or  less  wind,  until  she 
had  got  near  enough  to  the  heavier  vessels  of  the  enemy 
to  open  on  them  with  her  carronades  ;  always  keeping 
in  the  Lawrence's  wake.  The  Caledonia,  having  pivot 
guns,  and  being  now  nearly  or  quite  abeam  of  the 
Hunter,  the  vessel  she  had  been  directed  to  engage, 
kept  off  more,  and  was  slowly  drawing  nearer  to  the 
enemy's  line.  The  gun-vessels  astern  were  closing,  too, 
16* 


186  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

though  not  in  any  order,  using  their  sweeps,  and 
throwing  the  shot  of  their  long  heavy  guns,  principally 
32  pounders,  quite  to  the  head  of  the  British  line  ;  be 
ginning  to  tell  effectually  in  the  combat. 

As  the  wind  was  so  light,  and  the  movements  of  all 
the  vessels  had  been  so  slow,  much  time  was  consumed 
in  these  several  changes.  The  Lawrence  had  now 
been  under  fire  more  than  two  hours,  and,  being  almost 
the  sole  aim  of  the  headmost  English  ships,  she  was 
dismantled.  Her  decks  were  covered  with  killed  and 
wounded,  and  every  gun  but  one  in  her  starboard  bat 
tery  was  dismounted,  either  by  shot  or  its  own  recoil. 
At  this  moment,  or  at  about  half-past  two,  agreeably  to 
Perry's  official  letter,  the  wind  sprang  up  and  produced 
a  general  change  among  the  vessels.  One  of  its  first 
effects  was  to  set  the  Lawrence,  perfectly  unmanageable 
as  she  was,  astern  and  to  leeward,  or  to  cause  her  to 
drop,  as  it  has  been  described  by  Capt.  Barclay,  while 
the  enemy  appear  to  have  filled,  and  to  commence 
drawing  ahead.  The  Lady  Prevost,  which  had  been 
in  the  rear  of  the  British  line,  passed  to  leeward  and 
ahead,  under  the  published  plea  of  having  had  her 
rudder  injured,  but  probably  suffering  from  the  heavy 
metal  of  the  American  gun-vessels  as  they  came  nearer. 
An  intention  existed  on  the  part  of  Capt.  Barclay  to  get 
his  vessels  round,  in  order  to  bring  fresh  broadsides  to 
bear.  The  larboard  battery  of  the  Detroit  by  this  time 
was  nearly  useless,  many  of  the  guns  having  lost  even 
their  trucks,  and,  as  usually  happens  in  a  long  cannon 
ade,  the  pieces  that  had  been  used  were  getting  to  be 
unserviceable,  from  one  cause  or  another. 

At  this  moment  the  Niagara  passed  the  Lawrence 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  187 

to  windward,  and  then  kept  off  toward  the  head  of  the 
enemy's  line,  which  was  slowly  drawing  more  toward 
the  Southward  and  Westward.  In  order  to  do  this, 
she  set  topgallant-sails  and  brought  the  wind  abaft  the 
beam.  The  Caledonia  also  followed  the  enemy ,  passing 
inside  the  Lawrence,  having  got  nearer  to  the  enemy, 
at  that  moment,  than  any  other  American  vessel.  As 
soon  as  Perry  perceived  that  his  own  brig  was  dropping, 
and  that  the  battle  was  passing  ahead  of  him,  he  got 
into  a  boat,  taking  with  him  a  young  brother,  a  mid 
shipman  of  the  Lawrence,  and  pulled  after  the  Niagara, 
then  a  short  distance  ahead  of  him.  When  he  reached 
the  latter  brig,  he  found  her  from  three  to  five  hundred 
yards  to  windward  of  the  principal  force  of  the  enemy, 
and  nearly  abreast  of  the  Detroit,  that  ship,  the  Q,ueen 
Charlotte  and  the  Lady  Prevost  being  now  quite  near 
each  other,  and  probably  two  cables'  length  to  the 
Southward  and  Westward ;  or  that  distance  nearly 
ahead  of  the  Lawrence,  and  about  as  far  from  the 
enemy's  line  as, the  latter  brig  had  been  lying  for  the 
last  hour.  . 

Perry  now  had  a  few  words  of  explanation  with 
Capt.  Elliott,  when  the  latter  officer  volunteered  to  go 
in  the  boat,  and  bring  down  the  gun-vesseJs,  which 
were  still  astern,  and  a  good  deal  scattered.  As  this 
was  doing  precisely  what  Perry  wished,  Capt.  Elliott 
proceeded  on  his  duty  immediately,  leaving  his  own 
brig,  to  which  he  did  not  return  until  after  the  engage 
ment  had  terminated.  Perry  now  backed  the  main-top 
sail  of  the  Niagara,  being  fairly  abeam  of  his  enemy, 
and  showed  the  signal  for  close  action.  After  waiting 
a  few  minutes  for  the  different  vessels  to  answer  and  to 


188  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

close,  the  latter  of  which  they  were  now  doing  fast  as 
the  wind  continued  to  increase,  he  bore  up,  bringing 
the  wind  on  the  starboard  quarter  of  the  Niagara,  and 
stood  down  upon  the  enemy,  passing  directly  through 
his  line.  Capt.  Barclay,  with  a  view  of  getting  his 
fresh  broadsides  to  bear,  was  in  the  act  of  attempting  to 
ware,  as  the  Niagara  approached,  but  his  vessel  being 
much  crippled  aloft,  and  the  Queen  Charlotte  being 
badly  handled,  the  latter  ship  got  foul  of  the  Detroit,  on 
her  starboard  quarter.  At  this  critical  instant,  the  Nia 
gara  had  passed  the  commanding  British  vessel's  bow, 
and  coming  to  the  wind  on  the  starboard  tack,  lay 
raking  the  two  ships  of  the  enemy,  at  close  quarters, 
and  with  fatal  effect.  By  this1  time,  the  gun-vessels, 
under  Capt.  Elliott,  had  closed  to  windward  of  the 
enemy,  the  Caledonia  in  company,  and  the  raking 
cross-fire  soon  compelled  the  English  to  haul  down 
their  colors.  The  Detroit,  Queen  Charlotte,  Lady 
Prevost  and  Hunter  struck  under  this  fire,  being  in  the 
melee  of  vessels ;  but  the  Chippewa  ,and  Little  Belt 
made  sail  and  endeavored  to  escape  to  leeward.  They 
were  followed  by  the  Scorpion  and  Trippe,  which  ves 
sels  came  up  with  them  in  about  an  hour,  and  firing  a 
shot  or  two  into  them,  they  both  submitted.  The  Law 
rence  had  struck  her  flag  also,  soon  after  Perry  quitted 
her. 

Such,  in  its  outline,  appears  to  have  been  the  picture 
presented  by  a  battle  that  has  given  rise  to  more  con 
troversy  than  all  the  other  naval  combats  of  the  republic 
united.  We  are  quite  aware  that  by  rejecting  all  the 
testimony  that  has  been  given  on  one  side  of  the  dis 
puted  points,  and  by  exaggerating  and  mutilating  that 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  189 

which  has  heen  given  on  the  other,  a  different  repre 
sentation  might  be  made  of  some  of  the  incidents  ;  but, 
on  comparing  one  portion  of  the  evidence  with  another, 
selecting  in  all  instances  that  which  in  the  nature  of 
things  should  be  best,  and  bringing  the  whole  within 
the  laws  of  physics  and  probabilities,  we  believe  that 
no  other  result,  in  the  main,  can  be  reached,  than  the 
one  which  has  been  given.  To  return  more  particularly 
to  our  subject. 

Perry  had  manifested  the  best  spirit,  and  the  mosl 
indomitable  resolution  not  to  be  overcome,  throughout 
the  trying  scenes  of  this  eventful  day.  Just  before  the 
action  commenced,  he  coolly  prepared  his  public  letters, 
to  be  thrown  overboard  in  the  event  of  misfortune, 
glanced  his  eyes  over  those  which  he  had  received  from 
his  wife,  and  then  tore  them.  He  appeared  fully  sen 
sible  of  the  magnitude  of  the  stake  which  was  at  issue, 
remarking  to  one  of  his  officers,  who  possessed  his  con 
fidence,  that  this  day  was  the  most  important  of  his 
life.  In  a  word,  it  was  not  possible  for  a  commander 
to  go  into  action  in  a  better  frame  of  mind,  and  his  con 
duct  in  this  particular  might  well  serve  for  an  example 
to  all  who  find  themselves  similarly  circumstanced. 
The  possibility  of  defeat  appears  not  to  have  been  lost 
sight  of,  but  it  in  no  degree  impaired  the  determination 
to  contend  for  victory.  The  situation  of  the  Lawrence 
was  most  critical,  the  slaughter  on  board  her  being 
terrible,  and  yet  no  man  read  discouragement  in  his 
countenance.  The  survivors  all  unite  in  saying  that 
he  did  not  manifest  even  the  anxiety  he  must  have 
felt  at  the  ominous  appearance  of  things.  The  Law 
rence  was  effectually  a  beaten  ship  an  hour  before  she 


190  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

struck ;  but  Perry  felt  the  vast  importance  of  keeping 
the  colors  of  the  commanding  vessel  flying  to  the  last 
moment ;  and  the  instant  an  opportunity  presented 
itself  to  redeem  the  seemingly  waning  fortunes  of  the 
day,  he  seized  it  with  promptitude,  carrying  off  the 
victory  not  only  in  triumph,  but  apparently  against  all 
the  accidents  and  chances  which,  for  a  time,  menaced 
him  with  defeat. 

Perry  appears  seriously  to  have  satisfied  himself 
that  he  captured  a  materially  superior  force  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  Erie.  If  any  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the 
published  report  of  Capt.  Barclay,  this  is  certainly  an 
error;  and,  we  may  add,  that  the  better  opinion  of 
those  naval  men  who  have  had  proper  opportunities 
for  ascertaining  the  fact,  is  also  against  it.  In  the  men 
of  the  two  squadrons,  there  was  probably  no  essential 
disparity ;  although  there  are  reasons  for  thinking 
that  the  English  a  little  outnumbered  the  Americans. 
Neither  side  had  many  above  or  under  five  hundred 
souls  engaged  in  this  action.  But  the  sick  lists  of  the 
Americans  amounted  to  more  than  a  hundred.  As 
Capt.  Barclay  came  out  expressly  to  fight,  expecting 
to  meet  his  enemy  the  next  day,  and  he  had  received 
aboard  his  vessels  a  strong  party  of  troops,  it  is  not 
probable  he  brought  out  any  sick  with  him.  It  is  in 
confirmation  of  this  opinion,  that,  while  the  enemy 
dwell  on  their  inferiority  of  force,  and  the  other  dis 
advantages  under  which  they  supposed  themselves  to 
labor,  nothing  is  said  of  any  sick.  This  fact  would 
make  a  material  difference  as  respects  the  men,  even 
allowing  the  opposing  parties  to  have  been  equal, 
numerically. 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  191 

In  vessels  the  Americans  were  to  the  English  as 
nine  are  to  six.  This  might  have  been  a  disadvantage, 
however,  and  in  one  sense  it  was,  by  distributing  the 
force  unequally  at  the  commencement  of  the  battle. 
Still,  as  the  two  largest  American  brigs  were  essentially 
heavier  than  the  two  heaviest  British  vessels,  and  the 
Ariel  was  a  schooner  of  some  size,  this  circumstance 
would  have  been  more  than  balanced  by  their  weight, 
could  these  three  vessels  have  got  into  close  action 
simultaneously,  and  soon  ;  or  before  the  enemy  had  an 
opportunity  to  cripple  one  of  them  in  detail. 

The  opinion  of  Perry,  and,  we  may  add,  that  of  the 
country,  concerning  the  superiority  of  the  enemy  in 
this  battle,  appear  to  have  been  founde'd  principally  on 
the  circumstance  that  the  English  had  the  most  guns. 
A  mere  numerical  superiority  in  guns  is  altogether 
fallacious.  A  single  long  32  pounder,  for  most  of  the 
purposes  of  nautical  warfare,  would  be  more  efficient 
than  thirty -two  1  pounders ;  the  sizes  of  the  guns 
being  quite  as  important  as  the  number.  There  can 
be  little  question  that  a  vessel,  always  supposing  her 
to  be  of  a  size  suitable  to  bear  the  metal,  Avhich  carried 
twenty  32  pounders,  would  be  fully  a  match  for  two 
similar  ships  that  carried  each  twenty  12  pounders ; 
or,  perhaps,  for  two  that  carried  each  twenty  18  pound 
ers  ;  the  guns  being  long  or  short  alike.  As  the  latter, 
however,  was  not  the  fact  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie, 
the  Detroit  carrying  long  guns,  principally,  while  the 
two  heaviest  American  brigs  carried  carronades,  the 
comparative  estimates  of  force  become  complicated  in  a 
way  that  does  not  altogether  refer  to  weight  of  shot. 
The  superiority  of  the  long  gun  depends,  first,  on  its 


192  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

greater  range,  and  the  greater  momentum  of  the  shot, 
pound  for  pound ;  second,  from  the  circumstance  that 
the  long  ship-gun  will  almost  always  bear  two,  and 
sometimes  three  shot ;  whereas  the  carronade  is  in 
danger  of  dismounting  itsejf  by  the  recoil,  if  over 
charged,  and  of  so  far  lessening  the  momentum  of  its 
shot  as  to  prevent  them  from  penetrating  a  vessel's 
side  ;*  and,  thirdly,  because  the  long  gun  will  sustain 
a  protracted  cannonade,  while  a  short  gun  is  seldom  of 
much  efficiency  after  an  hour's  service.  There  can  be 
no  question  that  the  Lawrence  and  Niagara  would  have 
been  an  overmatch  for  the  Detroit  and  Queen  Charlotte 

*  In  this  battle  the  Detroit's  side  was  full  of  shot  that  did  not 
penetrate.  By  some  it  was  supposed  that  the  American  powder 
was  bad  ;  but,  it  is  far  more  probable  that  the  distance  at  which 
the  Lawrence  engaged  at  first,  and  over-shotting  her  carronades, 
were  the  true  reasons  the  English  escaped  so  well  for  the  first  hour 
or  two.  This  fact  is  now  asserted,  on  direct  testimony.  Hfcr. 
Dobbins,  an  officer  of  experience  who  served  on  the  Lake,  but 
who  was  not  in  this  battle,  having  joined  the  squadron  from  dis 
tant  service,  a  day  or  two  after  its  occurrence,  writes  as  follows  : — 
"  A  day  or  two  after  the  action  I  was  on  board  the  Detroit,  and 
in  company  with  Lieut.  Rolette  of  the  British  service,  and  late  of 
that  ship,  with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted  previous  to  the  war, 
and  shown  by  him  the  division  he  had  charge  of,  and  had  from 
him  an  explanation  and  account  of  the  action.  There  was  one 
thing  he  remarked,  which  I  have  never  seen  mentioned  in  any  ac 
count  of  that  affair.  He  said  that  the*  ship  (the  Detroit)  received 
more  damage  in  her  hull  from  the  long  guns,  more  particularly 
the  long  32s  of  the  gun-boats,  than  from  all  the  rest  put  together ; 
and  that  the  carronades,  particularly  of  the  Lawrence,  must  have 
been  much  over-shotted,  as  the  shot  from  them  would  frequently 
strike  the  side  of  the  ship,  and  rebound  into  the  water.  In  fact,  I 
was  told  by  some  of  those  who  were  on  board  of  her,  (Lawrence,) 
that  they  invariably  put  in,  first,  a  round  shot,  and  then  a  stand  of 
both  grape  and  canister,  and  sometimes  a  bag  of  langrage  besides.' 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  19$ 

in  close  action,  and  when  we  come  to  see  the  great  dis 
parity  of  the  metal  of  the  remaining  vessels,  it  can  leave 
no  doubt  that  the  Americans  possessed  the  strongest 
force  on  this  occasion,  comparing  the  two  squadrons  in 
the  aggregate.  A  very  brief  analysis  will  prove  the 
justice  of  this  position. 

The  American  vessels,  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie, 
carried  54  guns,  while  the  English  had  63.  This 
makes  a  numerical  superiority  of  9  guns,  and  on  this 
vague  fallacy  the  victory  has  been  assumed  to  have 
been  one  of  an  inferior  over  a  superior  force.  In  the 
combat  between  the  Constellation  and  J'Insurgente,  the 
latter  vessel  mounted  40  guns,  and  the  former  only  38. 
There  was  also  a  difference  of  a  hundred  men,  in  favor 
of  the  French  ship.  But  the  Constellation's  gun-deck 
metal  was  long  24s,  while  that  of  Plnsurgente  was 
French  12s  ;  leaving  the  former  an  essential  superior 
ity  of  force  that  no  intelligent  seaman  has  ever  denied. 
In  the  action  we  are  examining,  the  Hunter  mounted 
10  guns,  and  the  Caledonia  3.  Thus,  numerically 
speaking,  the  former  vessel  was  of  more  than  treble 
the  force  of  the  latter.  But  a  critical  analysis  of  the 
metal,  and  of  the  armaments,  will  give  a  very  different 
result.  In  the  first  place,  the  Caledonia's  guns  were 
on  pivots,  which  gaveJier  3  guns  in  broadside,  whereas 
the  Hunter  could  fignT  but  5  at  any  one  time,  and  under 
any  circumstances.  This  fact  alone  reduces  the  nu 
merical  superiority  of  the  British  vessel  from  more  than 
treble  to  less  than  double.  Then  comes  the  consider 
ation  of  the  metal.  Agreeably  to  Capt.  Barclay's  re 
turn  of  the  force  of  his  vessels,  which  is  appended  to 
his  official  account  of  the  battle,  the  regular  broadside 

VOL.  II.  17 


194  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

metal  of  the  Hunter  was  only  301bs.,  and  this,  too,  dis 
tributed  in  shot,  of  which  some  were  so  small  as  2,  4, 
and  Gibs,  each ;  while  the  Caledonia  threw  80lbs.  of 
metal  at  a  discharge,  in  24  and  32lb.  shot.  On  the 
other  hand,  however,  the  Hunter  had  quarters,  or 
bulwarks,  which  make  a  protection  against  small  mis 
siles. 

There  is  another  circumstance  to  prove  the  fallacy 
of  placing  the  superiority  of  force  on  a  naked  numerical 
superiority  in  guns.  Including  the  pivot  guns,  and  the 
regular  armament  of  the  British  on  the  10th  September, 
they  fought  34  guns  at  a  time,  or  Avhat  may  be  termed 
in  broadside  ;  while  the  Americans,  owing  to  their  hav 
ing  more  traversing  pieces  mounted,  fought  precisely 
the  same  number,  though  of  much  heavier  metal.  This 
fact  at  once  reduces  the  apparent  comparative  force  of 
the  two  squadrons  in  guns,  or  from  that  of  54  to  63,  to 
a  numerical  equality  ;  or,  to  that  of  34  to  34. 

But  the  fortunes  of  a  battle  are  not  to  be  estimated 
solely  by  the  physical  forces  employed  by  the  opposing 
parties.  Circumstances  constantly  occur  to  neutralize 
these  advantages,  and  to  render  the  chances  nearer 
equal.  The  assailant  has  frequently  more  to  contend 
with  than  the  assailed,  and  it  is  obvious  that  the  force 
which  cannot  be  used  is,  for  the ^purposes  of  that  par 
ticular  occasion,  as  if  it  did  not  emst.  While,  therefore, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  American  squadron,  in 
the  battle  on  Lake  Erie,  was  much  superior  to  the  Brit 
ish  squadron  as  a  whole,  there  were  circumstances  to  aid 
the  enemy  which  produced  far  more  of  a  real  than 
there  was  of  an  apparent  equality.  As  respects  Perry, 
himself,  he  certainly,  in  his  own  brig,  contended  against 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  195 

a  vastly  superior  force,  owing  to  the  dispersed  state  of 
his  vessels,  in  part,  though  quite  as  much,  probably,  to 
the  determination  of  the  enemy  to  concentrate  their  fire 
on  the  American  commanding  vessel  until  they  had  de 
stroyed  her.  The  latter  circumstance  will  account  for 
many  of  the  seeming  anomalies  of  this  day.  Thus  the 
Ariel  and  Scorpion,  though  engaged  from  the  first,  suf 
fered  comparatively  but  little  ;  as  did  the  Caledonia. 
All  these  vessels  were  under  fire  from  an  early  period 
in  the  action,  and  it  is  in  direct  proof  that  a  shot  passed 
through  the  wails  of  both  sides  of  the  latter  vessel, 
within  a  short  time  after  the  battle  commenced. 

The  slaughter  on  board  the  Lawrence  was  terrible. 
Mr.  Yarnall,  her  first  lieutenant,  testified  before  a  Court 
of  Inquiry,  in  1815,  that  the  Lawrence  had  on  board  of 
her  "  131  men  and  boys  of  every  description,  of  which 
103  were  fit  for  duty."  Of  this  number  22  were  killed, 
and  63  were  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  Niagara,  also, 
would  have  been  deemed  heavy  but  for  this  carnage  on 
board  the  Lawrence.  By  the  report  of  Perry,  himself, 
she  had  2  killed  and  25  wounded.  Her  own  surgeon, 
however,  says  that  this  report  was  inaccurate,  the 
slightly  wounded  having  been  omitted.  He  also  says 
that  there  were  five  men  killed.  The  discrepancy  is 
to  be  accounted  for  by -the  circumstances  that  after  the 
action,  the  men  were  much  scattered  in  the  prizes, 
the  Niagara  furnishing  most  of  their  crews,  and  that 
her  own  medical  officer  had  no  agency  in  drawing  up 
the  report.  Thus  the  number  of  the  dangerously  and 
severely  wounded  the  latter  states  to  have  been  accu 
rately  given,  while  those  of  the  slain  and  slightly 
wounded  were  not.  These  are  facts  which  it  is  diffi- 


196  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

cult  to  authenticate,  at  this  late  day,  though  there  are 
circumstances  which  go  to  render  the  accuracy  of  this 
correction  of  the  official  report  probable,  if  not  certain. 
In  a  squadron  which  now  numbered  fifteen  sail,  with 
broken  crews,  few  officers  to  report,  and  some'  of  those 
few  wounded  or  ill,  and  with  men  dying  of  disease 
daily,  mistakes  of  this  nature  might  readily  occur. 
The  other  vessels  did  not  suffer  heavily,  and  the  Brit 
ish,  as  a  whole,  lost  about  as  many  men  as  the  Ameri 
cans. 

While  the  nation  was  disposed  to  overlook  every 
thing  connected  with  this  battle,  in  the  result,  Perry 
did  not  escape  criticism  for  the  manner  in  which  he 
engaged  the  enemy.  It  was  said  that  he  ought  to 
have  waited  until  his  line  had  become  compact,  and 
covered  the  approach  of  his  two  principal  brigs,  by  the 
fire  of  the  heavy  long  guns  of  the  smaller  vessels. 
This  is  probably  still  the  opinion  of  many  distinguished 
seamen.  i<t  ^  f{/;( 

It  is  certain  that  by  placing  the  schooners  of  the 
American  squadron  in  the  advance,  it  would  have 
been  possible  to  open  on  the  enemy  with  as  many  long 
guns  as  he  possessed  himself,  and  guns  of  much 
heavier  metal ;  but  grave  questions  of  this  nature  are 
not  to  be  so  lightly  determined,  as  this  admission  may 
seem  to  infer.  There  was  the  experience  of  the  war 
fare  on  Lake  Ontario  to  induce  Perry  to  suppose  that 
a  similar  policy  might  be  resorted  to  on  Lake  Erie. 
The  English  sailed  better  in  squadron  than  the  Ameri 
cans,  on  both  lakes,  and  having  the  same  object  in 
view,  the  commander  on  Lake  Erie  had  every  rea 
son  to  suppose  that  they  would  retire  before  him,  as 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  197 

soon  as  a  general  action  became  probable,  and  thus 
postpone,  or  altogether  avoid  the  desired  conflict  for 
the  command  of  those  waters.  The  distances  being  so 
small,  nothing  was  easier  than  to  carry  out  this  policy. 
Even  allowing  Perry  to  have  sent  his  heavily  armed 
schooners  in  advance,  and  to  have  approached  himself 
under  cover  of  their  fire,  there  can  scarcely  be  a  doubt 
that  Barclay  would  have  wore  round,  and  changed  the 
order  of  formation,  by  bringing  them,  again,  into  the 
rear  of  the  American  line ;  an  evolution  that  would 
have  been  easy  of  accomplishment,  with  his  superiority 
of  sailing. 

Had  the  wind  stood,  or  even  had  not  the  enemy  hit 
upon  the  plan  of  directing  most  of  their  fire  against  the 
Lawrence,  the  victory  of  Lake  Erie,  now  so  complete 
in  its  results,  would  have  had  no  drawbacks.  But, 
with  the  high  ends  he  kept  in  view,  the  importance  of 
securing  the  command  of  the  lake,  and  the  moral  cer 
tainty  of  success  could  he  close  with  his  enemy,  Perry 
would  scarcely  have  been  justified  in  delaying  the 
attack,  on  the  plea  that  the  lightness  of  the  wind  en 
dangered  any  particular  vessel  of  his  command.  Now 
that  the  battle  is  over,  it  is  doubtless  easy  to  perceive 
in  what  manner  it  might  have  been  better  fought,  but 
this  is  a  remark  that  will  probably  apply  to  all  human 
actions. 

His  victory  at  once  raised  Perry  from  comparative 
obscurity  to  a  high  degree  of  renown  before  the  nation. 
With  the  navy  he  had  always  stood  well,  but  neither 
his  rank  nor  his  services  had  given  him  an  opportunity 
of  becoming  known  to  the  world.  The  important  results 
that  attended  his  success,  the  completeness  of  that  sue- 
17* 


198  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

cess,  the  number  of  vessels  captured  at  the  same  time, 
and  the  novelty  of  a  victory  in  squadron  over  the  Eng 
lish,  all  contributed  to  shed  more  than  an  ordinary  de 
gree  of  renown  on  this  event ;  and,  by  necessary  con 
nection,  on  the  youthful  conqueror  of  that  day.  His 
own  great  personal  exertions,  too,  gave  a  romantic  cha 
racter  to  his  success,  and  disposed  the  public  mind  to 
regard  it  with  an  unusual  degree  of  interest.  The 
government  granted  gold  medals  to  Perry  and  his 
second  in  command,  and  the  former  was  promoted  to  be 
a  captain,  his  commission  being  dated  on  the  10th 
September,  1813. 

His  triumph  on  the  water  did  not  satisfy  Perry. 
After  co-operating  with  the  army,  by  assisting  in  re 
gaining  possession  of  Detroit,  and  in  transporting  the 
troops,  he  joined  the  land  forces,  under  General  Harri 
son,  in  person,  and  was  present  at  the  Battle  of  the 
Moravian  Towns.  In  all  this  service,  he  was  as  active 
as  his  peculiar  situation  would  allow,  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  presence  of  a  gallant  young  sailor, 
flushed  with  victory  and  ever  foremost  on  the  march, 
was  cheering  to  the  army  which  then  pressed  on  the 
rear  of  the  enemy.  After  the  surrender  of  the  British 
troops,  Perry  issued,  conjointly  with  Harrison,  a  pro 
clamation  to  the  people  of  the  portion  of  Upper  Canada 
that  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  republic,  pointing 
out  the  usual  conditions  for  their  government  and  sub 
mission.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  this  was  the  first 
instance  in  which  any  American  naval  officer  was  ever 
in  a  situation  to  perform  a  similar  act. 

Shortly  after,  the  end  of  the  season  being  at  hand, 
Perry  gave  up  his  command.  As  he  returned  to  the 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  199 

older  parts  of  the  country,  his  journey  was  a  species 
of  triumph,  in  which  warm,  spontaneous  feeling, 
however,  rather  than  studied  exhibition  predominated. 

Perry's  victory  did  not  prove  altogether  barren,  in 
another  sense,  though  his  pecuniary  benefits  were  cer 
tainly  out  of  proportion  small,  as  compared  with  the 
political  benefits  it  conferred  on  the  country.  There 
was  properly  no  broad  pennant  on  Lake  Erie,  in  either 
squadron,  Com.  Chauncey,  in  the  one  case,  and  Sir 
James  Yeo,  in  the  other,  being  the  commander-in-chief. 
This  circumstance  deprived  Perry  of  the  usual  share 
of  prize  money  which  legally  fell  to  that  rank,  but  Con 
gress  added  the  sum  of  $5000  to  that  of  $7500  which 
belonged  to  him  as  commander  of  the  Lawrence,  making 
a  total  amount  of  $12,500;  a  sum  which,  while  it  is 
insignificant  when  viewed  as  the  gift  of  a  nation,  be 
stowed  on  a  conqueror  for  such  a  service,  was  not  alto 
gether  unimportant  to  the  young  housekeeper,  whose 
family  had  now  been  increased  in  number  to  four  by 
the  birth  of  two  children.  It  may  be  added,  here,  as  a 
proof  of  the  high  estimation  in  which  Perry's  success 
has  ever  been  held  by  the  nation,  that  his  most  elabo 
rate  biographer  states  that  something  like  forty  coun 
ties,  towns,  villages,  etc.,  have  been  named  after  him, 
in  different  parts  of  the  Union. 

Perry  had  returned  to  his  command  and  his  family 
at  Newport,  on  quitting  Lake  Erie,  but  here  it  was  not 
possible  for  him  to  remain  long,  in  the  height  of  an  ac 
tive  war..  In  August,  1814,  he  was  transferred  to  the 
Java  44,  an  entirely  new  ship,  then  fitting  at  Baltimore. 
This  vessel,  however,  was  unable  to  get  out,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  force  the  enemy  kept  in  the  bay,  below. 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

Her  commander  and  crew  were  actively  employed  in 
the  operations  that  were  carried  on  to  annoy  the  British 
vessels  on  their  descent  of  the  Potomac  from  Alexan 
dria,  and  the  defence  of  their  own  vessel  was  confided 
to  them  in  the  fruitless  attempt  on  Baltimore. 

About  the  close  of  the  year,  preparations  were  made 
for  equipping  two  light  squadrons,  with  a  view  to  ha 
rass  the  .trade  of  the  enemy.  One  of  the  squadrons 
was  now  given  to  Perry,  it  being  found  that  the  Java 
could  not  get  to  sea.  He  immediately  caused  the  keels 
of  three  brigs  to  be  laid,  intending  to  have  two  more 
constructed  to  complete  the  number.  Peace,  however, 
put  an  end  to  this  enterprise. 

In  May,  1815,  Perry  was  attached  anew  to  the  Java, 
and  he  remained  in  this  ship,  at  different  ports,  until 
January,  1816,  when  he  sailed  from  Newport  for  the 
Mediterranean.  While  lying  at  the  port  from  which 
he  now  took  his  departure,  an  opportunity  offered  for 
this  brave  man,  always  active  on  emergencies  of  this  sort, 
to  rescue  the  crew  of  a  wreck  from  drowning,  during  a 
gale  in  the  cold  weather  of  an  American  winter.  The 
season  was  boisterous,  and  it  is  mentioned  as  an  extra 
ordinary  fact  that  the  Java,  which  sailed  from  New 
port  with  strong  north-west  gales,  passed  the  Western 
Islands,  the  eighth  day  out.  On  the  fourteenth  she  was 
within  a  few  hours'  run  of  Cape  St.  Vincent. 

On  reaching  the  Mediterranean,  the  Java  joined  a 
squadron  commanded  by  Com,  Shaw,  and  was  present 
before  Algiers  at  a  moment  when  very  serious  move 
ments  were  contemplated  against  that  regency.  Peace, 
however,  was  preserved,  and  the  ship  continued  to 
cruise  in  that  beautiful  sea,  subsequently  under  the 


OLIVEK    HAZARD     PERRY.  201 

command  of  Com.  Chauncey,  until  January,  1817,  when 
she  was  ordered  home. 

The  termination  of  this  cruise  was  made  uncomfort 
able  to  Perry,  by  an  exceedingly  unpleasant  misunder 
standing .  with  the  commanding  marine-officer  of  his 
own  ship.  Some  disagreeable  occurrences  had  already 
created  a  coolness  between  them,  when  Perry,  in  a  per 
sonal  interview,  became  so  far  irritated  as  to  strike  his 
subordinate  in  his  own  cabin.  It  may  be  some  little 
extenuation  of  this  act,  that  it  is  understood  to  have 
been  committed  after  Perry  had  returned  from  a  dinner 
party  on  shore.  There  is  little  to  be  said  in  justifica 
tion  of  such  a  violation  of  propriety,  beyond  the  usual 
plea  that  no  one  is  always  right.  Perry  appears  to 
have  been  soon  sensible  that  he  had  committed  himself 
in  a  way  to  require  concessions,  and  these  he  very 
liandsomely  offered  to  make.  They  were  not  accepted, 
and  the  affair  subsequently  led  to  recriminating  charges 
and  trials,  by  means  of  which  both  the  offenders  were 
sentenced  to  be  privately  reprimanded. 

This  transaction  produced  a  deeper  feeling,  perhaps, 
than  any  other  question  of  mere  discipline  that  ever 
agitated  the  American  marine.  It  was  justly  said  that, 
in  Perry's  case,  the  punishment  was  altogether  dispro- 
portioned  to  the  offence,  and  that  the  persons  and  honor 
of  the  subordinates  were  placed  at  the  mercy  of  the 
captains  by  the  decision.  There  can  be  no  sufficient 
reason  for  the  commanding  officer  of  a  ship's  using  vio 
lence  toward  an  inferior,  as  he  has  all  legal  means  for 
compelling  legal  submission ;  and  beyond  this  his 
power  does  not  extend.  Thus  the  punishment  of  the 
superior  who  thus  transcends  his  just  authority  ought 


202  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

even  to  exceed  that  which  awaits  the  subordinate  who 
rebels  against  it,  since  it  is  without  a  motive  in  itself, 
while  passion  may  goad  the  other  to  an  act  of  madness ; 
and,  of  the  two,  it  is  ever  more  dangerous  to  discipline 
for  the  superior  than  for  the  inferior  to  err.  In  the  one 
case,  the  crime  is  that  of  an  individual ;  while  in  the 
other,  it  is  authority  itself  which  is  in  fault ;  and  power 
can  never  offend  without  bringing  discredit  on  its  attri 
butes. 

As  respects  the  conduct  of  Perry  in  this  matter,  it 
partakes  equally  of  what  we  conceive  to  be  the  strong 
and  the  weak  points  of  his  character.  Notwithstanding 
all  that  rigorous  moralists  may  be  disposed  to  say,  the 
best  excuse  for  the  offence,  perhaps,  is  the  fact  that  he 
was  a  little  off  his  guard  by  the  exhilaration  of  the 
scene  he  is  understood  to  have  just  left.  The  fault 
committed,  apology  was  his  true  course,  and  this  reflec 
tion  induced  him  to  offer.  It  was  not  accepted,  and  he 
saw  before  him  the  prospect  of  a  trial.  Then  it  was 
that  he  preferred  the  charges  against  the  marine  officer. 
Here  he  committed,  by  far,  the  gravest  of  his  faults  ;  and 
truth  compels  us  to  say  it  was  a  fault  that  he  committed 
more  than  once  in  the  course  of  his  life,  leaving,  under 
the  gravity  of  the  cases,  reason  to  infer  that  it  was  con 
nected  with  some  controlling  trait  of  character.  A  com 
mander  has  little  discretion  in  the  preferring  of  charges. 
If  the  party  merit  punishment,  or  if  the  act  demand  in 
vestigation,  the  public  good  is  the  object,  in  both  cases 
alike.  Under  no  circumstances  can  a  commander,  with 
propriety,  compromise  or  vindicate  justice,  on  grounds 
that  are  purely  personal  to  himself.  If  the  marine  offi 
cer,  in  this  case,  merited  punishment,  the  charges 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  203 

should  not  have  been  delayed,  but  have  been  instituted 
independently  of  all  questions  between  him  and  his 
commander ;  and  did  he  not  merit  it,  they  should  not 
have  been  preferred,  even  though  Perry's  commission 
were  the  price  of  his  own  error.  There  will  be  another 
occasion  to  advert  to  a  similar  confusion  between  right 
and  wrong,  in  the  official  career  of  this  distinguished 
officer,  and  in  a  case  affecting  himself. 

On  the  other  hand,  Perry  showed  a  deep  sense  of 
the  error  he  had  committed  in  connection  with  this 
affair,  in  his  subsequent  conduct.  After  his  return 
home,  a  meeting  took  place  between  him  and  the  ma 
rine  officer,  in  which  he  received  the  shot  of  his  oppo 
nent,  declining  to  fire  in  return.  Nothing  could  have 
been  better  than  his  conduct  throughout  the  latter  part 
of  this  affair.  In  a  letter  written  to  his  friend  Decatur, 
on  this  occasion,  he  uses  the  following  generous  and 
manly  language — "  I  cannot  return  his  fire,  as  the  meet 
ing,  on  my  part,  will  be  entirely  an  atonement  for  the 
violated  rules  of  the  service." 

The  affair  with  his  marine  officer  was  not  quite  dis 
posed  of,  when  a  new  difficulty  arose  to  embitter  the 
close  of  Perry's  life.  Like  that  of  the  marine  officer, 
it  has  already  attracted  too  much  notice,  and  the  indis 
cretions  of  ill-judging  and  partial  vindicators  have 
dragged  into  the  question  principles  of  far  too  much 
importance  to  the  navy,  and  indeed  to  the  nation  at 
large,  to  allow  of  any  biographer's  passing  it  over  in 
silence. 

The  battle  of  Lake  Erie  was  attended  by  two  cir 
cumstances  that  were  likely  to  entail  dissensions  and 
discussions  on  the  actors  in  that  important  event. 


204  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Though  victory  crowned  the  efforts  of  the  Americans, 
the  commanding  vessel,  the  Lawrence,  struck  her  flag 
to  the  enemy,  while  the  Niagara,  a  vessel  every  way 
her  equal  in  force,  did  not  get  her  full  share  of  the 
combat  until  near  its  close.  Nothing  is  more  certain 
than  that  both  these  peculiarities  might  have  occurred 
without  blame  being  properly  attached  to  any  one ;  but 
nothing  was  more  natural  than  that  such  circumstances 
should  lead  to  accusations,  recriminations,  and  quarrels. 
Most  of  the  officers  were  exceedingly  young  men,  and, 
while  some  of  the  Niagara  were  indiscreet  in  accusing 
those  who  surrendered  the  Lawrence  of  having  tar 
nished  the  lustre  of  the  day,  those  of  the  Lawrence  re 
torted  by  accusing  the  Niagara  of  not  having  properly 
supported  them.  When  this  business  of  recrimination 
commenced,  or  which  party  was  the  .aggressor,  it 
would  now  most  probably  be  in  vain  to  ask ;  but  the 
result  has  been  one  of  the  most  protracted  and  bitter 
controversies  that  has  ever  darkened  the  pages  of  the 
history  of  the  American  marine  ;  and  a  controversy  to 
which  political  malignancy  has  endeavored  to  add  its 
sting.  As  full  and  elaborate  discussions  of  this  subject 
have  appeared,  or  will  appear  in  print,  we  intend  to 
allude  to  it  here  no  farther  than  it  is  inseparably  con 
nected  with  the  acts  and  character  of  the  subject  of  our 
memoir,  and  the  vindication  of  our  own  opinions. 

In  his  official  account  of  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie, 
Perry  commended  the  conduct  of  his  second  in  com 
mand,  Capt.  Elliott,  in  terms  of  strong  eulogium.  But 
it  would  seem  that  the  circumstances  above  mentioned 
gave  rise  to  some  early  rumors  to  the  prejudice  of  both 
parties  ;  it  being  contended,  on  one  side,  that  Capt.  El- 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  205 

liott  did  not  do  his  duty  in  the  engagement,  and,  on  the 
other,  that  Capt.  Perry  came  on  board  the  Niagara  dis 
pirited,  and  ready  to  abandon  the  day.  The  country 
heard  but  little  of  this,  though  the  report  to  the  preju 
dice  of  Capt.  Elliott  was  widely  circulated  in  the  region 
of  the  lakes,  particularly  among  the  troops  of  Gen.  Har 
rison's  army.  In  1815,  in  consequence  of  a  paragraph 
in  an  English  newspaper,  which  accompanied  the  find 
ing  of  the  Court  Martial  that  sat  on  Capt.  Barclay, 
and  which  appears  to  have  been  mistaken  even  by 
Capt.  Elliott,  as  Well  as  by  sundry  writers  of  this  coun 
try,  for  a  part  of  the  finding  itself,  Capt.  Elliott  asked 
for  a  Court  of  Inquiry  into  his  conduct  on  the  10th 
Sept.  The  court  sat ;  and  the  finding  was  an  honor 
able  acquittal.  Here  the  matter  rested  for  three  years, 
or  until  after  the  return  of  Perry  from  the  Mediter 
ranean,  when  he  received  a  letter  from  Capt.  Elliott, 
who  asked  for  explanations  on  the  matter  of  certain  cer 
tificates  enclosed,  which  alleged  that  he,  Capt.  Perry, 
had  spoken  disrespectfully  of  his,  Capt.  Elliott's,  con-, 
duct  in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie.  This  letter  produced  ": 
a  brief  but  envenomed  correspondence,  in  which  Perry 
avowed  the  imputations  charged  to  him,  and  which  ter 
minated  in  a  challenge' from  Capt.  Elliott.  This  chal 
lenge  Perry  declined  accepting,  on  the  ground  that  he 
was  about  to  prefer  charges  against  his  late  subordinate. 
Here  the  matter  terminated,  in  waiting  for  the  future 
course  of  the  government.  It  is  known  that  these 
charges  were  shortly  after  sent,  but  no  proceedings 
were  ever  ordered  by  the  department. 

In  order  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  Perry's  conduct 
in  this  affair,  and  to  discharge  our  own  duties  as  im- 

VOL.  n.  18 


206  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

partial  biographers,  it  will  be  necessary  to  analyze  his 
charges,  and  to  give  him  the  benefit  of  his  own  expla 
nations.  Perry  felt  the  awkwardness  of  his  present 
position.  In  1813,  a  few  days  after  the  battle,  he  had 
written  a  letter  to  the  secretary,  eulogizing  the  conduct 
of  Capt.  Elliott  in  unequivocal  terms.  This  letter  was 
written  three  days  after  the  occurrence  of  the  events, 
when  all  the  circumstances  were  still  quite  recent,  and 
yet  when  sufficient  time  had  been  given  to  become  ac 
quainted  with  any  incidents  which  may  have  escaped 
his  personal  observation.  He  was  now,  five  years  later, 
bringing  accusations  which  necessarily  involved  a  con 
tradiction  of  his  eulogiums,  and  he  felt  the  necessity  of 
offering  his  reasons  for  this  change  of  course  and 
seemingly  of  opinion.  This  he  did  in  a  letter  that  was 
sent  with  his  charges,  and  which  was  dated  August 
10th,  1818. 

In  his  explanations,  Perry  took  the  ground  that  when 
he  wrote  the  official  letter  of  1813,  commending  the 
conduct  of  Capt.  Elliott,  he  was  not  fully  apprised  of 
all  the  facts  of  the  case  ;  but  that  he  now  possessed  the 
evidence  necessary  to  substantiate  his  charges.  This 
was  the  only  substantial  excuse  that  could  be  offered, 
the  profession  of  a  reluctance  to  say  any  thing  which 
might  injure  Capt.  Elliott,  which  was  also  urged, 
hardly  sufficing  to  explain  away  a  eulogy.  The  truth, 
however,  compels  us  to  go  further,  and  to  add  that 
Perry,  in  this  instance,  committed  the  same  fault  that 
he  had  just  before  fallen  into  in  the  case  of  the  marine 
officer.  He  allowed  considerations  that  were  purely 
personal  to  himself,  to  control  his  official  conduct.  In 
his  explanations,  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  he  should 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  207 

still  have  been  willing  to  pass  over  the  alleged  delin 
quency  of  Capt.  Elliott,  had  not  the  ktter,  by  assailing 
his,  Perry's,  character,  endeavored  to  repair  his  own. 
While  he  makes  this  admission,  Perry  also  confesses 
that  the  facts  upon  which  some  of  his  present  charges 
were  founded  had  long  been  in  his  possession,  thus 
weakening  his  best  defence  for  the  course  he  was  no\v 
taking,  or  that  of  previous  ignorance.  If  we  add  that 
Perry  gave  as  an  additional  reason  for  praising  Capt. 
Elliott  in  his  official  report  of  the  battle,  that  he  wished 
all  under  his  orders  to  share  in  the  glory  of  the  day, 
the  excuse  is  not  tenable,  as  he  omitted  altogether  to 
mention  four  of  his  commanders,  and  this,  too,  under 
circumstances  that  produced  deep  mortification  to 
the  gentlemen  whose  names  were  not  given  to  the 
nation. 

A  dispassionate  examination  of  this  letter,  at  once 
exposes  its  fallacies.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  not  ne 
cessary  to  eulogize  the  conduct  of  Capt.  Elliott  to  screen 
him  from  censure.  The  praise  that  Perry  gave  him, 
in  1813,  is  prominent,  distinct,  and  much  fuller  than 
that  which  is  bestowed  on  any  other  officer  under  his 
command.  It  is  but  justice  to  Perry  to  say,  however, 
that  admitting  Capt.  Elliott  deserved  equally  well  with 
others,  his  rank,  and  the  peculiar  circumstance  that  he 
alone  was  Perry's  equal  in  this  respect,  might  fairly 
entitle  him  to  more  notice  than  his  inferiors ;  while  it 
is  due  to  Capt.  Elliott  to  add  that  superiority  of  notice 
was  by  no  means  necessary  if  the  object  had  been 
solely  to  protect  from  censure.  There  is  a  particularity 
in  Perry's  praise,  however,  that  it  is  difficult  to  ascribe 
to  any  thing  but  an  honest  conviction  that  Elliott 


208  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

merited  it.  That  the  reader  may  judge  for  himself, 
we  give  parts  of  the  letter  itself,  in  a  note,  putting  the 
passages  that  apply  especially  to  Capt.  Elliott  in 
italics.* 


*  The  following  passages  from  Perry's  official  report,  are  those 
in  which  he  speaks  of  the  conduct  of  Capt.  Elliott,  and  in  which 
he  speaks  of  the  conduct  of  his  officers  generally.  They  are  all 
given  for  the  purposes  of  comparison. 

"  U.  S.  Schooner  Ariel,  Put-in-Bay,  13th  Sept.  1813. 

"  SIR — In  my  last  I  informed  you  that  we  had  captured  the 
enemy's  fleet  on  this  lake.  I  have  now  the  honor  to  give  you  the 
most  important  particulars  of  the  action,"  &c. 

*        •        •        "        '        *;' r{    t  i   '<  i!  i'i     *.''•'•*' 
"  At  half -past  two,   the  wind  springing  up,  Capt.  Elliott  was 

enabled  to  bring  his  vessel,  the  Niagara,  gallantly  into  close  action; 
I  immediately  went  on  board  of  her,  when  he.  anticipated  my  wish, 
by  volunteering  to  bring  the  schooners,  which  had  been  kept  astern 
by  the  lightness  of  the  wind,  into  close  action" 

"The  Niagara  being  very  little  injured,  I  determined  to  pass 
through  the  enemy's  line — bore  up  and  passed  ahead  of  their  two 
ships  and  a  brig,  giving  a  raking  fire  to  them  with  the  starboard 
guns,  and  to  a  large  schooner  and  sloop  from  the  larboard  side,  at 
half  pistol-shot  distance.  The  smaller  vessels  at  this  time  having 
got  within  grape  and  canister  distance,  under  the  direction  of  Capt, 
Elliott,  and  keeping  up  a  well-directed  fire,  the  two  ships,  a  brig, 
and  a  schooner  surrendered,  a  schooner  and  sloop  making  a  vain 
attempt  to  escape."  .  .  .  .  Jv«/;.'^  "H-i- ;.,.>'•,-•.'-. 

"Those  officers  and  men  under  my  observation  evinced  the 
greatest  gallantry,  and  I  have  no  doubt  that  all  others  conducted 
themselves  as  became  American  officers  and  seamen.  Lieut. 
Yarnall,  first  of  the  Lawrence,  though  several  times  wounded, 
refused  to  quit  the  deck.  Midshipman  Forrest,  (doing  duty  as 
lieutenant,)  and  sailing-master  Taylor,  were  of  great  assistance  to 
me.  I  have  great  pain  in  stating  to  you  the  death  of  Lieut.  Brooks 
of  the  marines,  and  Mid.  Lamb,  both  of  the  Lawrence;  and  Mid. 
John  Clark,  of  the  Scorpion — they  were  valuable  officers.  Mr. 
Hambleton,  purser,  two  volunteered  his  services  on  deck,  was 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  209 

The  next  consideration  is  the  circumstance  that 
Perry  forbore  to  prefer  his  charges,  though  some  of  the 
proofs  had  tang  been  in  his  possession,  until  an  issue 
had  been  made  up  between  his  own  character  and  that 
of  Capt.  Elliott.  This,  then,  is  the  instance  similar  to 
that  which  occurred  in  the  affair  of  the  marine  officer. 
In  both  cases,  the  prosecutor  is  in  possession  of  the 
facts ;  in  both  he  delays  to  bring  his  charges  while  a 
controversy  affecting  himself  is  in  suspense  ;  and  in 
both  he  actually  brings  them  when  he  finds  that  his 
own  conduct  is  to  be  brought  in  question.  All  this  is 
proved  by  Perry's  own  showing,  and  there  is  little  ne 
cessity  of  dilating  on  the  merits  of  his  course.  It  is 
unjustifiable,  and  the  mitigation  of  its  errors  is  only  to 
be  sought  in  the  universal  predominance  of  human 

severely  wounded  late  in  the  action.  Mid.  Swartout  and  Claxton, 
of  the  Lawrence,  were  severely  wounded.  On  board  the  Niagara, 
Lieuts.  Smith  and  Edwards,  and  Mid.  Webster  (doing  duty  as 
sailing-master)  behaved  in  a  very  handsome  manner.  Capt. 
Brevoort,  of  the  army,  who  acted  as  a  volunteer  in  the  capacity 
of  a  marine  officer  on  board  that  vessel,  is  an  excellent  and  brave 
officer,  and  with  his  musketry  did  great  execution.  Lieut.  Turner, 
commanding  the  Caledonia,  brought  that  vessel  into  action  in  the 
most  able  manner,  and  is  an  officer  that  in  all  situations  may  be 
relied  upon.  The  Ariel,  Lieut.  Packett,  and  Scorpion,  Sailing- 
Master  Champlin,  were  enabled  to  get  early  into  the  action,  and 
were  of  great  service.  Capt.  Elliott  speaks  in  the  highest  terms 
of  Mr.  Magrath,  purser,  who  had  been  despatched  in  a  boat  on 
service,  previous  to  my  getting  on  board  the  Niagara ;  and,  being 
a  seaman,  since  the  action  has  rendered  essential  service  in  taking 
charge  of  one  of  the  prizes.  Of  Capt.  Elliott,  already  so  well 
known  to  the  government,  it  would  be  almost  superfluous  to  speak. 
In  this  action  ?ie  evinced  his  characteristic  bravery  and  judgment, 
and  since  the  close  of  the  action  has  given  me  the  most  able  and 
essential  assistance.1' 

18* 


210  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

infirmity.  It  must  be  allowed,  perhaps,  that  a  large 
majority  of  mankind  would  have  acted  under  similar 
influence,  and  have  made  the  same  mistake ;  but,  at  the 
same  time,  it  is  certain  there  are  a  few  who  would  not. 
It  follows,  therefore,  that  the  character  of  Perry,  as  re 
spects  the  qualities  connected  with  this  affair,  must 
be  classed  with  those  of  the  men  who  suffer  personal 
feeling  to  control  their  public  conduct,  instead  of  with 
those  of  the  men  who,  in  their  public  acts,  overlook 
self,  and  decide  solely  on  the  abstract  principles  of 
duty.  This  is  said  without  adverting  more  particularly 
to  the  issue  which  it  is  alleged  had  been  made  up 
between  Perry  and  Elliott,  since  nothing  is  plainer  than 
the  fact,  that  accusations  against  the  former  might  easily 
have  been  disproved,  if  false,  without  necessarily  drag 
ging  accusations  against  the  latter  into  the  inquiry. 
The  result  of  ail  is  to  show,  that  while  Perry  possessed 
some  of  the  qualities  of  true  greatness,  he  wanted 
others,  without  which  no  man  can  claim  to  be  placed 
near  the  summit  of  human  morals. 

It  must  also  be  conceded  that  Perry  did  riot  manifest 
the  strong  desire  he  supposes,  to  allow  all  to  share  in 
the  honors  of  the  day,  since,  as  has  just  been  stated,  he 
omitted  to  mention  the  names  of  no  less  than  four  of  the 
commanders  of  his  gun-vessels ;  two  of  whom  were 
superior  in  rank  to  others  who  were  expressly  named, 
and  all  of  whom  were  as  much  entitled  to  be  mentioned 
as  the  commanders  of  the  other  small  vessels,  under  the 
usual  considerations  of  naval  etiquette.  We  come  now 
to  an  examination  of  the  charges  themselves. 

The  charges  brought  by  Capt.  Perry  against  Capt. 
Elliott,  in  1818,  may  be  divided  into  two  classes : 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  211 

those  which  refer  to  the  conduct  of  the  latter  on  the 
10th  Sept.,  1813,  and  those  which  refer  to  his  conduct 
subsequently  to  that  day.  As  the  last  have  no  connec 
tion  with  any  historical  event,  they  may  be  passed 
without  comment,  though  it  is  no  more  than  justice  to 
Perry  to  say  that  some  of  these  charges,  with  their 
specifications,  are  of  a  nature,  if  true,  to  require  the 
punishment  of  the  offender ;  while  it  is  equally  justice 
to  Capt.  Elliott  to  say  that .  others,  on  their  face, 
are  frivolous,  and,  in  their  nature,  not  to  be  legally  sus 
tained.  Of  the  latter  class,  is  a  specification  which 
charges  Capt.  Elliott  with  having  "  declared,  that  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  Lawrence  were  not  entitled  to 
prize-money  on  account  of  the  vessels  of  the  enemy 
captured  on  Lake  Erie,  but  that  the  officers  and  crews 
of  the  other  vessels  of  the  American  fleet  were  entitled 
to  prize-money  for  the  re-capture  of  the  Lawrence." 
To  deny  an  officer  the  right  to  make  declarations  of 
this  nature,  would  be  virtually  to  deny  him  the  right 
of  maintaining  his  private  interests  in  the  forms 
prescribed  by  law.  This  particular  specification 
appears  to  have  been  conceived  in  a  spirit  that  appeals 
to  the  national  vanity,  rather  than  to  the  national 
justice.* 

*  In  another  specification,  Perry  charges  Elliott  with  having  said 
that  the  British  vessels  might,  from  the  superior  force  of  the 
Americans,  have  been  taken  in  fifteen  minutes,  "  although  he,  the 
said  Capt.  Elliott,  well  knew  that  the  force  of  the  enemy  in  that 
engagement  was  superior  to  that  of  the  American  fleet." 

The  writer  cannot  see  on  what  principle  of  force  the  English, 
comparing  fleet  to  fleet,  \vere  superior  to  the  Americans.  An  ex 
perienced  officer,  who  examined  both  squadrons,  tells  him  that 
the  Americans  were  decidedly  superior.  Officers  who  were  in 


212  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

The  charges  of  ill  conduct  on  the  part  of  Capt.  Elliott, 
in  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie,  are  three  in  number.  The 
first  is  conceived  in  the  following  words,  viz. : — "  That 
the  said  Capt.  Elliott,  on  the  10th  Sept.,  1813,  being 
then  a  master  and  commander  in  the  navy  of  the  United 
States,  and  commanding  the  U.  S.  brig  Niagara,  one 
of  the  American  squadron  on  Lake  Erie,  did  not  use 
his  utmost  exertions  to  carry  into  execution  the  orders 
of  his  commanding  officer  to  join  in  the  battle  of  that 
day  between  the  American  and  British  fleets."  There 
are  two  other  charges,  one  accusing  Capt.  Elliott  of 
not  doing  his  utmost  to  destroy  the  vessel  he  had  been 
particularly  ordered  to  engage,  and  the  other  that  he 
did  not  do  his  utmost  to  succor  the  Lawrence.  All 
three  of  these  charges  substantially  rest  on  the  same 
specifications,  there  being  but  one  elaborately  prepared, 
which  assumes  to  give  an  outline  of  the  movements  of 
the  Niagara  in  the  action. 

the  engagement  have  given  him  the  same  account  of  the  matter. 
His  own  calculations  produce  a  similar  result.  Mr.  Webster, 
before  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  in  1815,  says  : — "  In  close  action  they 
were  not  superior  to  us,  in  my  opinion ;  but  from  the  lightness  of 
the  wind,  the  situation  of  the  fleets,  and  the  enemy's  having  long 
guns,  I  consider  them  superior." 

Capt.  Turner,  in  his  affidavit,  says  that  it  was  owing  to  the 
Niagara's  being  so  far  astern,  or,  to  use  his  own  words,  "which 
circumstance,  only,  made  the  result  of  the  battle  for  a  short  time 
doubtful."  This  is  strong  language  to  use  as  against  a  superior 
force. 

Mr.  Packett  also  says,  substantially,  the  same  thing.  Now, 
neither  of  these  brave  men  would  be  apt  to  think  success  against 
a  superior  British  force  certain. 

The  charge  against  Elliott  is  extraordinary  in  every  point  of 
view,  since  it  is  like  compelling  an  officer  to  submit  his  opinions 
to  those  of  other  persons,  in  a  matter  affecting  his  views  of  force. 


OLIVER     HAZARD    PERRY.  213 

As  the  purpose  of  this  article  is  merely  to  draw  a 
sketch  of  Perry's  acts  and  character,  it  is  unnecessary 
to  comment  on  these  charges  further  than  is  required 
to  effect  that  object.  We  deem  it  impossible  for  any 
impartial  person  to  read  these  charges,  and  then  to  ex 
amine  the  evidence,  without  coming  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  subject  of  this  memoir  lost  sight  of  public  duty 
in  the  pursuit  of  private  resentment.  He  appears  to 
have  even  overlooked  the  effect  of  his  own  orders  in  the 
desire  to  criminate,  and  it  is  certain  that  one  of  the  spe 
cifications  involves  so  great  an  ignorance  of  some  of  the 
plainest  principles 'of  nautical  practice,  as  to  raise  a  sus 
picion  that  the  hand  of  some  legal  man  has  been  em 
ployed  to  pervert  that  which  depends  so  palpably  on 
natural  laws  as  to  admit  of  no  serious  dispute.  There 
is  other  evidence,  we  think,  that  Perry  did  not  draw  up 
these  charges  himself ;  a  fact  that  may,  in  a  -measure, 
relieve  him  from  the  responsibility  of  having  brought 
them  in  the  precise  forms  in  which  they  appear. 

In  the  specification  of  charge  fourth,  we  get  the  fol 
lowing  statement,  as  coming  from  Perry  himself,  touch 
ing  his  own  order  of  battle,  viz. :  "  1st.  An  order  direct 
ing  in  what  manner  the  line  of  battle  should  be  formed : 
the  several  vessels  to  keep  within  half  a  cable's  length 
of  each  other,  and  enjoining  it  upon  the  commanders 
to  preserve  their  stations  in  the  line,  and  in  all  cases  to 
keep  as  near  to  the  commanding  officer's  vessel  (the  Law 
rence)  as  possible.  2d.  An  order  of  attack:  in  which 
order  the  Lawrence  was  designated  to  attack  the  ene 
my's  new  ship,  (afterward  ascertained  to  be  named  the 
Detroit,)  and  the  Niagara,  commanded  by  the  said  Capt. 
Elliott,  designated  to  attack  the  enemy's  ship  Queen 


214  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Charlotte,"  &c.,  &c.  This,  then,  was  the  general  order 
of  battle,  as  respects  the  Niagara,  with  the  addition  that 
her  station  in  the  line  was  half  a  cable's  length  astern 
of  the  Caledonia.  Perry  also  gave  a  repetition  of  Nel 
son's  well  known  order — "  That  if  his  officers  laid 
their  vessels  close  alongside  of  their  enemies,  they 
could  not  be  out  of  the  way."  Under  these  orders,  not 
only  Perry  himself,  in  1818,  but  several  of  his  wit 
nesses,  appear  to  think  it  was  the  duty  of  a  commander 
to  close  with  the  particular  adversary  he  was  ordered 
to  engage,  if  in  his  power,  without  regard  to  any  other 
consideration.  This  opinion  is  such  an  unmilitary 
construction  of  the  orders,  and  might  have  led  to  con 
sequences  so  injurious,  as  to  be  easily  shown  to  be 
untenable. 

If  the  construction  of  the  orders  just  mentioned  can 
be  sustained,  the  line,  the  distance  from  each  other  at 
which  the  vessels  were  to  form,  and  every  other  provi 
sion  for  the  battle,  the  one  alluded  to  excepted,  becam-e 
worse  than  useless.  The  true  course  would  have  been, 
with  such  an  intention  before  a  commander,  to  have 
directed  the  several  officers  to  their  respective  antago 
nists,  and  left  them  to  find  their  way  alongside  in  the 
best  manner  they  could.  If  such  were  intended  to  be 
the  primary  order,  in  the  orders  for  battle,  it  should 
have  been  so  worded  as  to  let  the  subordinates  under 
stand  it,  and  not  fetter  them  with  other  orders,  of  which 
the  execution  must  materially  interfere  with  the  execu 
tion  of  this  particular  mandate. 

But  it  is  impossible  to  understand  the  order  of  battle 
in  this  restricted  sense;  else  would  it  reflect  sorely  on 
Perry's  judgment  as  an  officer,  and  do  utter  discredit  to 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  215 

his  powers  of  explanation.  The  order  of  battle  clearly- 
meant — first,  to  prescribe  a  line  of  battle,  in  which  each 
ship  had  her  assigned  station,  with  an  additional  direc 
tion,  "  enjoining  it  on  her  to  keep  her  station  in  the 
line;"  second,  to  point  out  at  what  vessel  of  the  enemy 
each  American  should  direct  his  efforts,  from  that  sta 
tion  in  the  line  ;  and,  lastly,  if  circumstances  deranged 
the  original  plan,  to  keep  near  the  Lawrence,  though 
you  may  place  yourself  alongside  of  your  enemy  as  a 
last  resort ;  there  you  cannot  be  much  out  of  your  way. 
Without  this  construction  of  them,  the  orders  would  be 
a  contradictory  mass  of  confusion. 

Now  it  is  in  proof  that  the  Niagara  was  in  her  station 
astern  of  the  Caledonia,  until  Capt.  Elliott,  after  waiting 
for  orders  to  shift  his  berth  in  vain,  did  it  on  his  own 
responsibility,  breaking  that  line  of  battle  which  he  was 
enjoined  to  keep,  and  from  the  responsibility  of  doing 
which  it  was  certainly  the  peculiar  duty  of  Perry  to 
relieve  him,  either  by  a  signal,  or  by  an  order  sent  by  a 
boat,  did  it  appear  to  him  to  be  necessary.  It  is  also  in 
proof,  that,  when  Capt.  Elliott  took  on  himself,  in  the 
immediate  presence  of  his  commander,  without  a  signal, 
to  break  an  order  of  battle  he  was  enjoined  to  keep,  he 
endeavored  to  close  with  the  Lawrence,  and  that  when 
the  latter  dropped,  he  passed  ahead,  and  came  abeam  of 
the  only  heavy  vessels  the  enemy  possessed,  engaging 
them  within  musket-shot.  If  these  facts  are  not  true, 
human  testimony  is  worthless  ;  for  they  are  substan 
tially  shown  even  by  the  best  of  Capt.  Perry's  own 
witnesses.  This  confusion  in  the  reading  of  the  orders 
prevails  among  most  of  the  witnesses,  who  evidently 
mistake  the  accessory  for  the  principal. 


216  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Another  of  Perry's  specifications  accuses  Capt.  Elliott 
of  keeping  his  brig  "  nearly  a  mile's  distance  from  the 
Lawrence,"  &c.,  at  the  period  of  the  engagement  be 
fore  he  passed  the  Caledonia.  It  is  beyond  dispute 
that  the  Caledonia  was  close  to  the  Niagara  all  this 
time,  and,  let  the  distance  be  what  it  might,  it  is  not 
easy  to  find  the  principle  which  censures  one  com 
mander,  under  these  circumstances,  and  does  not  cen 
sure  the  other ;  unless  the  explanation  is  to  be  found 
in  the  admitted  superiority  of  the  Niagara  over  the  Ca 
ledonia  in  sailing.  This  we  believe  to  be  the  solution 
of  Perry's  impression  on  this  particular  poini,  as  well 
as  of  those  of  the  witnesses  whose  affidavits  accompany 
his  charges.  In  other  words,  they  appear  to  have  per 
suaded  themselves  that  it  was  the  duty  of  Capt.  Elliott 
to  have  disregarded  the  line  of  battle,  and  the  injunction 
to  keep  it,  and  to  have  broken  it  immediately,  or  as  soon 
as  the  Lawrence  drew  ahead  of  the  Caledonia.  This 
is  what  is  meant  by  their  statement  that  the  wind  which 
carried  the  Lawrence  ahead,  would  have  done  the  same 
thing  with  the  Niagara.  No  one  can  dispute  the  fact ; 
but  the  question,  who  ought  to  take  the  responsibility 
of  altering  a  line  of  battle  before  any  material  damage 
had  been  done  on  either  side,  he  who  issued  the  order 
originally,  and  who  had  the  power  to  change  his  own 
arrangements,  or  he  whose  duty  it  was  to  obey,  is  a 
question  which  can  admit  of  no  dispute  in  the  minds  of 
the  clear-thinking  and  impartial. 

Having  adverted  to  this  particular  specification,  it  is 
proper  to  add  that  all  the  witnesses  of  the  Niagara,  who 
speak  to  the  point,  differ  from  the  charges  as  to  this 
alleged  distance  of  their  vessel  when  astern ;  and  even 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  217 

the  two  lieutenants  of  the  Lawrence,  who  were  exa 
mined  before  the  court  of  1815,  put  it,  the  one  at  three 
quarters  of  a  mile  from  the  enemy,  and  the  other  at  from 
half  to  three  quarters  of  a  mile  ;  thus  lessening  the  dis 
tance  averred  in  the  charges,  by  nearly,  if  not  quite, 
one  half. 

In  another  specification  Perry  uses  these  words,  viz. : 
"  Instead  of  preventing  which,  or  affording  any  assist 
ance  to  said  brig  Lawrence,  the  said  Capt.  Elliott  left 
that  vessel,  her  officers  and  crew,  (eighty -three  of  whom 
were  killed  or  wounded,)  a  sacrifice  to  the  enemy, 
although  his,  the  said  Capt.  Elliott's,  vessel  remained 
perfectly  uninjured,  with  not  more  than  one  or  two  of 
his  men,  (if  any,)  while  Capt.  Elliott  continued  on  board 
of  her,  wounded. 

Since  the  death  of  Perry,  the  clearest  evidence  has 
been  produced  to  show  that  the  Niagara  had  met  with 
at  least  half  of  her  whole  loss  before  Perry  reached  her, 
and  several  witnesses  have  testified  they  do  not  think 
more  than  five  or  six  of  the  casualties  occurred  while 
he  was  on  board.  Previously  to  his  bringing  the 
charges,  however,  the  error  of  this  allegation  about  the 
wounded,  and  that  of  the  injuries  to  the  vessel,  had  been 
publicly  shown.  Mr.  'Webster,  the  sailing-master  of  the 
Niagara,  before  the  court  of  1815,  testified  that  he  was 
hurt  and  carried  below  previously  to  Capt.  Perry's 
coming  on  board ;  and,  in  reply  to  a  question  as  to  the 
injuries  received  by  the  Niagara,  he  answered  as  fol 
lows,  viz. :  "  There  were  two  men  killed  from  my  divi 
sion  before  I  went  below,  and  several  men  wounded  on 
board."  This  testimony  forms  part  of  the  records  of  the 
department,  though  Perry  may  never  have  seen  it.  To 

VOL.  n,  19 


218  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

suppose  him  capable  of  bringing  an  allegation  that  only 
two  men  were  wounded  in  the  Niagara,  when  it  was 
established  that  two  had  been  killed,  would  be  to  attri 
bute  to  him  a  subterfuge  that  could  scarcely  be  palliated 
by  the  blindness  of  resentment.  There  is  now  no  doubt, 
whatever,  that  the  specification,  so  far  as  it  relates  to 
the  hurt  of  the  Niagara,  rests  solely  on  vague  rumors, 
which,  so  far  from  strengthening  the  accusations  against 
Capt.  Elliott,  have  a  direct  tendency  to  weaken  them, 
by  proving  the  active  feeling  under  which  they  have 
been  brought.  The  specification,  worthless  as  it  would 
be  if  true,  is  unquestionably  untrue. 

There  is  another  specification  which  it  is  impossible 
to  suppose  Perry  deliberately  offered,  and  not  to  imagine 
him  totally  blinded  by  resentment,  since  it  involves  a 
physical  contradiction.  This  specification  is  in  these 
words :  "  And  was  (meaning  Capt.  Elliott)  when  his 
said  commanding  officer  went  on  board  that  vessel,  (the 
Niagara,)  keeping  her  on  a  course  by  the  wind,  which 
would  in  a  few  minutes  have  carried  said  vessel  entirely 
out  of  action  ;  to  prevent  which,  and  in  order  to  bring 
said  vessel  into  close  action  with  the  enemy,  the  said 
commanding  officer  was  under  the  necessity  of  heaving- 
to,  and  immediately  waring  said  vessel,  and  altering  her 
course  at  least  eight  points.11 

The  first  objection  to  this  charge  is  a  feature  of  disin- 
genuousness,  that  has  greatly  misled  the  public  mind,  on 
the  subject  of  the  situation  the  Niagara  actually  occu 
pied  when  Capt.  Perry  reached  her.  It  is  unanswer 
ably  in  proof  that  this  brig  was  about  as  near  to  the 
enemy  as  the  Lawrence  ever  got  during  the  engage 
ment,  and  though  Perry  certainly  carried  her  much 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  219 

nearer,  the  phrase  he  uses,  in  this  charge,  of  "  in  order 
to  bring  the  said  vessel  into  close  action,"  has  a  tend 
ency  to  mislead.  If  the  Lawrence  was  ever  in  close 
action,  then  was  the  Niagara  in  close  action  when  Perry 
reached  her;  and  it  would  have  been  fairer  to  have 
used  some  expression  which  would  have  left  a  clearer 
idea  of  the  real  facts  of  the  case.  But  this  is  the  least 
objection  to  the  specification.  A  reference  to  Capt. 
Perry's  own  official  report  of  the  action  will  show  that 
he  himself  admits,  in  that  document,  that  Capt.  Elliott 
took  the  Niagara  into  close  action. 

If  Capt.  Perry  found  the  Niagara  "  on  a  course  by 
the  wind,"  he  found  her  steering  on  a  line  parallel  to 
that  on  which  the  enemy  was  sailing ;  and  if  it  re 
quired  "a  few  minutes"  to  carry  her  out  of  action, 
under  such  circumstances,  it  is  a  proof  she  was  still 
coming  up  abreast  of  her  antagonist ;  and  to  insinuate 
that  that  was  an  equivocal  position,  would  be  like  in 
sinuating  the  same  of  Hull,  when  he  ran  alongside  of 
the  Guerriere,  or  of  Lawrence  when  he  did  the  same 
to  the  Shannon,  as  each  of  these  officers  was  steering 
on  courses  off  the  wind,  which  in  a  few  minutes  would 
have  carried  them  ahead  of  their  foes,  and  out  of  the 
action,  had  they  not  devised  means  to  prevent  it.  To 
accuse  a  man  of  what  might  happen,  while  he  is  still 
doing  what  is  right,  is  to  bring  a  charge  which  falls  of 
its  own  weight.  It  is  an  accusation  which  may  be 
brought  against  the  most  virtuous  while  employed  in 
the  performance  of  any  act  of  merit. 

Feeble  as  is  the  imputation  contained  in  the  fore 
going  feature  of  this  specification,  that  which  follows  is 
still  more  so,  since  it  contradicts  the  possibilities.  Pass- 


220  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

ing  over  the  singularity  of  a  ship's  first  heaving-to,  to 
prevent  her  running  out  of  action,  and  of  then  "  imme 
diately  waring,"  a  conjunction  of  evolutions  that  is  en 
tirely  novel  to  seamanship,  we  come  to  the  charge  that 
Capt.  Perry  was  obliged  to  "  ware"  or  alter  his  course 
"  eight  points,"  in  order  to  cut  the  English  line.  The 
term  "ware"  is  never  used  by  a  seaman  unless  he 
brings  the  wind  from  one  quarter  to  the  other.  To 
"ware"  is  to  come  round  before  the  wind;  as  to 
"  tack"  is  to  come  round  against  the  wind.  With  the 
wind  at  north,  a  ship  on  the  larboard  tack  that  was 
steering  "a  course  by  the  wind"  would  head  at  least 
as  high  as  east-north-east.  Now  keeping  her  off 
"  eight  points,"  would  cause  her  to  head  south-south 
east  ;  a  course  which  would  not  only  still  leave  the 
wind  on  her  larboard  quarter,  but  which  would  want 
two  full  points  of  keeping  dead  away ;  the  last  being  a 
step  preliminary  to  waring,  or  coming  up  on  the  other 
tack.  If  Capt.  Perry  used  the  term  "  waring"  inad 
vertently,  and  merely  meant  to  say  that  he  kept  away 
eight  points  to  cut  the  line,  it  follows  that  the  Niagara 
must  have  been  nearly  abeam  of  the  enemy  when  he 
took  command  of  her,  and  proves  that  Capt.  Elliott  him 
self  was  fairly  coming  up  alongside  of  his  enemy.  If, 
however,  he  is  to  be  understood  as  saying  literally  that 
he  did  "  ware,"  or  bring  the  wind  on  his  starboard 
quarter,  as  is  most  probably  true,  both  because  the  fact 
is  believed  to  be  so,  and  because  a  seaman  would  not 
be  apt  to  use  the  word  "  ware"  without  meaning  the 
thing,  it  gives  a  death-blow  to  the  only  serious  imputa 
tion  connected  with  the  charge,  by  showing  that  Capt. 
Elliott  must  have  been  bearing  down  on  the  enemy 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  221 

when  Capt.  Perry  reached  the  Niagara.  The  very 
minimum  of  waring  would  be  to  bring  the  wind  one 
point  on  the  quarter  opposite  to  that  on  which  it  had 
been  before  the  evolution  was  performed.  Less  than 
that  would  be  keeping  away.  No  seaman  would  think 
of  using  the  term  for  a  change  less  than  this.  Now,  if 
Capt.  Perry  "  wore,"  and  altered  his  course  only  eight 
points,  he  must  have  had  the  wind  one  point  abaft  the 
beam  when  he  commenced  the  evolution,  and  the 
charge  that  Capt.  Elliott  was  hugging  the  wind  cannot 
be  true. 

It  is  impossible  to  refute  this  reasoning,  which  de 
pends  on  the  simplest  mathematical  demonstration. 
The  weakness  of  the  specification  is  so  apparent,  in 
deed,  as  to  give  reason  to  distrust  the  agency  of  any 
seaman  in  its  immediate  production.  There  are  some 
incidental  facts  that  may  possibly  strengthen  such  a 
supposition.  The  answer  of  Perry  to  Capt.  Elliott's 
last  letter,  is  dated  August  3d,  1818.  In  this  answer, 
he  says — **  I  have  prepared  the  charges  I  am  about  to 
prefer  against  you  ;  and,  by  the  mail  to-morrow,  shall 
transmit  them  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,"  &c.  The 
date  of  the  charges  actually  sent  to  the  department, 
however,  is  August  8th,  or  five  days  later,  and,  from 
the  phraseology  of  the  charges,  as  well  as  from  that  of 
the  accompanying  affidavits,  it  gives  some  reason  to 
suppose  that  an  outline  of  the  facts  had,  in  the  interval, 
been  laid  before  some  member  of  the  bar,  who  has  him 
self  supplied  the  phraseology,  and  with  it,  quite  likely, 
most  of  the  defective  reasoning. 

It  is  nevertheless  impossible  to  read  this  page  in  the 
life  of  Perry  without  regret.  The  self-contradiction  be- 


NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

tween  the  language  of  his  official  report  and  that  of  his 
charges  is  of  a  character  that  every  right-thinking  man 
must  condemn,  and  when  we  take  his  own  explanations 
of  the  discrepancy,  and  look  into  the  charges  them 
selves,  we  find  little  to  persuade  us  that  the  last  were 
brought  under  that  high  sense  of  the  convictions  of 
public  duty,  which  alone  could  justify  his  course.  We 
have  no  pleasure  in  laying  this  matter  before  the  world, 
but  the  ci1  culatiou  which  has  lately  been  given  to  the 
subject,  rnder  ei  n^ftrte  views  and  mutilated  testimony, 
imposes  the  obligation  on  a  biographer  to  dwell  longer 
on  this  therae  than  he  might  wish.  There  is  ever  a 
temptation  in  a  democracy  to  natter  even  the  prejudices 
of  the  community ;  but  he  is,  indeed,  a  short-sighted 
judge  of  human  nature  who  fancies  that  the  world  will 
fail  to  punish  those  who  have  been  the  instruments  of 
even  its  own  delusions,  and  a  miserable  moralist  who 
sees  truth  through  the  medium  of  popular  clamor,  at 
the  expense  equally  of  his  reason  and  of  the  right. 

The  government  never  ordered  any  proceedings  on 
the  charges  thus  preferred  by  Perry  against  Capt. 
Elliott.  It  appears  to  have  viewed  them,  as  they  must 
be  viewed  by  all  impartial  men  who  examine  the  sub 
ject,  as  the  result  of  personal  resentment,  confessedly 
offered  to  its  consideration  under  the  influence  of  per 
sonal  interests;  and  as  something  very  like  the  as 
sumption  of  a  right  in  a  public  servant  to  mould  the 
history  of  the  country  to  suit  the  passions  or  policy  of 
the  hour.  Still,  Perry  remained  a  favorite,  for  his 
services  were  unequivocal,  and  there  was  a  desire  to 
overlook  the  capital  mistake  into  which  he  had  fallen. 
We  have  no  evidence  of  his  pressing  the  matter,  and  it 


OLIVER    HAZARD   PERRY.  223 

is  fair  to  presume,  from  this  circumstance,  that  the 
advice  of  cool-headed  friends  prevailed  on  him  to  ac 
quiesce  in  the  course  taken  by  the  functionaries  at 
Washington. 

It  was  March,  1819,  before  Perry  was  again  called 
into  service.  He  had  caused  a  small  residence  to  be 
constructed  on  a  part  of  the  property  that  had  been  in 
his  family  since  the  settlement  of  the  country,  and  here 
he  passed  the  autumn  of  the  year  of  his  controversies  ; 
certainly  well  clear  of  one  of  them,  whatever  may  be 
the  judgment  of  posterity  concerning  his  course  in  the 
other.  The  following  winter  he  purchased  a  house  in 
Newport,  and  took  possession  of  his  new  abode.  Here 
he  was  found  by  letters  from  the  department  directing 
him  to  join  the  Secretary  in  New  York.  The  result 
of  the  interview  was  his  being  ordered  to  the  command 
of  a  force  that  was  to  be  employed  in  protecting  the 
trade  with  the  countries  near  the  equator,  his  functions 
being  semi-diplomatic  as  well  as  nautical. 

It  was  intended  that  Perry,  who  now  in  truth  first  be 
came  a  commodore  by  orders,  though  the  courtesy  of 
the  nation  had  bestowed  on  him  the  title  ever  since  his 
success  on  Lake  Erie,  should  hoist  his  broad  pennant 
on  board  the  Constellation  38  ;  but  that  ship  not  being 
ready,  he  sailed  from  Annapolis  in  the  John  Adams  24, 
on  the  7th  June.  He  did  not  get  to  sea,  however, 
until  the  llth.  Early  in  July  the  John  Adams  reached 
Barbadoes.  After  communicating  with  the  shore,  she 
proceeded  on  to  the  mouth  of  the  Orinoco,  where  Perry 
shifted  his  pennant  to  the  Nonsuch  schooner,  which 
vessel  had  sailed  in  his  company,  and  sent  the  ship  to 
Trinidad.  He  then  began  to  ascend  the  river  toward 


224  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Angostura,  the  capital  of  Venezuela ;  off  which  town 
the  Nonsuch,  anchored  on  the  evening  of  the  26th  July. 

The  American  party  remained  at  Angostura  until 
the  15th  August ;  twenty  days,  at  nearly  the  worst 
season  of  the  year.  The  yellow  fever  prevailed,  and 
Perry  remarks  in  his  journal,  a  few  days  after  his 
arrival,  that  his  crew  was  getting  to  be  sickly,  and  that 
two  Englishmen  had  already  been  buried  from  the 
house  in  which  he  resided.  After  transacting  his 
business,  it  now  became  necessary  to  depart,  and,  on 
the  day  above  mentioned,  he  took  his  leave  of  the  au 
thorities,  and  immediately  got  under  way. 

The  situation  of  the  Nonsuch  was  already  critical, 
her  commander,  the  late  commodore,  then  Lieut.  Clax- 
ton,  the  present  Capt.  Salter,  who  was  a  passenger, 
and  Doctor  Morgan,  the  surgeon,  together  with  some 
fifteen  or  twenty  of  the  crew,  being  already  down  with 
the  fever.  The  whole  service  had  been  one  of  danger, 
though  it  was  a  danger  that  does  not  address  itself  to 
the  imagination  of  men  with  the  influence  and  bril 
liancy  of  that  of  war.  The  officers  and  crew  of  this  ves 
sel  had  entered  the  Orinoco,  only  thirty-four  days  after 
they  sailed  from  Lynn  Haven,  and  were  probably  as 
much  exposed  to  the  dreadful  disease  of  the  equator  as 
men  well  could  be.  As  yet,  however,  the  deaths  in 
the  schooner  had  not  been  numerous,  about  one  fourth 
of  the  ill  only  having  died. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  Perry  entered  his  gig, 
and,  as  the  Nonsuch  continued  to  drop  down  with  the 
current,  he  pulled  ahead,  amusing  himself  with  a  fowl 
ing-piece  along  the  margin  of  the  river.  This  may 
seem  to  have  been  running  an  unnecessary  risk,  but 


OLIVER    HAZARD    PERRY.  225 

the  seeds  of  disease  were  doubtless  already  in  his  sys 
tem.  That  evening,  the  vessel  reached  the  mouth  of 
the  stream,  but  meeting  with  a  fresh  and  foul  wind,  she 
was  anchored  on  the  bar.  There  was  a  good  deal  of 
sea  in  the  course  of  the  night,  which  was  driven  in  be 
fore  the  breeze,  and  the  schooner  riding  to  the  current, 
the  spray  washed  over  her  quarter,  from  time  to  time, 
water  descending  into  the  cabin  and  wetting  Perry  in 
his  sleep.  When  he  awoke,  which  was  quite  early,  he 
found  himself  in  a  cold  chill.  In  about  an  hour  the 
chill  left  him,  and  was  succeeded  by  pains  in  the  head 
and  bones,  a  hot  skin,  and  other  symptoms  of  yellow 
fever.  Perry  was  of  a  full  habit  of  body,  and  to  appear 
ances  as  unpromising  a  subject  for  this  disease  as  might 
be.  He  had  foreseen  the  risk  he  ran,  and  had  foretold 
his  own  fate  in  the  event  of  being  seized.  Notwith 
standing  his  appearance,  it  seems  he  would  not  bear  the 
lancet,  the  loss  of  blood  causing  him  to  sink,  and  his 
attendants  were  compelled  to  relinquish  a  treatment  that 
had  been  quite  successful  in  most  of  the  other  cases. 
There  were  intervals  of  hope,  however,  his  skin  cooling, 
and  his  breathing  becoming  easier,  but  new  accesses  of 
the  disorder  as  constantly  succeeded  to  destroy  their 
cheering  influence. 

From  the  first,  Perry  himself  had  but  little  expectation 
of  recovery.  His  fortitude  was  v  not  the  less  apparent, 
though  he  frequently  betrayed  the  strength  of  the  do 
mestic  ties  which  bound  him  to  life.  By  the  23d  of 
August,  the  Nonsuch  had  got  within  two  leagues  of  her 
haven,  being  bound  to  Port  Spain,  in  Trinidad,  where 
his  own  ship,  the  John  Adams,  was  waiting  his  return. 
Perry  was  now  so  far  gone  as  to  have  attacks  of  the 


226  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

hiccough,  though  his  mind  still  remained  calm  and  his 
deportment  placid.  He  was  lying  on  the  floor  of  a 
trunk-cabin,  in  a  small  schooner,  under  a  burning  sun, 
and  in  light  winds  ;  a  situation  that  scarcely  admitted 
of  even  the  transient  comfort  of  cooling  breezes  and 
complete  ventilation.  At  noon  of  this  day  he  desired 
the  surgeon  to  let  him  know  if  any  fatal  symptoms  oc 
curred,  and  shortly  after  he  was  actually  seized  with 
the  vomiting  which  in  this  disorder  is  the  unerring  pre 
cursor  of  death.  This  was  a  sign  he  could  understand 
as  well  as  another,  and  he  summoned  to  his  side  several 
of  his  senior  officers,  and  made  a  verbal  disposition  of 
his  property  in  favor  of  his  wife.  He  appears  to  have 
waited  to  perform  this  act  until  quite  assured  that  his 
fate  was  certain.  This  duty  discharged,  he  asked  to  be 
left  alone. 

A  boat  from  the  John  Adams  now  arrived,  and  there 
was  a  moment  of  reviving  interest  in  the  world  as  he 
inquired  of  her  first  lieutenant  as  to  the  situation  of  his 
ship  and  crew.  He  then  had  an  interview  with  the 
gentleman  whom  he  wished  to  draw  his  will,  but  his 
mind  wandered,  and  about  half-past  three  he  breathed 
his  last.  As  his  death  occurred  on  the  23d  of  August, 
1819,  he  was  just  thirty-four  years  and  two  days  old 
when  he  expired.  When  this  event  occurred,  the  Non 
such  was  only  a  mile  from  the  anchorage,  and  it  would 
have  been  a  great  mitigation  of  such  a  blow,  could  the 
dying  man  have  passed  the  last  few  hours  of  his  exist 
ence  in  the  comfortable  and  airy  cabin  of  a  larger  vessel. 
The  death  of  the  commodore  was  first  announced  to  the 
officers  and  crew  of  the  John  Adams  by  seeing  the 
broad  pennant,  the  symbol  of  authority,  lowered  from 


OLIVER    HAZARD     PERRY.  227 

the  mast-head  of  the  schooner.  The  body  was  interred 
with  military  honors  in  Trinidad,  but,  a  few  years  later, 
it  was  transferred  in  a  ship  of  war  to  Newport,  where 
it  now  lies,  in  its  native  soil,  and  in  the  bosom  of  the 
community  in  which  it  first  had  an  existence. 

In  person,  Com.  Perry  was  singularly  favored,  being, 
in  early  manhood,  of  an  unusually  agreeable  and  pre 
possessing  appearance.  The  expression  of  his  counte 
nance  was  open,  frank  and  cheerful,  indicating  more  of 
the  qualities  of  the  heart,  perhaps,  than  of  the  mind. 
His  capacity  was  good,  notwithstanding,  if  not  brilliant 
or  profound,  and  he  had  bestowed  sufficient  pains  on 
himself  to  render  his  conversation  and  correspondence 
suited  to  the  high  rank  and  trust  that  were  confided  to 
him.  He  was  warm-hearted,  affectionate  in  disposi 
tion,  gentle  in  his  ordinary  deportment,  but  quick  in 
temper,  and,  as  usually  happens  with  men  of  vivid  feel 
ings,  as  apt  to  dislike  as  strongly  as  he  was  cordial  in 
his  attachments.  He  was  inclined  to  a  clannish  feel 
ing,  as  is  apt  to  be  the  case  with  the  members  of  small 
communities,  and  more  or  less  of  its  effects  are  to  be 
traced  in  several  incidents  of  his  life.  Thus,  in  the  con 
troversy 'that  occurred  between  himself  and  Capt.  El 
liott,  of  the  nine  witnesses  who  take  a  view  of  the  latter 
officer's  conduct  similar  to  his  own,  six  were  gentlemen 
who  followed  him  from  Rhode  Island,*  and  belonged  to 

*  Of  the  other  three,  two  were  the  lieutenants  of  the  Lawrence, 
and  had  their  feelings  enlisted  in  the  fate  of  that  brig,  while  the 
ninth  was  an  officer  who  not  only  had  just  before  quarreled  with 
Capt.  Elliott,  but  who,  by  his  own  showing,  believed  that  the 
omission  of  his  own  name  in  the  despatches  was  owing  to  Capt. 
Elliott's  interference.  No  better  proof  of  the  nature  of  the  feeling 
that  prevailed  need  be  given  than  the  fact,  that  the  surgeon's  mate 


228  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

his  own  gallant  little  state.  He  was  fond  of  surround 
ing  himself  with  friends  from  his  native  place,  and  ever 
retired  to  it  when  not  on  service  afloat.  Perry  was 
probably  the  only  officer  of  his  rank  who  never  served 
an  hour,  unattached  to  a  vessel  in  any  state  but  his  own. 
Whether  this  were  accidental,  or  the  result  of  choice, 
we  cannot  say ;  but  it  is  in  singular  conformity  with  his 
predilections,  which  go  far  toward  explaining  some  of 
the  more  painful  passages  of  his  life. 

In  stature,  Commodore  Perry  was  slightly  above  the 
middle  height.*  His  frame  was  compact,  muscular, 
and  well  formed,  and  his  activity  in  due  proportion. 
His  voice  was  peculiarly  clear  and  agreeable,  and,  aided 

of  the  Lawrence,  one  of  Perry's  immediate  followers,  testifies 
himself  that  he  questioned  the  wounded  of  the  Niagara,  within 
thirty-six  hours  of  the  battle,  in  order  to  ascertain  how  many  were 
hurt  while  Capt.  Elliott  was  on  board  of  her,  and  how  many  after 
Perry  took  command ! 

*  The  writer  admits  that  many  of  the  minor  details  of  this  sketch 
are  obtained  from  the  work  of  Capt.  Mackenzie.  But  here  his  in 
debtedness  ceases.  He  writes  and  thinks  for  himself  in  all  that  is 
distinctive  in  the  history  or  character  of  Perry.  In  nothing  does 
he  agree  less  with  Capt.  Mackenzie,  than  in  the  opinion  of  the  lat 
ter  concerning  Perry's  stature.  "The  person  of  Perry,','  says  that 
gentleman,  "was  of  the  loftiest  stature,  and  most  graceful  mould" 
—p.  242,  vol.  2d,  Mack.  Life  of  Perry.  If  Capt.  Mackenzie  viewed 
the  whole  of  his  subject  through  the  same  exaggerated  medium, 
as  he  certainly  has  viewed  the  person  of  Perry,  it  is  not  surprising 
that  others  Should  differ  from  him  in  opinion.  The  writer  has 
stood  side  by  side  with  Perry,  often,  and  feels  certain  he  was  him 
self  taller  than  Perry.  His  own  stature  was  then  rather  under  five 
feet  ten.  A  gentleman  who  knew  Perry  well,  assures  the  writer 
that  he  measured  him  once,  for  a  wager,  and  that  his  height  was 
as  near  as  might  be  to  five  feet  eight.  The  "loftiest  stature" 
would  infer,  at  the  very  least,  six  feet,  and  this  Perry  certainly  was 
not  by  several  inches. 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  229 

by  its  power,  he  was  a  brilliant  deck-officer.  His  repu 
tation  as  a  seaman,  also,  was  good,  while  his  steadiness 
in  emergencies  was  often  proved. 

By  his  marriage  with  Miss  Mason,  who  still  lives  his 
widow,  Perry  left  four  children ;  three  sons  and  a 
daughter.  The  government  made  a  larger  provision 
than  usual  for  their  education  and  support,  though  it 
could  scarcely  be  deemed  adequate  to  its  object,  or  to 
the  claims  of  the  deceased  husband  and  father.  Of  the 
sons,  the  eldest  was  educated  a  physician  ;  the  second 
is  now  a  lieutenant  in  the  navy ;  the  third  has  devoted 
himself  to  the  profession  of  arms,  as  a  student  at  West 
Point.  The  daughter  is  married  to  a  clergyman  of  the 
name  of  Vinton.  Perry  appears  to  have  been  happy  in 
his  domestic  relations,  having  been  an  attached  husband 
and  a  careful  father,  though  he  did  not  permit  the  ties 
of  the  fireside  to  interfere  with  the  discharge  of  his 
public  duties,  the  severest  of  all  trials  perhaps  on  a 
man  of  an  affectionate  disposition  and  domestic  habits. 

In  reviewing  the  life  of  Com.  Perry,  one  cannot  but 
regret  that  the  ill-directed  zeal  of  mistaken  friends  has 
not  left  his  memory  peacefully  to  repose  on  the  laurels 
he  obtained  in  battle.  Advancing  under  the  cover  of 
political  vituperation,  they  have  endeavored  to  sustain 
a  vindictive  controversy,  by  exaggerated  pictures  of  the 
character  of  his  victory,  and  by  ex  parte  representations 
of  testimony.  It  is  a  misfortune  that  men  who  have 
not  been  capable  of  appreciating  how  much  more  pow 
erful  truth  really  is  than  even  the  illusions  of  national 
vanity,  have  had  too  much  to  do  with  what  has  been 
termed  the  vindication  of  his  character,  and  have  thus 
dragged  before  the  world  evidence  to  prove  that  Perry 

VOL.  ii.  20 


230  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

was  far  from  being  superior  to  human  failings.  His 
professional  career  was  short,  and,  though  it  was  distin 
guished  by  a  victory  that  led  to  important  results,  and 
which  was  attended  by  great  success,  it  was  not  the 
victory  of  unrivaled  skill  and  unsurpassed  merit  that 
ill-judged  commentators  have  so  strenuously  asserted. 
Compared  with  the  battle  of  Plattsburgh  Bay,  as  a  nau 
tical  achievement,  the  victory  of  Lake  Erie  must  always 
rank  second  in  the  eyes  of  American  seamen,  and,  in 
the  eyes  of  statesmen,  as  filling  the  same  place  in  im 
portance.  A  mere  ad  captandum  enumeration  of  guns 
can  never  mislead  the  intelligent  and  experienced,  and 
these,  when  acquainted  with  the  facts,  will  see  that  the 
action  of  the  10th  September  was  one  in  which  defeat 
would  have  been  disgrace.  Still  it  was  a  glorious  vic 
tory,  and  gallantly  achieved.  Circumstances  were  ad 
verse,  and  the  disadvantages  were  nobly  met  by  Perry. 
His  greatest  merit  on  this  day  was  in  his  personal 
exertions,  and  the  indomitable  resolution  he  manifested 
not  to  be  conquered.  The  manner  in  which  he  changed 
his  vessel,  taken  in  connection  with  the  motive,  stands 
almost  alone  in  the  annals  of  naval  exploits,  and  evinces 
a  professional  game  that  of  itself  would  confer  lustre  on 
a  sea-captain.  His  recent  and  severe  illness,  too,  adds 
to  the  merit  of  his  conduct,  for  it  is  seldom  that  the 
mind  is  enabled  to  look  down  the  infirmities  of  the  body. 
But  the  personal  intrepidity  of  Perry,  always  of  a  high 
order,  as  was  often  manifested,  was  not  the  principal 
feature  of  this  act,  though  it  Jed  him  from  the  deck  of 
one  ship,  already  a  slaughter-house,  that  was  dropping 
out  of  the  battle,  to  the  deck  of  another  then  in  the  heat 
of  the  combat ;  but  it  was  that  lofty  determination  to  re- 


OLIVER     HAZARD     PERRY.  231 

deem  his  previous  losses,  and  still  to  wrest  victory  from 
the  grasp  of  his  enemy,  that  truly  ennobles  the  deed, 
and,  so  far  as  he  himself  was  personally  concerned, 
throws  the  mere  calculations  of  force  into  the  shade. 

The  death  of  Perry,  too,  has  a  claim  on  the  public 
gratitude,  that  is  quite  equal  to  what  would  have  been 
so  readily  conceded  had  he  fallen  in  battle.  In  his 
case  the  fatal  danger  was  not  even  concealed  ;  for  he 
went  into  the  Orinoco,  as  he  went  into  the  fight,  con 
scious  of  the  presence  of  an  enemy,  and  with  unerring 
warnings  of  his  own  fate  should  he  happen  to  come 
within  the  reach  of  his  ruthless  arm.  To  our  minds, 
Perry  calmly  dying  on  the  cabin-floor  of  the  little 
Nonsuch,  surrounded  by  mourning  friends,  beneath  a 
burning  sky,  and  without  even  a  breath  of  the  scirocco- 
like  atmosphere  to  fan  his  cheek,  is  a  spectacle  as 
sublime  as  if  he  lay  weltering  in  his  gore  on  the  quar 
ter-deck  of  the  Pennsylvania,  with  the  shouts  of  victory 
still  ringing  in  his  ears. 

The  name  of  Perry  will  ever  remain  associated  with 
American  naval  annals.  His  victory  was  the  first 
obtained,  in  squadron,  by  the  regular  and  permanent 
marine  of  the  country,  and  its  reputation  precedes  all 
others  in  the  order  of  time.  The  peculiar  character  of 
his  personal  exertions  associated  him  more  closely  with 
his  success,  too,  than  is  usual  even  for  a  commanding 
officer,  securing  to  his  renown  a  perpetuity  of  lustre 
that  no  one  can  envy  who  justly  views  his  exertions. 
All  attempts  to  rob  Perry  of  a  commander's  credit  for 
the  battle  of  Lake  Erie  must  fail ;  for  to  this  he  is  fairly 
entitled,  and  this  the  good  sense  and  natural  justice  of 
men  must  award  him  ;  but  too  much  is  exacted  when 


232  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

his  admirers  ask  the  world  to  disregard  the  known  laws 
that  regulate  physical  force  ;  to  forget  the  points  of  the 
compass  ;  to  overlook  testimony,  when  it  is  direct,  un- 
impeached,  and  the  hest  a  case  will  admit  of,  in  favor 
of  rumors  that  .can  be  traced  to  no  responsible  source  ; 
to  believe  all  that  even  Perry  says  to-day,  and  to  forget 
all  that  he  said  yesterday;  in  short,  to  place  judgment, 
knowledge,  evidence,  the  truth,  and  even  the  laws  of 
nature,  at  the  mercy  of  imbittered  disputants,  who  have 
fancied  that  the  ephemeral  influence  of  political  clamor 
is  to  outlast  the  eternal  principles  of  right,  and  even  to 
supplant  the  mandates  of  God 


EICHARD  DALE. 


AMONG  the  many  brave  men  who  early  contributed 
to  render  the  navy  of  the  republic  popular  and  respect 
able,  the  gallant  seaman  whose  name  is  placed  at  the 
head  of  this  article  is  entitled  to  a  conspicuous  place  ; 
equally  on  account  of  his  services,  his  professional 
skill,  and  his  personal  merit.  Although  his  connec 
tion  with  the  marine,  created  under  the  constitution  of 
1789,  was  of  short  continuance,  it  left  a  durable  im 
pression  on  the  service ;  and,  if  we  look  back  to  the 
dark  period  of  the  Revolution,  we  find  him  contending 
in  some  of  the  fiercest  combats  of  the  period,  always 
with  heroism,  and  not  unfrequently  with  success.  Cir 
cumstances,  too,  have  connected  his  renown  with  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  naval  battles  on  record ;  a  dis 
tinction  of  itself  which  fully  entitles  him  to  a  high 
place  among  those  who  have  fought  and  bled  for  the 
independence  of  their  country,  in  stations  of  subordi 
nate  authority. 

Richard  Dale  was  born  in  the  colony  of  Virginia,  on 
the  6th  November,  1756.  His  birth-place  was  in  the 
county  of  Norfolk,  and  not  distant  from  the  well  known 
port  of  the  same  name.  His  parents  were  native 
Americans,  of  respectable  standing,  though  of  rather 
reduced  circumstances.  His  father,  dying  early,  leff 
20*  233 


234  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

a  widow  with  five  children,  of  whom  the  subject  of  this 
memoir  was  the  eldest.  Some  time  after  the  death  of 
his  father,  his  mother  contracted  a  second  marriage 
with  a  gentleman  of  the  name  of  Cooper,  among  the 
issue  of  which  were  two  well  known  ship-masters  of 
Philadelphia. 

Young  Dale  manifested  an  inclination  for  the  sea  at 
a  very  early  period  of  life.  The  distrust  of  a  parental 
control  that  has  no  foundation  in  nature,  and  which  is 
apt  to  be  regarded  with  jealousy,  stimulated  if  it  did 
not  quicken  this  desire,  and  we  find  him  at  the  tender 
age  of  twelve,  or  in  1768,  making  a  voyage  between 
Norfolk  and  Liverpool,  in  a  vessel  commanded  by  one 
of  his  own  uncles.  On  his  return  home,  he  appears  to 
have  passed  nearly  a  twelvemonth  on  shore ;  but  his 
desire  to  become  a  sailor  still  continuing,  in  the  spring 
of  1770  he  was  regularly  apprenticed  to  a  respectable 
merchant  and  ship-owner,  of  the  borough  of  Norfolk, 
named  Newton.  From  this  moment  his  fortune  in  life 
was  cast,  and  he  continued  devotedly  employed  in  the 
profession,  until  his  enterprise,  prudence  and  gallantry 
enabled  him  finally  to  retire  with  credit,  and  unblemish 
ed  name,  and  a  competency. 

During  his  apprenticeship,  Dale  appears  to  have 
been,  most  of  the  time,  employed  in  the  West  India 
trade.  Every  sailor  has  his  chances  and  hair-breadth 
escapes,  and  our  young  mariner  met  with  two,  at  that 
period  of  his  life,  which  may  be  thought  worthy  of 
notice.  On  one  occasion  he  fell  from  the  spars  stowed 
on  the  belfry  into  the  vessel's  hold,  hitting  the  keelson, 
a  distance  of  neaT  twenty  feet ;  escaping,  however, 
without  material  injury.  A  much  greater  risk  was 


RICHARD    DALE.  235 

incurred  on  another.  While  the  vessel  to  which  he 
belonged  was  running  off  the  wind,  with  a  stiff  breeze, 
Dale  was  accidentally  knocked  overboard  by  the  jib 
sheets,  arid  was  not  picked  up  without  great  difficulty. 
He  was  an  hour  in  the  water,  sustaining  himself  by 
swimming,  and  he  ever  spoke  of  the  incident  as  one  of 
more  peril  than  any  other  in  a  very  perilous  career. 

When  nineteen,  or  in  1775,  Dale  had  risen  to  the 
station  of  chief  mate  on  board  a  large  brig  belonging  to 
his  owner.  In  this  situation  he  appears  to  have -re 
mained,  industriously  engaged  during  the  few  first 
months  of  the  struggle  for  independence  ;  the  active 
warfare  not  having  yet  extended  itself  as  far  south  as 
his  part  of  the  country.  Early  in  1776,  however,  the 
aspect  of  things  began  to  change,  and  it  is  'probable 
that  the  interruption  to  commerce  rendered  him  the 
master  of  his  own  movements. 

Virginia,  in  common  with  most  of  the  larger  and 
more  maritime  colonies,  had  a  sort  of  marine  of  its 
own ;  more  especially  anterior  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  It  consisted  principally  of  bay  craft, 
and  was  employed  in  the  extensive  estuaries  and  rivers 
of  that  commonwealth.  On  board  of  one  of  these  light 
cruisers  Dale  was  entered  as  a  lieutenant,  in  the  early 
part  of  the  memorable  year  1776.  While  in  this  ser 
vice,  he  was  sent  a  short  distance  for  some  guns,  in  a 
river  craft ;  but  falling  in  with  a  tender  of  the  Liver 
pool  frigate,  which  ship  was  then  cruising  on  the  Cape 
Henry  station,  he  was  captured  and  carried  into  Nor 
folk.  These  tenders  were  usually  smart  little  cruisers, 
another,  belonging  to  the  same  frigate,  having  been 
taken  shortly  before,  by  the  U.  S.  brig  Lexington,  after 


236  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

a  sharp  and  bloody  conflict.  Resistance  in  the  case  of 
Dale  was  consequently  out  of  the  question,  his  capture 
having  been  altogether  a  matter  of  course. 

On  reaching  Norfolk,  our  young  officer  was  thrown 
on  board  a  prison-ship.  Here  he  found  himself  in  the 
midst  of  those  whom  it  was  the  fashion  to  call  "  loyal 
subjects."  Many  of  them  were  his  old  scnool-mates 
and  friends.  Among  the  latter  was  a  young  man  of 
the  name  of  Bridges  Gutteridge,  a  sailor  like  himself, 
and  one  who  possessed  his  entire  confidence.  Mr. 
Gutteridge,  who  it  is  believed  subsequently  took  part 
with  his  countrymen  himself,  was  then  employed  by 
the  British,  in  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  actually 
commanding  a  tender  in  their  service.  The  quarrel 
was  still  recent ;  and  honorable,  as  well  as  honest  men, 
under  the  opinions  which  prevailed  in  that  day,  might 
well  be  divided  as  to  its  merits.  Mr.  Gutteridge  had 
persuaded  himself  he  was  pursuing  the  proper  course. 
Entertaining  such  opinions,  he  earnestly  set  about  the 
attempt  of  making  a  convert  of  his  captured  friend. 
The  usual  arguments,  touching  the  sacred  rights  of  the 
king — himself  merely  a  legalized  usurper,  by  the  way, 
if  any  validity  is  to  be  given  to  the  claims  of  hereditary 
right  to  the  crown — and  the  desperate  nature  of  the 
"rebel  cause,"  were  freely  and  strenuously  used,  until 
Dale  began  to  waver  in  his  faith.  In  the  end,  he 
yielded  and  consented  to  accompany  his  friend  in  a 
cruise  against  the  vessels  of  the  state.  This  occurred 
in  the  month  of  May,  and,  hostilities  beginning  now  to 
be  active,  the  tender  soon  fell  in  with  a  party  of  Ameri 
cans,  in  some  pilot  boats,  that  were  employed  in  the 
Rappahannock.  A  warm  engagement  ensued,  in 


RICHARD     DALE.  237 

which  the  tender  was  compelled  to  run,  after  meeting 
with  a  heavy  loss.  It  was  a  rude  initiation  into  the 
mysteries  of  war,  the  fighting  being  of  a  desperate,  and 
almost  of  a  personal  character.  This  was  one  of  those 
combats  that  often  occurred  about  this  period,  and  in 
those  waters,  most  of  them  being  close  and  sanguinary. 

In  this  affair,  Dale  received  a  severe  wound,  having 
been  hit  in  the  head  by  a  musket  ball ;  with  this  wound 
he  was  confined  several  weeks  at  Norfolk,  during  which 
time  he  had  abundance  of  leisure  to  reflect  on  the  false 
step  into  which  he  had  been  persuaded,  and  to  form 
certain  healthful  resolutions  for  the  future.  To  use 
his  own  words,  in  speaking  of  this  error  of  his  early 
life,  he  determined  "  never  again  to  put  himself  in  the 
way  of  the  bullets  of  his  own  country."  This  resolu 
tion,  however,  it  was  necessary  to  conceal,  if  he  would 
escape  the  horrors  of  a  prison-ship,  and  he  "  bided  his 
time,"  fully  determined  to  take  service  again  under  the 
American  flag,  at  the  first  fitting  opportunity. 

In  the  peculiar  state  of  the  two  countries  at  the  time, 
and  with  the  doubtful  and  contested  morality  of  the 
misunderstanding,  there  was  nothing  extraordinary  in 
this  incident.  Similar  circumstances  occurred  to  many 
men,  who,  with  the  best  intentions  and  purest  motives, 
saw,  or  fancied  they  saw,  reasons  for  changing  sides  in 
what,  in  their  eyes,  was  strictly  a  family  quarrel.  In 
the  case  of  Dale,  however,  the  feature  most  worthy  of 
comment  was  the  singleness  of  mind  and  simple  in 
tegrity  with  which  he  used  to  confess  his  own  error, 
together  with  the  manner  in  which  he  finally  became  a 
convert  to  the  true  political  faith.  No  narrative  of  the 
life  of  this  respectable  seaman  would  be  complete,  with- 


238  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

out  including  this  temporary  wavering  of  purpose  ;  nor 
would  any  delineation  of  his  character  be  just,  that  did 
not  point  out  the  candor  and  sincerity  with  which,  in 
after  life,  he  admitted  his  fault. 

Dale  was  only  in  his  twentieth  year  when  he  re 
ceived  this  instructive  lesson  from  the  "  bullets  of  his 
countrymen."  From  that  time,  he  took  good  care  not 
to  place  himself  again  in  their  way,  going,  in  June  or 
July,  to  Bermuda,  on  a  more  peaceable  expedition,  in 
company  with  William  Gutteridge,  a  relative  of  his  be 
guiling  friend.  On  the  return  passage,  the  vessel  was 
captured  by  the  Lexington,  the  brig  just  mentioned, 
then  a  successful  cruiser,  under  the  orders  of  Capt. 
John  Barry ;  an  officer  who  subsequently  died  at  the 
head  of  the  service.  This  occurred  just  after  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  Dale  immediately 
offered  himself  as  a  volunteer  under  the  national  flag. 
He  was  received  and  rated  as  a  midshipman  within  a 
few  hours  of  his  capture.  This  was  the  commence 
ment  of  Dale's  service  in  the  regular  navy  of  his  native 
country.  It  was  also  the  commencement  of  his  ac 
quaintance  with  the  distinguished  commander  of  the 
Lexington,  whose  friendship  and  respect  he  enjoyed 
down  to  the  day  of  the  latter's  death.  While  the  brig 
was  out,  our  midshipman  had  another  narrow  escape 
from  death,  having,  together  with  several  others,  been 
struck  senseless  by  lightning  during  a  severe  thunder 
storm. 

Barry  made  the  capture  just  mentioned  near  the  end 
of  his  cruise,  and  he  soon  after  went  into  Philadelphia, 
which  place  Dale  now  saw  for  the  first  time.  Here 
Barry  left  the  Lexington  to  take  command  of  the  Ef- 


RICHARD     DALE.  239 

fingham  28,  a  ship  that  never  got  to  sea,  leaving  our 
new  midshipman  in  the  brig.  Capt.  Hailock  was 
Barry's  successor,  and  he  soon  rated  Dale,  by  this  time 
an  active  and  skilful  seaman,  a  master's  mate.  Early 
in  the  autumn,  the  Lexington  sailed  for  Cape  Francois, 
on  special  duty.  On  her  return,  in  the  month  of  De 
cember,  she  fell  in  with  the  Pearl  frigate,*  and  was 
captured  without  resistance,  carrying  an  armament  of 
only  a  few  fours. 

As  it  was  blowing  very  fresh  at  the  moment  this  cap 
ture  was  made,  the  Pearl  took  out  of  the  prize  four  or 
five  officers,  threw  a  small  crew  on  board,  and  directed 
the  brig  to  follow  her.  By  some  accounts  Dale  was  left 
in  the  Lexington,  while  by  others  he  was  not.  A  suc 
cinct  history  of  the  events  of  his  life,  written  by  a  con 
nection  under  his  own  eye,  and  which  is  now  before  us, 
gives  the  latter  version  of  the  affair,  and  is  probably  the 
true  one.  At  all  events,  the  remaining  officers  and  crew 
of  the  Lexington  rose  upon  the  captors  in  the  course  of 
the  night,  retook  the  brig,  and  carried  her  into  Baltimore.! 

The  English  landed  several  of  their  prisoners  on 
Cape  Henlopen,  in  January,  1777,  under  some  arrange 
ment  that  cannot  now  be  explained,  though  probably  it 
was  connected  with  an  exchange  for  the  men  taken  and 
carried  away  in  the  prize.  Among  these  was  Dale, 

*  This  ship  has  been  differently  stated  to  have  been  the  Liverpool 
and  the  Pearl.  We  follow  what  we  think  the  best  authorities. 

tThe  prize-officer  of  the  Lexington  was  a  young  American,  of 
a  highly  respectable  family,  then  an  acting  lieutenant  in  the  Eng 
lish  navy.  His  prisoners  seized  an  occasion  to  rise,  at  a  moment 
when  he  had  gone  below  for  an  instant,  in  consequence  of  which 
he  was  dismissed  the  service  ;  living  the  remainder  of  his  life,  and 
dying,  in  his  native  country. 


240  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

who  made  the  best  of  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  when  he 
received  orders  to  proceed  to  Baltimore ;  which  he 
obeyed,  and  rejoined  his  brig,  the  command  of  which 
had  now  been  transferred  to  Capt.  Henry  Johnston. 

The  next  service  on  which  the  Lexington  was  em 
ployed  was  in  the  European  seas.  In  March,  she 
sailed  from  Baltimore  for  Bourdeaux,  with  despatches. 
On  her  arrival,  this  brig  was  attached  to  a  small  squad 
ron  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Lambert  Wickes,  who 
was  in  the  Reprisal  16,  having  under  his  command  also 
the  Dolphin  10,  Capt.  Samuel  Nicholson.  This  force 
of  little  vessels  accomplished  a  bold  and  destructive 
cruise,  making  the  entire  circuit  of  Ireland,  though  it 
was  eventually  chased  into  a  French  port  by  a  line-of- 
battle  ship.  Its  object  was  the  interception  of  certain 
linen-ships,  which  it  missed ;  its  success,  however,  in 
the  main,  was  such  as  to  excite  great  alarm  among  the 
English  merchants,  and  to  produce  warm  remonstrances 
to  France,  from  their  government. 

At  this  time  France  was  not  at  war  with  England, 
although  she  secretly  favored  and  aided  the  cause  of 
the  revolted  colonies.  The  appearance  of  American 
cruisers  in  the  narrow  seas,  however,  gave  rise  to  so 
many  complaints,  as  to  induce  the  French  government, 
in  preference  to  pushing  matters  to  extremities,  tempo 
rarily  to  sequester  the  vessels.  The  Lexington  was 
included  in  this  measure,  having  been  detained  in  port 
more  than  two  months,  or  until  security  was  given  that 
she  would  quit  the  European  seas.  This  was  done,  and 
the  brig  got  to  sea  again  on  the  18th  September,  1777.* 

*  It.  is  a  curious  feature  of  the  times,  that,  the  French  ordering 
the  Americans  to  quit  their  ports  with  their  prizes,  the  latter  were 
taken  out  a  short  distance  to  sea  and  sold,  Frenchmen  becoming 
the  purchasers,  and  finding  means  to  secure  the  property. 


RICHARD     DALE.  241 

It  is  probable  that  the  recent  difficulties  had  some 
effect  on  the  amount  of  the  military  stores  on  board  all 
three  of  the  American  vessels.  At  all  events,  it  is  cer 
tain  that  the  Lexingion  sailed  with  a  short  supply  of 
both  powder  and  shot,  particularly  of  the  latter.  The 
very  next  day  she  made  an  English  cutter  lying-to, 
which  was  approached  with  a  confidence  that  could 
only  have  proceeded  from  a  mistake  as  to  her  character. 
This  cutter  proved  to  be  a  rnan-of-war,  called  the  Alert, 
commanded  by  Lieutenant,  afterward  Admiral  Bazely, 
having  a  strong  crew  on  board,  and  an  armament  of  ten 
sixes. 

In  the  action  that  ensued,  and  which  was  particularly 
well  fought  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  the  Americans 
were,  in  a  measure,  taken  by  surprise.  So  little  were 
the  latter  prepared  for  the  conflict,  that  not  a  match  was 
ready  when  the  engagement  commenced,  and  several 
broadsides  were  fired  by  discharging  muskets  at  the 
vents  of  the  guns.  The  firing  killed  the  wind,  and 
there  being  considerable  sea  on,  the  engagement  be 
came  very  protracted,  during  which  the  Lexington 
expended  most  of  her  ammunition. 

After  a  cannonading  of  two  hours,  believing  his  an 
tagonist  to  be  too  much  crippled  to  follow,  and  aware 
of  his  own  inability  to  continue  the  action  much  longer, 
Capt.  Johnson  made  sail,  and  left  the  cutter,  under  favor 
of  a  breeze  that  Just  then  sprung  up.  The  Lexington 
left  the  Alert  rapidly  at  first,  but  the  latter  having  bent 
new  sails,  and  being  the  faster  vessel,  in  the  course  of 
three  or  four  hours  succeeded  in  getting  alongside 
again,  and  of  renewing  the  engagement.  This  second 
struggle  lasted  an  hour,  the  fighting  being  principally 

VOL.  n.  21 


242  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

on  one  side.  After  the  Lexington  had  thrown  her  last 
shot,  had  broken  up  and  used  all  the  iron  that  could  be 
made  available  as  substitutes,  and  had  three  of  her 
officers  and  several  of  her  men  slain,  besides  many 
wounded,  Capt.  Johnston  struck  his  colors.  The  first 
lieutenant,  marine  officer,  and  master  of  the  Lexington 
were  among  the  slain. 

By  this  accident  Dale  became  a  prisoner  for  the  third 
time.  This  occurred  when  he  wanted  just  fifty  days 
of  being  twenty-one  years  old.  On  this  occasion,  how 
ever,  he  escaped  unhurt,  though  the  combat  had  been 
both  fierce  and  sanguinary.  The  prize  was  taken  into 
Plymouth,  and  her  officers,  after  undergoing  a  severe 
examination,  in  order  to  ascertain  their  birthplaces,  were 
all  thrown  into  Mill  Prison,  on  a  charge  of  high  treason. 
Here  they  found  the  common  men  ;  the  whole  being 
doomed  to  a  rigorous  and  painful  confinement. 

Either  from  policy  or  cupidity,  the  treatment  received 
by  the  Americans,  in  this  particular  prison,  was  of  a 
cruel  and  oppressive  character.  There  is  no  apology 
for  excessive  rigor,  or,  indeed,  for  any  constraint  beyond 
that  which  is  necessary  to  security,  toward  an  uncon- 
demned  man.  Viewed  as  mere  prisoners  of  war,  the 
Americans  might  claim  the  usual  indulgence ;  viewed 
as  subjects  still  to  be  tried,  they  were  rightfully  in 
cluded  in  that  healthful  maxim  of  the  law,  which 
assumes  that  all  are  innocent  until  they  are  proved  to 
be  guilty.  So  severe  were  the  privations  of  the  Ame 
ricans  on  this  occasion,  however,  that,  in  pure  hunger, 
they  caught  a  stray  dog  one  day,  skinned,  cooked  and 
ate  him,  to  satisfy  their  cravings  for  food.  Their  situa 
tion  at  length  attracted  the  attention  of  the  liberal ; 


RICHARD     DALE.  343 

statements  of  their  wants  were  laid  before  the  public  : 
and  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  humanity  of  the  English 
nation.  This  is  always  an  efficient  mode  of  obtaining 
assistance,  and  the  large  sum  of  sixteen  thousand 
pounds  was  soon  raised ;  thereby  relieving  the  wants 
of  the  sufferers,  and  effectually  effacing  the  stain  from 
the  national  escutcheon,  by  demonstrating  that  the  suf 
ferers  found  a  generous  sympathy  in  the  breasts  of  the 
public.  But  man  requires  more  than  food  and  warmth. 
Although  suffering  no  longer  from  actual  want  and 
brutal  maltreatment,  Dale  and  his  companions  pined 
for  liberty — to  be  once  more  fighting  the  battles  of  their 
country.  Seeing  no  hopes  of  an  exchange,  a  large 
party  of  the  prisoners  determined  to  make  an  attempt 
at  escape.  A  suitable  place  was  selected,  and  a  hole 
under  a  wall  was  commenced.  The  work  required 
secrecy  and  time.  The  earth  was  removed,  little  by 
little,  in  the  pockets  of  the  captives,  care  being  had  to 
conceal  the  place,  until  a  hole  of  sufficient  size  was 
made  to  permit  the  body  of  a  man  to  pass  through.  It 
was  a  tedious  process,  for  the  only  opportunity  which 
occurred  to  empty  their  pockets,  was  while  the  Ameri 
cans  were  exercising  on  the  walls  of  their  prison,  for  a 
short  period  of  each  day.  By  patience  and  perseve 
rance,  they  accomplished  their  purpose,  however,  every 
hour  dreading  exposure  and  defeat. 

When  all  was  ready,  Capt.  Johnston,  most  of  his  of 
ficers,  and  several  of  his  crew,  or  as  many  as  were  in 
the  secret,  passed  through  the  hole,  and  escaped.  This 
was  in  February,  1778.  The  party  wandered  about 
the  country  in  company,  and  by  night,  for  more  than  a 
week,  suffering  all  sorts  of  privations,  until  it  was 


NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

resolved  to  take  the  wiser  course  of  separating.  Dale, 
accompanied  by  one  other,  found  his  way  to  London, 
hotly  pursued.  At  one  time  the  two  lay  concealed 
under  some  straw  in  an  out-house,  while  the  premises 
were  searched  by  those  who  were  in  quest  of  them. 
On  reaching  London,  Dale  and  his  companion  imme 
diately  got  on  board  a  vessel  about  to  sail  for  Dunkirk. 
A  pressgang  unluckily  took  this  craft  in  its  rounds,  and 
suspecting  the  true  objects  of  the  fugitives,  they  were 
arrested,  and,  their  characters  being  ascertained,  they 
were  sent  back  to  Mill  Prison  in  disgrace. 

This  was  the  commencement  of  a  captivity  far  more 
tedious  than  the  former.  In  the  first  place,  they  were 
condemned  to  forty  days'  confinement  in  the  black  hole, 
as  the  punishment  for  the  late  escape ;  and,  released 
from  this  durance,  they  were  deprived  of  many  of  their 
former  indulgences.  Dale  himself  took  his  revenge  in 
singing  "  rebel  songs,"  and  paid  a  second  visit  to  the 
black  hole,  as  the  penalty.  This  state  of  things,  with 
alternations  of  favor  and  punishment,  continued  quite  a 
year,  when  Dale,  singly,  succeeded  in  again  effecting 
his  great  object  of  getting  free. 

The  mode  in  which  this  second  escape  was  made  is 
known,  but  the  manner  by  which  he  procured  the 
means  he  refused  to  his  dying  day  to  disclose.  At  all 
events,  he  obtained  a  full  suit  of  British  uniform,  attired 
in  which,  and  seizing  a  favorable  moment,  he  boldly 
walked  past  all  the  sentinels,  and  got  off.  That  some 
one  was  connected  with  his  escape  who  might  suffer  by 
his  revelations  is  almost  certain;  and  it  is  a  trait  in  his 
character,  worthy  of  notice,  that  he  kept  this  secret, 
with  scrupulous  fidelity,  for  forty-seven  years.  It  is 


RICHARD    DALE.  245 

not  known  that  he  ever  divulged  it  even  to  any  individual 
of  his  own  family. 

Rendered  wary  by  experience,  Dale  now  proceeded 
with  great  address  and  caution.  He  probably  had  mo 
ney  as  well  as  clothes.  At  all  events,  he  went  to  Lon 
don,  found  means  to  nrocure  a  passport,  and  left  the 
country  for  France,  unsuspected  and  undetected.  On 
reaching  a  friendly  soil,  he  hastened  to  1'Orient,  and 
joined  the  force  then  equipping  under  Paul  Jones,  in 
his  old  rank  of  a  master's  mate.  Here  he  was  actively 
employed  for  some  months,  affording  the  commodore  an 
opportunity  to  ascertain  his  true  merits,  when  they  met 
with  something  like  their  just  reward.  As  Dale  was 
now  near  twenty-three,  and  an  accomplished  seaman, 
Jones,  after  trying  several  less  competent  persons,  pro 
cured  a  commission  for  him,  from  the  commissioners, 
and  made  him  the  first  lieutenant  of  his  own  ship,  the 
justly  celebrated  Bon  Homme  Richard. 

It  is  not  our  intention,  in  this  article,  to  enter  any  far 
ther  info  the  incidents  of  this  well  known  cruise,  than  is 
necessary  to  complete  the  present  subject.  Dale  does 
not  appear  in  any  prominent  situation,  though  always 
discharging  the  duties  of  his  responsible  station  with 
skill  and  credit,  until  the  squadron  appeared  off  Leith, 
with  the  intention  of  seizing  that  town — the  port  of 
Edinburgh — and  of  laying  it  under  contribution.  On 
this  occasion,  our  lieutenant  was  selected  to  command, 
the  boats  that  were  to  land,  a  high  compliment  to  so 
young  a  man,  as  coming  from  one  of  the  character  of 
Paul  Jones.  Every  thing  was  ready,  Dale  had  received 
his  final  orders,  and  was  in  the  very  act  of  proceeding 
to  the  ship's  side  to  enter  his  boat,  when  a  heavy  squall 
21* 


246  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

struck  the  vessels,  and  induced  an  order  for  the  men  to 
come  on  deck,  and  assist  in  shortening  sail.  The  ves 
sels  were  compelled  to  bear  up  before  it,  to  save  their 
spars ;  this  carried  them  out  of  the  frith ;  and,  a  gale 
succeeding,  the  enterprise  was  necessarily  abandoned. 
This  gale  proved  so  heavy,  th^f  one  of  the  prizes  actu 
ally  foundered. 

This  attempt  of  Jones',  while  it  is  admitted  to  have 
greatly  alarmed  the  coast,  has  often  been  pronounced 
rash  and  inconsiderate.  Such  was  not  the  opinion  of 
Dale.  A  man  of  singular  moderation  in  his  modes  of 
thinking,  and  totally  without  bravado,  it  was  his  con 
viction  that  the  effort  would  have  been  crowned  with 
success.  He  assured  the  writer,  years  after  the  occur 
rence,  that  he  was  about  to  embark  in  the  expedition 
with  feelings  of  high  confidence,  and  that  he  believed 
nothing  but  the  inopportune  intervention  of  the  squall 
stood  between  Jones  and  a  triumphant  coup  de  main. 

A  few  days  later,  Jones  made  a  secret  proposal  to  his 
officers,  which  some  affirm  was  to  burn  the  shipping  at 
North  Shields,  but  which  the  commanders  of  two  of  his 
vessels  strenuously  opposed,  in  consequence  of  which 
the  project  was  abandoned.  The  commodore  himself, 
in  speaking  of  the  manner  in  which  this  and  other 
similar  propositions  were  received  by  his  subordinates, 
extolled  the  ardor  invariably  manifested  by  the  young 
men,  among  whom  Dale  was  one  of  the  foremost. 
Had  it  rested  with  them,  the  attempts  at  least  would 
all  have  been  made. 

On  the  19th  September  occurred  the  celebrated  bat 
tle  between  the  Serapis  and  the  Bon  Homme  Richard. 
As  the  proper  place,  to  enter  fully  into  the  details  of 


RICHARD     DALE.  247 

that  murderous  combat  will  be  in  the  biography  of 
Jones,  we  shall  confine  ourselves  at  present  to  incidents 
with  which  the  subject  of  this  memoir  was  more  imme 
diately  connected. 

The  Bon  Homme  Richard  had  finally  sailed  on  this 
cruise  with  only  two  proper  sea-lieutenants  on  board 
her.  There  was  a  third  officer  of  the  name  of  Lunt, 
who  has  been  indifferently  called  a  lieutenant  and  the 
sailing-master,  but  who  properly  filled  the  latter  station. 
This  gentleman  had  separated  from  the  ship  in  a  fog, 
on  the  coast  of  Ireland,  while  in  the  pursuit  of  some 
deserters,  and  never  rejoined  the  squadron.  Another 
person  of  the  same  name,  and  a  distant  relative  of  the 
master,  was  the  second  lieutenant.  He  was  sent  in  a 
pilot-boat,  accompanied  by  a  midshipman  and  several 
men,  to  capture  a  vessel  in  sight,  before  Jones  made 
the  Baltic  fleet  coming  round  Flamborough  Head. 
This  party  was  not  able  to  return  to  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard,  until  after  the  battle  had  terminated.  In  con 
sequence  of  these  two  circumstances,  each  so  novel  in 
itself,  the  American  frigate  fought  this  bloody  and  ardu 
ous  combat  with  only  one  officer  on  board  her,  of  the 
rank  of  a  sea-lieutenant,  who  was  Dale.  This  is  the 
reason  why  the  latter  is  so  often  mentioned  as  the  lieu 
tenant  of  the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  during  that  memo 
rable  fight.  The  fact  rendered  his  duties  more  arduous 
and  diversified,  and  entitles  him  to  the  greater  credit  for 
their  proper  performance.  Both  the  Lunts,  however, 
appear  to  have  been  seamen  of  merit,  and  subsequently 
did  good  service.  They  were  natives  of  New  England. 

Dale  was  stationed  on  the  gun-deck,  where  of  course 
he  commanded  in  chief,  though  it  appears  that  his  pro- 


248  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

per  personal  division  was  the  forward  guns.  Until  the 
ships  got  foul  of  each  other,  this  brought  him  particu 
larly  into  the  hottest  of  the  work  ;  the  Serapis  keeping 
much  on  the  bows,  or  ahead  of  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard.  It  is  known  that  Jones  was  much  pleased 
with  his  deportment,  which,  in  truth,  was  every  way 
worthy  of  his  own.  When  the  alarm  was  given  that 
the  ship  was  sinking,  Dale  went  below  himself  to  as 
certain  the  real  state  of  the  water,  and  his  confident 
and  fearless  report  cheered  the  men  to  renewed  exer 
tions.  Shortly  after,  the  supply  of  powder  was  stop 
ped,  when  our  lieutenant  again  quitted  his  quarters  to 
inquire  into  the  cause.  On  reaching  the  magazine 
passage  he  was  told  by  the  sentinels  that  they  had 
closed  the  ingress,  on  account  of  a  great  number  of 
strange  and  foreign  faces  that  they  saw  around  them. 
On  further  inquiry,  Dale  discovered  that  the  master  at 
arms,  of  his  own  head,  had  let  loose  all  the  prisoners — 
more  than  a  hundred  in  number — under  the  belief  that 
the  ship  was  sinking.  Dale  soon  saw  the  danger  which 
might  ensue,  but  finding  the  English  much  alarmed  at 
the  supposed  condition  of  the  ship,  he  succeeded  in 
mustering  them,  and  setting  them  at  work  at  the 
pumps,  where,  by  their  exertions,  they  probably  pre- 
vented  the  apprehended  calamity.  For  some  time,  at 
the  close  of  the  action,  all  his  guns  being  rendered  use 
less,  Dale  was  employed  principally  in  this  important 
service.  There  is  no  question  that  without  some  such 
succor,  the  Richard  would  have  gone  down  much 
earlier  than  she  did.  It  is  a  singular  feature  of  this 
everyway  extraordinary  battle,  that  here  were  English 
men,  zealously  employed  in  aiding  the  efforts  of  their 


RICHA.RD     DALE.  249 

enemies,  under  the  cool  control  of  a  collected  and  ob 
servant  officer. 

At  length  the  cheerful  intelligence  was  received  that 
the  enemy  had  struck.  Dale  went  on  deck,  and  im 
mediately  demanded  Jones'  permission  to  take  posses 
sion  of  the  prize.  It  was  granted,  and  had  he  never 
manifested  any  other  act  of  personal  intrepidity,  his 
promptitude  on  this  occasion,  and  the  manner  in  which 
he  went  to  work,  to  attain  his  purpose,  would  have 
shown  him  to  be  a  man  above  personal  considerations, 
when  duty  or  honor  pointed  out  his  course.  The 
main-yard  of  the  Serapis  was  hanging  a-cock-bill,  over 
the  side  of  the  American  ship.  The  brace  was  shot 
away,  and  the  pendant  hung  within  reach.  Seizing 
the  latter,  Dale  literally  swung  himself  off,  and  alighted 
alone  on  the  quarter-deck  of  the  Serapis.  Here  he 
found  no  one  but  the  brave  Pierson,  who  had  struck 
his  own  flag ;  but  the  men  below  were  still  ignorant  of 
the  act.  We  may  form  an  opinion  of  the  risk  that  the 
young  man  ran,  in  thus  boarding  his  enemy  at  night, 
and  in  the  confusion  of  such  a  combat,  for  the  English 
were  still  firing  below,  by  the  fact  that  Mr.  Mayrant,  a 
young  man  of  South  Carolina,  and  a  midshipman  of 
the  Bon  Homme  Richard,  who  led  a  party  after  the 
lieutenant,  was  actually  run  through  the  thigh  by  a 
boarding  pike,  and  by  the  hands  of  a  man  in  the  waist 
below. 

The  first  act  of  Dale,  on  getting  on  the  quarter-deck 
of  the  Serapis,  was  to  direct  her  captain  to  go  on  board 
the  American  ship.  While  thus  employed,  the  Eng 
lish  first  lieutenant  came  up  from  below,  and  finding 
that  the  Americans  had  ceased  their  fire,  he  demanded 


250  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

if  they  had  struck.  "No,  sir,"  answered  Dale,  "it  is 
this  ship  that  has  struck,  and  you  are  my  prisoner." 
An  appeal  to  Capt.  Pierson  confirming  this,  the  Eng 
lish  lieutenant  offered  to  go  below  and  silence  the  re 
maining  guns  of  the  Serapis.  To  this  Dale  objected, 
and  had  both  the  officers  passed  on  board  the  Bon 
Homme  Richard.  In  a  short  time,  the  English  below 
were  sent  from  their  guns,  and  full  possession  was  ob 
tained  of  the  prize. 

As  more  men  were  soon  sent  from  the  Bon  Homme 
Richard,  the  two  ships  were  now  separated,  the  Rich 
ard  making  sail,  and  Jones  ordering  Dale  to  follow  with 
the  prize.  A  sense  of  fatigue  had  come  over  the  ktter, 
in  consequence  of  the  reaction  of  so  much  excitement 
and  so  great  exertions,  and  he  took  a  seat  on  the  bin 
nacle.  Here  he  issued  an  order  to  brace  the  head 
yards  aback,  and  to  put  the  helm  down.  Wondering 
that  the  ship  did  not  pay  offj  he  directed  that  the  wheel- 
ropes  should  be  examined.  It  was  reported  that  they 
were  not  injured,  and  that  the  helm  was  hard  down. 
Astonished  to  find  the  ship  immovable  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  there  being  a  light  breeze,  Dale  sprang 
upon  his  feet,  and  then  discovered,  for  the  first  time, 
that  he  had  been  severely  wounded,  by  a  splinter,  in 
the  foot  and  ankle.  The  hurt,  now  that  he  was  no 
longer  sustained  by  the  excitement  of  battle,  deprived 
him  of  the  use  of  his  leg,  and  he  fell.  Just  at  this 
moment,  Mr.  Lunt,  the  officer  who  had  been  absent  in 
the  pilot-boat,  reached  the  Richard,  and  Dale  was 
forced  to  give  up  to  him  the  command  of  the  prize. 
The  cause  of  the  Serapis'  not  minding  her  helm  was 
the  fact  that  Capt.  Pierson  had  dropped  an  anchor  under 


RICHARD     DALE.  251 

foot  when  the  two  ships  got  foul ;  a  circumstance  of 
which  the  Americans  were  ignorant  until  this  moment. 

Dale  was  some  time  laid  up  with  his  wound,  but  he 
remained  with  Jones  in  his  old  station  of  first  lieutenant, 
accompanying  that  officer,  in  the  Alliance,  from  the 
Texel  to  1'Orient.  In  the  controversy  which  ensued 
between  the  commodore  and  Landais,  our  lieutenant 
took  sides  warmly  with  the  first,  and  even  offered  to 
head  a  party  to  recover  the  Alliance,  by  force.  This 
measure  not  being  resorted  to,  he  remained  with  Jones, 
and  finally  sailed  with  him  for  America,  as  his  first 
lieutenant,  in  the  Ariel  20,  a  ship  lent  to  the  Ameri 
cans,  by  the  King  of  France. 

The  Ariel  quitted  port  in  October,  1780,  but  en 
countered  a  tremendous  gale  of  wind  off  the  Penmarks. 
Losing  her  masts,  she  was  compelled  to  return  to  refit. 
On  this  occasion  Dale,  in  his  responsible  situation  of 
first  lieutenant,  showed  all  the  coolness  of  his  character, 
and  the  resources  of  a  thorough  seaman.  The  tempest 
was  almost  a  hurricane,  and  of  extraordinary  violence. 
The  Ariel  sailed  a  second  time  about  the  commence 
ment  of  the  year  1781,  and  reached  Philadelphia  on 
the  18th  February.  During  the  passage  home,  she 
had  a  short  action,  in  the  night,  with  a  heavy  British 
letter-of-marque,  that  gave  her  name  as  the  Triumph  ; 
and  which  ship  is  said  to  have  struck,  but  to  have  made 
her  escape  by  treachery.  Jones,  who  was  greedy  of 
glory,  even  fancied  that  his  enemy  was  a  vessel  of 
war,  and  that  he  had  captured  a  cruiser  of  at  least 
equal  force.  This  was  not  Dale's  impression.  He 
spoke  of  the  affair  to  the  writer  of  this  article,  as  one 
of  no  great  moment,  even  questioning  whether  their 


t 

252  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

antagonist  struck  at  all ;  giving  it  as  his  belief  she  was 
a  quick-working  and  fast-sailing  letter-of-marque.  He 
distinctly  stated  that  she  got  off  by  out-mancEuvering  the 
Ariel,  which  vessel  was  badly  manned,  and  had  an  ex 
ceedingly  mixed  and  disaffected  crew.  It  is  worthy  of 
remark,  that,  while  two  articles,  enumerating  the  ser 
vices  of  Dale,  have  been  written  by  gentlemen  con 
nected  with  himself,  and  possessing  his  confidence, 
neither  mentions  this  affair ;  a  proof,  in  itself,  that  Dale 
considered  it  one  of  little  moment.  .'\... 

The  account  which  Dale  always  gave  of  the  meeting 
between  the  Ariel  and  Triumph — admitting  such  to 
have  been  the  name  of  the  English  ship — so  different 
from  that  which  has  found  its  way  into  various  publi 
cations,  on  the  representation  of  other  actors  in  that 
affair,  is  illustrative  of  the  character  of  the  man.  Sim 
ple  of  mind,  totally  without  exaggeration,  and  a  lover, 
as  well  as  a  practicer,  of  severe  truth,  he  was  one 
whose  representations  might  be  fully  relied  on.  Even 
in  his  account  of  the  extraordinary  combat  between  the 
Richard  and  Serapis,  he  stripped  the  affair  of  all  its 
romance,  and  of  every  thing  that  was  wonderful ;  ren 
dering  the  whole  clear,  simple  and  intelligible  as  his 
own  thoughts.  The  only  narratives  of  that  battle, 
worthy  of  a  seaman,  have  been  written  rigidly  after 
his  explanations,  which  leave  it  a  bloody  and  murder 
ous  fight,  but  one  wholly  without  the  marvelous. 

On  his  arrival  at  Philadelphia,  after  an  absence  of 
four  years,  more  than  one  of  which  had  been  spent  in 
prison,  Dale  was  just  twenty-four  years  and  two  months 
old.  He  was  now  regularly  put  on  the  list  of  lieu 
tenants,  by  the  marine  committee  of  Congress;  his 


RICHARD     DALE.  253 

former  authority  proceeding  from  the  agents  of  the  go 
vernment  in  Europe.  It  is  owing  to  this  circumstance 
that  the  register  of  government  places  him  so  low  as  a 
lieutenant.  Dale  now  parted  from  Paul  Jones,  with 
whom  he  had  served  near  two  years  ;  and  that,  too,  in 
some  of  the  most  trying  scenes  of  the  latter's  life.  The 
•commodore  was  anxious  to  take  his  favorite  lieutenant 
with  him  to  the  America  74 ;  but  the  latter  declined 
the  service,  under  the  impression  it  would  be  a  long  time 
before  the  ship  got  to  sea.  He  judged  right,  the  America 
being  transferred  to  the  French  in  the  end,  and  Jones 
himself  never  again  sailing  under  the  American  flag. 

The  name  of  Dale  wrill  be  inseparably  connected 
with  the  battle  of  the  Richard  and  Serapis.  His  pro 
minent  position  and  excellent  conduct  entitle  him  to 
this  mark  of  distinction,  and  it  says  much  for  the  su 
perior,  when  it  confers  fame  to  have  been  "  Paul  Jones' 
first  lieutenant."  We  smile,  however,  at  the  legends 
of  the  day,  when  we  recall  the  account  of  the  "Lieu 
tenants  Grubb"  and  other  heroes  of  romance,  who  have 
been  made  to  figure  in  the  histories  of  that  renowned 
combat,  and  place  them  in  contrast  with  the  truth-loving, 
sincere,  moral  and  respectable  subject  of  this  memoir. 
The  sword  which  Louis  XVI.  bestowed  on  Jones,  for  this 
victory,  passed  into  the  hands  of  Dale,  and  is  now  the 
property  of  a  gallant  son,  a  fitting  mark  of  the  service  of 
the  father,  on  the  glorious  occasion  it  commemorates.* 

*  This  sword  has,  quite  recently,  become  the  subject  of  public 
discussion,  and  of  some  private  feeling,  under  circumstances  not 
wholly  without  interest  to  the  navy  and  the  country.  At  page 
63,  vol.  2,  of  Mackenzie's  Life  of  Paul  Jones,  is  the  following 
note,  viz  : 

VOL.  II.  22 


254  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

Dale  was  employed  on  board  a  schooner  that  was 
manned  from  the  Ariel,  after  reaching  Philadelphia, 
and  sent  down  the  Delaware  to  convoy  certain  public 
stores.  The  following  June,  he  joined  the  Trumbull 

"  This  sword  was  sent  by  Jones'  heirs  to  his  valued  friend, 
Robert  Morris,  to  whose  favor  he  had  owed  his  opportunities  of  ^ 
distinguishing  himself.  Mr.  Morris  gave  the  sword  to  the  navy 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  to  be  retained  and  worn  by  the 
senior  officer,  and  transmitted  at  his  death,  to  his  successor. 
After  passing  through  the  hands  of  Commodore  Barry,  and  one  or 
two  other  senior  officers,  it  came  into  possession  of  Commodore 
Dale,  and  now  remains  in  his  family,  through  some  mistake  in 
the  nature  of  the  bequest,  which  seems  to  require  that  it  should 
either  be  restored  to  the  navy  in  the  person  of  its  senior  officer,  or 
else  revert  to  the  heirs  of  Mr.  Robert  Morris,  from  one  of  whom' 
the  writer  has  received  this  information." 

That  Captain  Mackenzie  has  been  correctly  informed  as  to  a 
portion  of  the  foregoing  statement,  is  as  probable  as  it  is  certain 
he  has  been  misled  as  to  the  remainder.  It  would  have  been 
more  discreet,  however,  in  a  writer  to  have  heard  both  sides,  pre 
viously  to  laying  such  a  statement  before  the  world.  A  very  lit 
tle  inquiry  might  have  satisfied  him  that  Commodore  Dale  could 
not  have  held  any  thing  as  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy,  since  he 
never  occupied  that  station.  We  believe  the  following  will  be 
found  to  be  accurate. 

Of  the  manner  in  which  Commodore  Barry  became  possessed 
of  this  sword  we  know  nothing  beyond  report,  and  the  statement 
of  Captain  Mackenzie.  We  understand  that  a  female  member  of 
the  Morris  family  gives  a  version  of  the  affair  like  that  published 
in  the  note  we  have  quoted,  but  the  accuracy  of  her  recollections 
can  hardly  be  put  in  opposition  to  the  acts  of  such  men  as  Barry 
and  Dale. 

The  sword  never  passed  through  the  hands  "  of  one  or  two  other 
senior  officers,"  as  stated  by  Captain  Mackenzie,  at  all.  It  was 
bequeathed  by  Commodore  Barry  to  Commodore  Dale,  in  his 
will,  and  in  the  following  words,  viz. 

"  Item,  I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  good  friend  Captain  Richard 
Dale,  my  gold-hiked  sword,  as  a  token  of  my  esteem  for  him." 


RICHARD     DALE.  255 

28,  Capt.  Nicholson,  as  her  first  lieutenant.  The 
Trumbull  left  the  capes  of  the  Delaware,  on  the  8th 
August,  1781,  being  chased  off  the  land  by  three  of 
the  enemy's  cruisers.  The  weather  was  squally,  and 


We  have  carefully  examined  the  will,  inventory,  &c.,  of  Com 
modore  Barry.  The  first  is  dated  February  27,  1803  ;  the  will  is 
proved  and  the  inventory  filed  in  the  following  September,  in 
which  month  Commodore  Barry  died.  Now  Commodore  Dale 
was  not  in  the  navy  at  all,  when  this  sword  was  bequeathed  to 
him,  nor  when  he  received  it.  Dale  resigned  in  the  autumn  of 
1802;  and  he  never  rose  nearer  to  the  head  of  the  list  of  captains, 
than  to  be  the  third  in  rank;  Barry,  himself,  and  Samuel  Nichol 
son,  being  his  seniors,  when  he  resigned. 

The  inventory  of  Commodore  Barry's  personal  property  is  very 
minute,  containing  articles  of  a  value  as  low  as  one  dollar.  It 
mentions  two  swords,  both  of  which  are  specifically  bequeathed — 
viz. :  "  my  gold-hilted,"  and  "  my  silver-hilted  sword."  No  allu 
sion  is  made  in  the  will  to  any  trust.  Only  these  two  swords  were 
found  among  the  assets,  and  each  was  delivered  agreeably  to  the 
bequest.  The  gold-hilted  sword  was  known  in  the  family,  as  the 
"  Paul  Jones  sword,"  and  there  is  not  the  smallest  doubt  Com 
modore  Barry  intended  to  bequeath  this  particular  sword,  in  full 
property,  to  Commodore  Dale. 

Let  us  next  look  to  the  probabilities  of  the  case.  The  heirs  of 
Paul  Jones,  who  left  no  issue,  gave  the  sword  to  Robert  Morris, 
says  Capt.  Mackenzie,  as  a  mark  of  gratitude.  This  may  very 
well  be  true.  But  Mr.  Morris  "  gave  the  sword  to  the  navy  of 
the  United  States,"  to  be  retained  and  worn  by  its  senior  officer. 
It  would  have  been  a  more  usual  course  to  have  lodged  the  sword 
in  the  Navy  Department,  had  such  been  the  intention.  That 
Commodore  Barry  did  not  view  Aw  possession  of  the  sword  in  this 
light,  is  clear  enough  by  his  will.  He  gave  it,  without  restraint  of 
any  sort,  to  a  friend  who  was  not  in  the  navy  at  all,  and  who  never 
had  been  its  senior  officer.  This  he  did,  in  full  possession  of  his 
mind  and  powers,  six  months  before  he  died,  and  under  circum 
stances  to  render  ,any  misconception  highly  improbable.  It  may 
be  added,  that  Miss  Jeannette  Taylor,  Paul  Jones'  niece,  in  a 
written  communication  to  the  writer,  affirms  that  information  was 


256  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

night  set  in  dark.  In  endeavoring  to  avoid  her  pur 
suers,  the  Trumbull  found  herself  alongside  of  the 
largest,  a  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns,  and  an  action  was 
fought  under  the  most  unfavorable  circumstances. 
The  Trumbull's  fore-topmast  was  hanging  over,  or 
rather  through  her  forecastle,  her  crew  was  disorgan 
ized,  and  the  vessel  herself  in  a  state  of  no  preparation 
for  a  conflict  with  an  equal  force ;  much  less  with  that 
actually  opposed  to  her.  The  officers  made  great  ex 
ertions,  and  maintained  an  action  of  more  than  an  hour, 
when  the  colors  of  the  American  ship  were  struck  to 
the  Iris  32,  and  Monk  18.  The  former  of  these  vessels 
had  been  the  American  frigate  Hancock,  and  the  latter 
was  subsequently  captured  in  the  Delaware,  by  Barney, 
in  the  Hyder  Ally. 

given  her  brother,  which  went  to  satisfy  him  that  Robert  Morris, 
in  his  pecuniary  difficulties,  sold  the  sword  to  Barry.  Of  the  fact, 
the  writer  professes  to  know  no  more  than  is  here  stated. 

Can  we  find  any  motive  for  the  bequest  of  Commodore  Barry  ? 
It  was  not  personal  to  himself,  as  the  sword  went  out  of  his  own 
family.  The  other  sword  he  gave  to  a  brother-in-law.  "Paul 
Jones'  sword"  was  bequeathed  to  a  distinguished  professional 
friend — to  one  who,  of  all  others,  next  to  Jones  himself,  had  the 
best  professional  right  to  wear  it — to  "  Paul  Jones'  first  lieute 
nant."  Commodore  Dale  did  leave  sons,  and  some  in  the  navy ; 
and  the  country  will  believe  that  the  one  who  now  owns  the  sword 
has  as  good  a  moral  right  to  wear  it,  as  the  remote  collaterals  of 
Jones,  and  a  much  better  right  than  the  senior  officer  of  the  navy, 
on  proof  as  vague  as  that  offered.  His  legal  right  to  the  sword 
seems  to  be  beyond  dispute. 

In  the  inventory  of  Commodore  Barry's  personals,  this  sword 
is  thus  mentioned,  viz.: — "a  very  elegant  gold-hilled  sword — 
$300."  The  other  sword  is  thus  mentioned,  viz. : — "  a  handsome 
silver-hiked  do.,  $100."  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  Miss  Tay 
lor  says  the  sword  cost  500  louis  d'or.  The  $300  may  have  been 
the  sum  Barry  paid  for  it. 


RICHARD     DALE.  257 

This  was  the  fourth  serious  affair  in  which  Dale  had 
been  engaged  that  war,  and  the  fourth  time  he  had 
been  captured.  As  he  was  hurt  also  in  this  battle,  it 
made  the  third  of  his  wounds.  His  confinement,  how 
ever,  was  short,  and  the  treatment  not  a  subject  of 
complaint.  He  was  taken  into  New  York,  paroled  on 
Long  Island,  and  exchanged  in  November. 

No  new  service  offering  in  a  marine  which,  by  this 
time,  had  lost  most  of  its  ships,  Dale  obtained  a  fur 
lough,  and  joined  a  large  letter-of-marque,  called  the 
Queen  of  France,  that  carried  twelve  guns,  as  her  first 
officer.  Soon  after  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  same  vessel.  In  the  spring  of  1782,  this  ship, 
in  company  with  several  other  letters-of-marque,  sailed 
for  France,  making  many  captures  by  the  way.  The 
ship  of  Dale,  however,  parted  from  the  fleet,  and  falling 
in  with  an  English  privateer  of  fourteen  guns,  a  severe 
engagement  followed,  in  which  both  parties  were  much 
cut  up  ;  they  parted  by  mutual  consent.  Dale  did  not 
get  back  to  Philadelphia  until  February  of  the  succeed 
ing  year,  or  until  about  the  time  that  peace  was  made. 

In  common  with  most  of  the  officers  of  the  navy, 
Lieutenant  Dale  was  disbanded,  as  soon  as  the  war 
ceased.  He  was  now  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of 
his  age,  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  his  profession,  in 
which  he  had  passed  more  than  half  his  life,  a  high 
reputation  for  his  rank,  a  courage  that  had  often  been 
tried,  a  body  well  scarred,  a  character  beyond  reproach, 
and  not  altogether  without  "money  in  his  purse." 
Under  the  circumstances,  he  naturally  determined  to 
follow  up  his  fortunes  in  the  line  in  which  he  had  com 
menced  his  career.  He  became  part  owner  of  a  large 


258  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

ship,  and  sailed  in  her  for  London,  December,  1783,  in 
the  station  of  master.  After  this,  he  embarked  success 
fully  in  the  East  India  trade,  in  the  same  character, 
commanding  several  of  the  finest  ships  out  of  the 
country.  In  this  manner  he  accumulated  a  respect 
able  fortune,  and  began  to  take  his  place  among  the 
worthies  of  the  land  in  a  new  character. 

In  September,  1791,  Mr.  Dale  was  married  to  Dorothy 
Crathorne,  the  daughter  of  another  respectable  ship 
master  of  Philadelphia,  and  then  a  ward  of  Barry's. 
With  this  lady  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days, 
she  surviving  him  as  his  widow,  and  dying  some  years 
later  than  himself.  No  change  in  his  pursuits  occurred 
until  1794,  when  the  new  government  commenced  the 
organization  of  another  marine,  which  has  resulted  in 
that  which  the  country  now  possesses. 

Dale  was  one  of  the  six  captains  appointed  under  the 
law  of  1794,  that  directed  the  construction  of  as  many 
frigates,  with  a  view  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  Algiers. 
Each  of  the  new  captains  was  ordered  to  superintend 
the  construction  of  one  of  the  frigates,  and  Dale,  who 
was  fifth  in  rank,  was  directed  to  assume  the  superin 
tendence  of  the  one  laid  down  at  Norfolk,  virtually  the 
place  of  his  nativity.  -This  ship  was  intended  to  be  a 
frigate  of  the  first  class,  but,  by  some  mistake  in  her 
moulds,  she  Droved  in  the  end  to  be  the  smallest  of  the 
six  vessels  then  built.  It  was  the  unfortunate  Chesa 
peake,  a  vessel  that  never  was  in  a  situation  to  reflect 
much  credit  on  the  service.  Her  construction,  how 
ever,  was  deferred,  in  consequence  of  an  arrangement 
with  Algiers,  and  her  captain  was  put  on  furlough. 

Dale  now  returned  to  the  China  trade,  in  which  he 


RICHARD     DALE.  259 

continued  until  the  spring  of  1798.  The  last  vessel  he 
commanded  was  called  the  Ganges.  She  was  a  fine, 
fast  ship,  and  the  state  of  our  relations  with  France 
requiring  a  hurried  armament,  the  government  bought 
this  vessel,  in  common  with  several  others,  put  an  arma 
ment  of  suitable  guns  in  her,  with  a  fall  crew,  gave  her  to 
Dale,  and  ordered  her  on  the  coast  as  a  regular  cruiser. 

In  consequence  of  this  arrangement,  Capt.  Dale  was 
the  first  officer  who  ever  got  to  sea  under  the  pennant 
of  the  present  navy.  He  sailed  in  May,  1798,  and  was 
followed  by  the  Constellation  and  Delaware  in  a  few 
days.  The  service  of  Dale  in  his  new  capacity  was 
short,  however,  in  consequence  of  some  questions  relat 
ing  to  rank.  The  captains  appointed  in  1794  claimed 
their  old  places,  and,  it  being  uncertain  what  might  be 
the  final  decision  of  the  government,  as  there  were  many 
aspirants,  Dale  declined  serving  until  the  matter  was 
determined.  In  May,  1799,  he  sailed  for  Canton  again, 
in  command  of  a  strong  letter-of-marque,  under  a  fur 
lough.  On  his  return  from  this  voyage,  he  found  his 
place  on  the  list  settled  according  to  his  own  views  of 
justice  and  honor,  and  reported  himself  for  service. 
Nothing  offered,  however,  until  the  difficulties  with 
France  were  arranged;  but,  in  May,  1801,  he  was 
ordered  to  take  command  of  a  squadron  of  observation 
about  to  be  sent  to  the  Mediterranean. 

Dale  now  hoisted  his  broad  pennant,  for  the  first  and 
only  time,  and  assumed  the  title  by  which  he  was  known 
for  the  rest  of  his  days.  He  was  in  the  prime  of  life, 
being  in  his  forty-fifth  year,  of  an  active,  manly  frame, 
and  had  every  prospect  before  him  of  a  long  and  honor 
able  service.  The  ships  put  under  his  orders  were  the 


260  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

President  44,  Capt.  James  Barren ;  Philadelphia  38, 
Capt.  S.  Barren;  Essex  32,  Capt.  William  Bainbridge ; 
and  Enterprise  12,  Lieut.  Com.  Sterrett.  A  better 
appointed,  or  a  better  commanded  force,  probably  never 
sailed  from  America.  But  there  was  little  to  do,  under 
the  timid  policy  and  defective  laws  of  the  day.  Wai- 
was  not  supposed  to  exist,  although  hostilities  did ;  and 
cruisers  were*sent  into  foreign  seas  with  crews  shipped 
for  a  period  that  would  scarcely  allow  of  a  vessel's  being 
got  into  proper  order. 

The  squadron  sailed  June  1st,  1801,  and  reached 
Gibraltar  July  1st.  The  Philadelphia  blockaded  the 
Tripolitan  admiral,  with  two  cruisers,  in  Gibraltar, 
while  the  other  vessels  went  aloft.  A  sharp  action 
occurred  between  the  Enterprise  and  a  Tripolitan  of 
equal  force,  in  which  the  latter  was  compelled  to  sub 
mit,  but  was  allowed  to  go  into  her  own  port  again,  for 
want  of  legal  authority  to  detain  her.  Dale  appeared 
off  Tripoli,  endeavored  to  negotiate  about  an  exchange 
of  prisoners,  and  did  blockade  the  port ;  but  his  orders 
fettered  him  in  a  way  to  prevent  any  serious  enter 
prises.  In  a  word,  no  circumstances  occurred  to  allow 
the  commodore  to  show  his  true  character,  except  as  it 
was  manifested  in  his  humanity,  prudence  and  dignity. 
As  a  superior,  he  obtained  the  profound  respect  of  all 
under  his  orders,  and  to  this  day  his  name  is  mentioned 
with  regard  by  those  who  then  served  under  him.  It 
is  thought  that  this  squadron  did  much  toward  establish 
ing  the  high  discipline  of  the  marine.  In  one  instance 
only  had  Dale  an  opportunity  of  manifesting  his  high 
personal  and  professional  qualities.  The  President 
struck  a  rock,  in  quitting  Port  Mahon,  and  for  some 


RICHARD    DALE.  261 

hours  she  was  thought  to  be  in  imminent  danger  of 
foundering.  Dale  assumed  the  command,  and  one  of 
his  lieutenants,  himself  subsequently  a  flag  officer  of 
rare  seamanship  and  merit,  has  often  recounted  to  the 
writer  his  admiration  of  the  commodore's  coolness, 
judgment,  and  nerve,  on  so  trying  an  occasion.  The 
ship  was  carried  to  Toulon,  blowing  a  gale,  and,  on  ex 
amination,  it  was  found  that  she  was  only  saved  from 
destruction  by  the  skilful  manner  in  which  the  wood 
ends  had  been  secured. 

The  vigilance  of  Dale  was  so  great,  however,  and  his 
dispositions  so  skilful,  that  the  Tripolitans  made  no  cap 
tures  while  he  commanded  in  those  seas.  In  March, 
1802,  he  sailed  for  home,  under  his  orders,  reaching 
Hampton  Roads  in  April,  after  a  cruise  of  about-  ten 
months.  The  succeeding  autumn,  Com.  Dale  received 
an  order  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  resume  the  com 
mand  from  which  he  had  just  returned.  Ever  ready  to 
serve  his  country,  when  it  could  be  done  with  honor,  he 
would  cheerfully  have  made  his  preparations  accord 
ingly,  but,  by  the  order  itself,  he  ascertained  that  he 
was  to  be  sent  out  without  a  captain  in  his  own  ship. 
This,  agreeably  to  the  notions  he  entertained,  was  a 
descent  in  the  scale  of  rank,  and  he  declined  serving 
on  such  terms.  There  being  no  alternative  between 
obedience  and  resignation,  he  chose  the  latter,  and  quit 
ted  the  navy.  At  this  time,  he  was  the  third  captain 
on  the  list,  and  it  is  no  more  than  justice  to  say,  that  he 
stood  second  to  no  other  in  the  public  estimation. 

Dale  never  went  to  sea  again.  Enjoying  an  ample 
fortune,  and  possessing  the  esteem  of  all  who  knew 
him,  he  commanded  the  respect  of  those  with  whom  he 


262  NAVAL    BIOGRAPHY. 

differed  in  opinion  touching  the  question  which  drove 
him  from  the  navy.  With  the  latter  he  never  quar 
reled,  for,  at  the  proper  period,  he  gave  to  it  his  two 
eldest  sons.  To  the  last  he  retained  his  interest  in  its 
success,  and  his  care  of  mariners,  in  general,  extended 
far  beyond  the  interests  of  this  life. 

Many  years  previously  to  his  death,  Com.  Dale 
entered  into  full  communion  with  the  Protestant  Epis 
copal  church,  of  which  he  proved  a  consistent  and  pious 
member.  Under  the  newly  awakened  feelings  which 
induced  this  step,  he  was  the  originator  of  a  Mariner's 
Church,  in  Philadelphia,  attending  it  in  person,  every 
Sunday  afternoon,  for  a  long  succession  of  years.  He 
was  as  free  with  his  purse,  too,  as  with  his  time ;  and 
his  charities,  though  properly  concealed,  were  believed 
to  be  large  and  discriminating.  With  some  it  may  be 
deemed  a  matter  of  moment,  with  all  it  should  be  a 
proof  of  the  estimation  in  which  Dale  was  held  by  cer 
tainly  a  very  respectable  part  of  his  fellow  citizens,  that 
he  was  named  to  be  the  first  president  of  the  Washing 
ton  Benevolent  Society  ;  an  association  that  soon  degen 
erated  to  serve  the  ends  of  party  politics,  whatever 
may  have  been  the  design  that  influenced  the  few 
with  which  it  originated. 

The  evening  of  the  life  of  Dale  was  singularly  peace 
ful  and  happy.  It  was  as  calm  as  its  morning  had  been 
tempestuous.  It  is  true  he  had  to  weep  for  the  loss  of 
his  first-born  son,  a  noble  youth,  who  died  of  wounds 
received  in  the  action  between  his  old  ship,  the  Presi 
dent,  and  a  British  squadron ;  but  he  had  given  the 
young  man  to  his  country,  and  knew  how  to  bear  up 
under  the  privation.  He  died,  himself,  in  the  seventieth 


RICHARD    DALE.  263 

year  of  his  age,  in  his  dwelling  at  Philadelphia,  Febru 
ary  26,  1826 ;  departing  in  peace  with  God  and  man, 
as  he  fondly  trusted  himself,  and  as  those  who  survive 
have  every  reason  to  hope. 

By  his  marriage  with  Miss  Crathorne,  Com.  £)ale  had 
several  children,  five  of  whom  lived  to  become  men  and 
women,  viz. :  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  Of  the 
former,  Richard,  the  eldest,  fell  at  an  early  age,  a  mid 
shipman  on  board  the  President.  John  Montgomery, 
the  second*  is  now  a  commander  in  the  navy,  having 
served  with  Warrington,  in  the  last  English  war.  This 
gentleman  is  married  to  a  lady  of  the  well  known  family 
of  Willing.  Edward  Crathorne,  the  youngest  son,  is 
a  merchant  of  Philadelphia.  He  is  married,  and  has 
children.  The  eldest  daughter,  Sarah,  married  T. 
M'Kean  Pettit,  Esq.,  a  judge  of  the  District  Court,  in 
Philadelphia,  and  is  dead,  leaving  issue.  Elizabeth, 
the  youngest,  is  the  wife  of  Com.  George  Campbell 
Read,  of  the  navy,  and  has  no  issue. 

In  considering  the  character  of  Dale,  we  are  struck 
with  its  simple  modesty  and  frank  sincerity,  quite  as 
much  as  with  its  more  brilliant  qualities.  His  courage 
and  constancy  were  of  the  highest  order,  rendering  him 
always  equal  to  the  most  critical  duties,  and  never 
wearying  in  their  performance.  Such  a  man  is  per 
fectly  free  from  all  exaggeration.  As  he  was  not  afraid 
to  act  when  his  cooler  judgment  approved,  he  had  no 
distrusts  to  overcome  ere  he  could  forbear,  as  prudence 
dictated.  Jones  found  him  a  man  ready  and  willing 
to  second  all  his  boldest  and  most  hazardous  attempts, 
so  long  as  reason  showed  the  probabilities  of  success ; 
but  the  deed  done,  none  more  thoroughly  stripped  it  of 


%   *, 

264  NAVAL     BIOGRAPHY. 

all  false  coloring,  or  viewed  it  in  a  truer  light,  than  he 
who  had  risked  his  life  in  aiding  to  achieve  it. 

The  person  of  Dale  was  in  harmony  with  his  moral 
qualities.  It  was  manly,  seaman-like,  and  of  singularly 
respectable,  bearing.  Simplicity,  good  faith,  truth  and 
courage  were  imprinted  on  his  countenance,  which  all 
who  were  thrown  into  his  company  soon  discovered 
was  no  more  than  the  mirror  of  his  mind.  The  navy 
has  had  more  brilliant  -intellects,  officers  of  profounder 
mental  attainments,  and  of  higher  natural  gifts,  but  it 
has  had  few  leaders  of  cooler  judgment,  sounder  dis 
cretion,  more  inflexible  justice,  or  indomitable  resolution. 
He  was  of  a  nature,  an  experience,  and  a  professional 
skill  to  command  respect  and  to  inspire  confidence, 
tributes  that  were  cheerfully  paid  by  all  who  served 
under  his  orders.  The  writer  of  this  article  has  had 
extensive  opportunities  of  hearing  character  discussed 
among  the  sea-officers  of  his  country;  few  escape  cri 
ticism  of  some  sort  or  other,  for  their  professional  acts, 
and  fewer  still,  as  men;  yet  he  cannot  recall  a  single 
instance  in  which  he  has  ever  heard  a  whisper  of  com 
plaint  against  the  public  or  private  career  of  Richard 
Dale;  This  total  exemption  from  the  usual  fortunes  of 
the  race,  may  in  part  be  owing  to  the  shortness  of  the 
latter's  service  in  the  present  marine,  and  to  the  limited 
acquaintance  of  his  contemporaries  ;  but  it  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  it  is  not  chiefly  to  be  ascribed  to  the  tho 
roughly  seaman-like  character  of  the  officer,  and  to  the 
perfect  truth  and  sterling  probity  of  the  man. 

END    OF    VOL.    II. 


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